Corrective Revolution (Carloso)

Corrective Revolution
Part of the Musgorocian Autumn
Location	Carloso
Goals	Resignation of Montero Irisar
Methods	Demonstrations Civil resistance Civil disobedience Online activism Rioting Military rebellion
Resulted in	Military intervene and put President Irisar under house arrest
Parties to the civil conflict
Anti-government protesters Organisation for the Fatherland National Falange for the Unborn Supported by: National Salvation Synarchist Union Social National Party Carlosian Armed Forces Carlosian Army 10 brigades Carlosian Air Force Government of Carloso Montero Irisar Executive Council Law enforcement Madrigal Police Supported by: Conservative Party Democratic Party Socialist Republicans
Lead figures
Cárlos Tobón George Spalding Estebán Santander Régulo Moran Montero Irisar Michel Galcerán
Number
5 million protesters at peak 50,000 soldiers 350,000 counter-protesters at peak

The Corrective Revolution (Carlosian: TBD) was a period of grave civil conflict and general political unrest that occurred in the months leading up to the 2010 Carlosian general election. Though it is still debated when exactly the Corrective Revolution began, most analysts agree that it was the wave of protests which took place on 23 August 2010 against the Conservative–Democratic coalition's plans to hold a referendum on the Constitution of Carloso's total ban on abortion. It is widely agreed that the Corrective Revolution had a profound effect on Carlosian political and civil life, directly responsible for what has been widely regarded as the greatest electoral shock in Carlosian history.

Mass defections and popular uproar over President Irisar's handling of the demonstrations crippled the Conservatives and resulted in the decimation of the two dominant parties; the centre-right Conservatives and centrist Democrats, who had both dominated Carlosian politics since the late 19th century. National Salvation came several seats short of a majority in the 2010 election, but managed to enter a coalition with the newly formed Rural Independents Group and form a government. Spalding declined to be nominated President, resulting in Tobón being chosen instead.

Background

Democratic-led government

Following the 2000 general election, the Conservative Party, led by President Adam Spalding, lost its majority in the National Assembly. Michael Gallagher, leader of the Democratic Party, seized the oppurtunity and set about building a rainbow coalition with several smaller parties; the Socalist Republicans, Progressive Conservatives and Green Alternative, to unseat Spalding and end 35 years of continous Conservative rule in Carloso. Shortly after Gallagher was elected President, Spalding was defeated in a leadership challenge by Montero Irisar. Unlike Spalding, Irisar was precieved as being much more socially and economically liberal, breaking from the Conservative tradition of Carlosian nationalism and staunch traditionalism in social matters. His victory marked the beginnings of a rift within the party, especially between Irisar's centrists and the new generation of only recently elected, ambitious National Assemblymen; such as Cárlos Tobón and George Spalding, who were characterised by their staunch anti-communism and ultranationalist outlook. Not long after entering government, the new coalition published a document setting out a programme of social reforms, including plans to completely abolish the restrictive regulations on the sale of contraceptives, legalise same-sex civil partnerships and abolish the near-zero immigration cap. Additionally, a plan of massive financial deregulation was drawn up, calling for the privatisation of large swathes of state-owned enterprises, such as the electricity network, railways and airlines. The coalition agreed to demands by Green Alternative to introduce a carbon tax and increase duties on petrol and diesel.

From its inception, the governing Democratic-led coalition proved volatile at best. The plans to deregulate large sectors of the economy immediately sparked disquiet within the Socialist Republicans, who had been quite happy to maintain the status quo. An attempt in late 2001 to have the party leader Isador Eguren unseated failed, and the Socialist Republicans remained part of the coalition.

Build-up

As part of the deal reached between Irisar and Galcerán, it was agreed that the Democratic Party would be awarded the portfolio of the Minister of Health. Galcerán's choice to fill the role was Esdras Retana (Sargos-5), a general practioner who served as press secretary of the pro-abortion National Organisation for Reproductive Rights (NORR), the main pressure group for the decriminalisation of abortion in Carloso. Despite fierce opposition from the traditionalist wing of the Conservative Party; newly appointed Minister of Finance Cárlos Tobón going so far as refusing to attend Executive Council meetings where Retana was present, in late 2006 he began the process of exploring legal avenues that would result in the watering down and ultimately the elimination of Carloso's abortion laws. Concurrently, the Socialist Republicans were given control of the Department of Education, Estrella Mira (Zararcia-11) becoming Minister of Education and almost immediately expressing her desire to remove the Catholic Church from its position as the main patron of primary and secondary education in Carloso.

On 4 January 2007, Retana clandestinely contacted the Regional Director of the World Health Authority in Musgorocia, Célestin Proust, asking him for his organisation's assistance in deploying 'active measures' against a still highly conservative Carlosian populace, noting the success of similar tactics in other jurisdictions. With Tobón in control of the Department of Finance and its civil service gutted in favour of staff loyal to Tobón, Retana found his own department increasingly cash-strapped, unable to pressure for the broader societal change he desired. Desperate for funding, Retana used his links with Proust to access funding from a secretive group of benefactors, the identity of whom remains unknown to this day. Over the course of the next few months, various seemingly organic non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and interest groups were established to lobby for a change in the law, and while the reception to these organisations was initially mixed at first, their increased media exposure began to slowly albeit surely soften Carlosian attitudes to abortion. A major breakthrough would come with the airing of a documentary on RTC which detailed the journeys of several young Carlosian women who had chosen to fly abroad to Thouthen and even as far as Kesslerstaadt to seek an abortion.

Discussion moved from a general relaxing of the penalties for having an abortion to holding a plebiscites on a rectification to remove the prohibition on abortion altogether. While the Conservative Party had retained control of the Department of Justice, with Aitor Curiel (Madrigal-16) serving as Minister of Justice, on 13 July 2008 Retana bypassed Curiel to make a direct request to the Attorney General of Carloso, Nereo Durand, to stop bringing charges against women for travelling abroad to seek abortions or attempting to perform an abortion on themselves, de facto decriminalising the procedure. Durand acquiesced to Retana, despite protest from Curiel, with President Irisar ultimately intervening and directing Curiel to drop the matter. Following this debacle, Curiel quietly resigned; ostensibly on health grounds, and made contact with Tobón declaring his intention to back him should a leadership challenge against Irisar arise in the future, while also expressing the need to consolidate opposition to the accelerating agenda of social liberalisation being pursued by Retana and the other Democratic and Socialist Republican members of the Executive Council. After Deputy President Galcerán threatened to pull out of the coalition if Curiel's successor wasn't from his party, Irisar agreed to his demands to appoint Adrien Calderón (Cartalusia-2). Meanwhile, despite Tobón's reluctance, he agreed to commence holding discussions with sympathetic members within the party in the hopes of eventually ousting Irisar, largely thanks to the encouragement of his friend, businessman Alejandro Hiroyuki.

In response to the effective nullification of criminal penalties for abortion, Esequiel Semprún, Archbishop of Madrigal, directed Catholic priests to deliver sermons condemning the actions of the government. Buoyed by interdenominational co-operation with the more conservative elements of the Church of Carloso and the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church, and the support of the ultranationalist Organisation for the Fatherland and catch-all National Falange for the Unborn, it was jointly decided that a massive anti-abortion demonstration would be held in Madrigal on 7 September. Despite the Madrigal Police refusing to issue a permit for the protest, up to 750,000 marched through the streets of Madrigal, easily making it the largest demonstration in Madrigal's history up until that point. Though peaceful, the protest brought the entire city centre to a standstill. In a retaliatory move against Semprún for organising it, Estrella Mira announced that she would begin to forcibly wrest control of schools from the Catholic Church through compulsory purchase. Owing to the protection of private property in the Constitution of Carloso, however, as soon Mira attempted to go about this, she was halted by an injunction from the High Court on petition from Semprún. Soon afterwards, a grouping of conservative solicitors launched a successful action for judicial review against Nereo Durand at the High Court, ordering him to recommence prosecutions for seeking and performing abortions. Durand attempted to appeal the decision at the Supreme Court, however the court refused to hear him, Chief Justice Muruaga Hinostrosa threatening to remove him from office if he did not comply.

In light of this decision, at the behest of Retana and Galcerán, Irisar announced on 12 January 2009 that a plebiscite would be held coinciding with the next general election on 11 November 2010 on a proposal to delete Article 20.2 from the Constitution. This was despite the fact that opinion polls were consistently showing that there would not be nearly enough support for the proposal to pass, one such survey by the Madrigal Times on 4 April 2009 showing that only 32% of registered voters supported the complete removal of the ban. Concerned that it would not pass, Retana conspired with the Democratic Minister of Internal Affairs Melitón Saturnino to announce the procurement of 380,000 electronic voting machines, ostensibly as part of the Democratic Party's push for greater e-democracy. These machines were procured from a non-profit organisation; the Forum for eGovernment, linked to the World Assembly (WA) and advocating for the retirement of paper ballots in favour of electronic and internet-based methods. When the intention to debut these at the abortion plebiscite was revealed, backlash was immediate and fierce, with a large number of Conservative politicians, as well as Synarchist and Communist NAs, accusing Retana and the Democratic Party in general of planning to rig future elections in their favour. A review of similar voting machines by an independent security firm, on behalf of the Secano Sentinel, demonstrated that the machines suffered from many egregious security flaws, including being able to be easily hacked by swapping out their firmware.

Timeline of events

The referendum announced

Notable opponents to the Referendum

• 

  George Spalding

• 

  Cárlos Tobón

• 

  Estebán Santander

Initial protests

Plans for the referendum hit an unexpected road block when the Carlosian High Court ruled on the Q v. Cochrane case. Q, the plaintiff, had been born with various physical disabilities after a violent assault by the defendant on their mother while they were in utero. Under tort law, Q claimed D£500,000 in damages from the defendant. The matter was brought before the High Court, with the sitting judge ruling that unborn children enjoy the exact same legal protection as a human, regardless of the 19th Amendment, citing various case law examples during the judgement and awarding the damages. The Conservative–Democratic government now feared that repealing the amendment would be pointless as the unborn would still be protected, regardless of whether the article was repealed or not. The Attorney General decided to appeal the ruling to the Supreme Court, beginning the landmark Attorney General v. Q case.

Pro-abortion demonstrators protested outside the High Court in Madrigal as the deliberations concluded. The High Court judge issued an order for the protesters to disperse, reasoning that the anonymity of Q was under threat. The 300 or so strong group refused to disperse, and the Madrigal Metropolitan Police Service corralled and arrested all of them on the grounds of contempt of court. Though the case had finished, the arrests led to over 4,500 pro-abortion demonstrators to protest outside the High Court. They eventually dispersed peacefully.

Escalation

As the date for the beginning of Supreme Court proceedings on Attorney General v. Q drew nearer, the pro and anti-abortion movements were galvanised into mass action. Tens of thousands were drawn to the streets outside the Supreme Court in Madrigal. The police tried to keep the two groups separate, trying to avoid any escalation into violence. The Supreme Court was scheduled to make a ruling on 5 September 2010. Madrigal City Centre was practically shut down for several weeks as the case continued. Meanwhile, Tobón and his allies in the Conservative Party met in secret and discussed what their next move would be if the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the government and the referendum went ahead.

Storming of the Supreme Court building

It has now become abundantly clear that my colleagues have shown nothing but utter contempt for the common law of the Carlosian state. Through this ruling, the Supreme Court has effectively wiped clean over five hundred years of case law. Thanks to you and the heinous regime which currently rules our nation, we are gripped in the most violent period of political and civil unrest that we have experienced in a long time. Let me make it clear that I do not want to associate myself with this court, nor do I intend to serve in it any longer. I am out.

– Muruaga de Hinostroza

On 5 September 2010, the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in favour of the government, overruling the decision of the High Court and declaring that the right to life of the unborn did not extend beyond the 19th Amendment. Dissenting Justice Muruaga de Hinostroza shockingly denounced his colleagues in his own oral judgement, resigning from his seat in the Supreme Court. Almost immediately, violence broke out outside between the pro and anti-abortion supporters, completely overwhelming the police. It is unknown who started it, but people managed to break down the main door and storm the building. While de Hinostroza had already left the building, the other Justices were still inside. Within half an hour, a large portion of the building was engulfed in fire. Dozens were killed, including three of the Supreme Court judges.

As soon as news of the violence had reached the government, Tobón, Santander, Spalding and several other Conservative MPs informed Irisar that they were resigning from the party. They quickly registered National Salvation as a new political party to stand in the next general election.

File:Old supreme court building on fire.jpg

The Supreme Court Building consumed by flames after being set alight by protesters.

Mass rioting begins

By the next day, violence had spread to almost every major city in Carloso.

Military intervention

General Régulo Moran surrounded government buildings with armoured vehicles and ordered the military to protect demonstrators.

By the morning of 8 September, it became apparent that the Madrigal Metropolitan Police Service were unable to effectively counteract the demonstrations. Overnight riots had spread to the suburbs of Madrigal and there were widespread reports of arson and looting. Mass protests and violence had also broken out in cities across Carloso. At 13:07 President Irisar contacted General Régulo Moran; Commander of the First Army, directly and ordered him to put down the demonstrations in Madrigal. Moran refused to obey Irisar's orders. He was immediately dismissed as Commander of the First Army but Moran refused to acknowledge this. Irisar later attempted to get in contact with the commanders of the Second and Third Armies, but neither responded to his phone calls. According to witness accounts from his aides at the time, Irisar began to fear that the military were working with the opposition and that they would attempt to execute a coup.

Within an hour, Moran had ordered armoured vehicles to enter the city and surround government department buildings. Tanks rolled down the Avenue to the Federal Republic and sealed off the Palace of the Parliament. The swiftness of the operation caught the central government completely off guard. Irisar denounced Moran's intervention as a "coup d'état", threatening publicly to have him court-martialled for treason. By 18:39 the First Army had seized control of all roads leading into the city and soldiers had been deployed to protect anti-abortion demonstrators from law enforcement. At this stage, the city was being placed under de facto martial law. The Madrigal Metropolitan Police Service was effectively disarmed by the military and officers were ordered back into their stations. Several incidences of armed clashes between soldiers and police officers who refused to demobilise were reported, with the most serious occurring in the suburb of East Bethsaida. Five police and one soldier were killed, with many more injured.

In the early hours of 9 September, an army patrol caught President Irisar and Minister for External Affairs Thomas MacFhearchair trying to escape Madrigal via a back road. While Irisar was swiftly returned to the Presidential Palace and placed under house arrest, MacFhearchair was interrogated by military police, revealing that the two men had planned to flee Carloso and seek asylum in neighbouring Agostinia. Moran held a press conference outside the Palace of the Parliament and informed news media about Irisar's attempt to leave Carloso. Overnight, Irisar's approval ratings plummeted. The same day, Tobón made a fiery speech atop a FV5295 Cerberus tank destroyer to 100,000 supporters at the entrance to the Parliament of Carloso, denouncing Irisar as a "coward" and a "thundering disgrace", demanding he resign from office immediately.