Federal Republic of Carloso
República Federal de Cárloso
Motto: "Nation, sovereignty, unity"
"Nación, soberanía, unidad" (Spanish)
Anthem: "The Vencedor's Song"
"La Canción del Vencedor" (Spanish)
and largest city
|Recognised regional languages||Spanish|
|Ethnic groups |
3.4% Aboriginal Musgorocian
|Government||Federal parliamentary constitutional republic|
• Deputy President
• Writ of Union
|1 February 1581|
• Dissolution of the Carlosian Empire
|29 May 1932|
|20 June 1956|
|2,979,063 km2 (1,150,223 sq mi)|
• Water (%)
• 2016 census
|120.8/km2 (312.9/sq mi)|
|GDP (PPP)||2016 estimate|
• Per capita
|GDP (nominal)||2016 estimate|
• Per capita
|Gini (2015)|| 28.7|
|HDI (2016)|| 0.917|
|Currency||Carlosian dero (D£) (DER)|
|Time zone||UTC±0 (GMT)|
• Summer (DST)
|Date format||dd/mm/yyyy (AD)|
|Patron saint||Saint Thomas Aquinas|
Carloso (//; Spanish: Cárloso), officially the Federal Republic of Carloso (Spanish: República Federal de Cárloso), is a transcontinental sovereign, federal parliamentary constitutional republic composed of twenty-four provinces located in Western Musgorocia, each exercising a limited degree of autonomy from the central government based in the nation's capital; Madrigal. The Sanander Islands and the South Liskeard Islands are governed as unincorporated territories directly administered by the Carlosian government. The mainland portion of the country is bordered by Agostinia to the south, Orticuria and Sarabagia to the east, Acrary, Gran Laurencia and Taliaferro to the north and the Musgorocian Ocean to the west. With an area of 2,979,063 square kilometres (1,150,223 sq mi) and a population of 359,726,397 according to the most recent census, Carloso is the third-largest country in Musgorocia, after Bourgougia and Barssois, and the most populous. Much of the nation's population is centred around extensive metropolitan areas such as Madrigal, Ebon, Secano, Toro, Lagosa, Preston, Valdehuesa and New Zamora, though there remains a sizeable rural population. Carloso is a largely bicultural country, with both very large Hispanic and British communities that have generally intermixed, though English remains the dominant language. The country's climate is mostly temperate, while both its geography and wildlife are diverse.
The first humans migrated to modern-day Carloso around 450 AD, the descendants of Yupik peoples who crossed the Northern Musgorocian Ocean from the Arctic by umiak. After Musgorocia was discovered by European explorers, large-scale colonisation was spearheaded by Castile, with the Spanish colonial territory becoming Nueva Orense. In the War of the Carlosian Secession against the Iberian Union, the colonists emerged victorious in 1581, forcing the kingdoms to formally recognise the new country in the Treaty of Madrigal. An interim government passed the Writ of Union to reform the disparate Seven Colonies into a single political entity; the First Carlosian Republic. The revolution sparked off a wave of similar wars of independence across the entire continent, meaning that, by 1625, European powers had little presence in Musgorocia. From its independence, the country expanded rapidly, constantly fighting native kingdoms. In 1629, the First Republic was ended in a violent coup d'état led by General Miguel Astacio de Abaroa, which itself was overthrown five years later in a large popular revolution lead by Eberado Lardizábal de Encarnacion, who founded the Carlosian Empire and ruled it as Emperor Charles I. For the next two hundred years, the Empire existed and expanded in relative peace and stability, while immigration from Europe steadily increased, particularly English speaking migrants from Great Britain and Ireland, with English becoming the majority language of the Empire by the end of the nineteenth century. The advent of the Industrial Revolution saw the economy grow exponentially in strength.
Beginning with the War of the Sovereigns in 1847, imperial power began to decline considerably and a series of political and civil conflicts occurred, culminating in the 1919 Red Vanguard uprising and the Carlosian Civil War of 1932, which ultimately ended in the dissolution of the Empire and the foundation of the Second Republic of Carloso. At the same time, almost all of the country's foreign possessions were ceded to other countries. The devastating Emergency War of 1946–1951 in Musgorocia saw the re-emergence of the nation as a regional superpower, the first country in Musgorocia to develop nuclear weapons and, so far, the only one to use them against another country. The nation soon became the dominant economic and military powerhouse on the continent. In 1953, a process of devolution of power to the provinces began, finishing in 1956 with the adoption of a new constitution and the foundation of the Federal Republic. The next few decades brought relative peace and stability to the nation, ending with the Acrary Civil War of 1985–1992, the unexpected Bourgougian invasion of Victory in 1987, and the resulting Bourgougian Blitz, the Carmine War of 1991–1994 and the subsequent dissolution of the State Union, as well as the Lavikonan invasion of the Leclerc Islands in 1996. Going into the twenty-first century, the country experienced a period of rapid economic growth, solidifying its position as the dominant regional power. The new century also saw Musgorocia enter a period of geopolitical calm and the normalisation of relations with Barssois, allowing Carlosian governments to develop the nation's interests on the international stage.
Carloso is considered a very highly developed country, ranking well in gross domestic profit (GDP) per capita and the Human Development Index (HDI). Carloso has the largest national economy in Musgorocia, and is characterised by a mixed market, a significant degree of reindustrialisation and very large secondary and tertiary sectors. The country has a noticeably protectionist international trade policy, is a net exporter and ranks highly in self-sufficiency indexes. The nation's currency, the Carlosian dero (£D), is widely circulated around the world and is the most traded currency regionally. Carloso's military expenditure overwhelmingly surpasses that of all other countries in Musgorocia, with an unmatched ability to project power and a large stockpile of modern nuclear weapons. Internationally, the country is a major cultural, economic and political force. The country is a former member of the World Assembly (WA), withdrawing in 2011 after a national plebiscite voted in favour of leaving. It was also a very prominent member of the International Freedom Coalition (IFC) but withdrew unilaterally in early 2016. In March 2017, it became a signatory to the COSTAL Accords, redefining its maritime boundaries. In May of the same year, Carloso became a member of the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO), signifying the complete reorientation its geopolitical alignment. Bar these exceptions, the country has historically shied away from joining any international organisations or agreements and, much like its trade policy, has preferred bilateral diplomacy with other countries.
- 1 Etymology
- 2 History
- 3 Geography
- 4 Dependencies
- 5 Politics
- 6 Economy
- 7 Demographics
- 8 Culture
Prior to independence, the region of modern-day Carloso governed by the Spanish was known as Nueva Orense, after the rural Galician province Ourense. Carloso is derived from the name of Cárlos de Oso (Spanish: Charles the Bear). According to legend, he received the name during his early years as a soldier when he single-handedly wrestled and killed a bear which attacked his unit's encampment. While it is traditionally translated into English as 'Charles the Bear', it literally translates to 'Charles from/of Bear' from Spanish. It is unknown how this grammatical anomaly came about. He is considered to be the founding father of the country, having led the rebelling colonial forces against the Spanish, Portuguese and English armies. The name was agreed upon by representatives from the seven colonies at the Council of Serca as a tribute to de Oso, who was killed on the front line during the Battle of Madrigal. The first Director of the Carlosian Republic, Rubén José Cicerón, famously stated; "The Lord in Heaven gave the name Israel to Jacob, who wrestled with the angel and won. In time all his descendants would be known by this name. Cárlos de Oso wrestled with the Spanish and won, and so our homeland and its people will be named after him."
The country had gone under various different titles since its independence, reflecting its form of government at that time. From 18 June 1581 to 30 October 1629 it was known as the Republic of Carloso, then until 29 May 1932 as the Carlosian Empire. After the fall of the monarchy, it became known as the Republic of Carloso once more until on 20 June 1956 the new constitution altered it again into its current form; the Federal Republic of Carloso.
During the last glacial period, modern-day Carloso was free of ice, except for an area surrounding the Almendara Mountains which was covered in alphine glaciers. The more southerly parts of the country experienced a humid continental climate, with vast boreal woodlands. However, due to Musgorocia's distance from any other landmass, even the lowered sea levels did not allow for humans to settle the continent. Madrigal Bay did not exist and the Cadena Islands were connected to the mainland. It is believed Yupik peoples exploring the coast of the Arctic and the islands north of Nifon eventually arrived in Northern Musgorocia by umiak, sometime in the first millennium AD, prior to the arrival of the Visigoths and foundation of Vizkigeric. The earliest evidence of the human settlement of modern-day Carloso is the remains of a kayak dated to around 450 AD which was found in the River Sentarsica.
The great distance between Musgorocia and other lands meant that the continent remained very sparsely populated, with a native population believed not to have exceeded 300,000 at any one time. Some of them eventually colonised what is now northern Carloso, where it is believed between 30,000 and 40,000 lived. Because the Aboriginal Musgorocians lacked any form of a writing system, everything known about their history before the colonisation comes from oral transmissions recorded by European scribes.
Scouts from Vizkigeric explored much of Western Musgorocia from the 900s onwards and traded with the natives. Soon after the arrival of Admiral Juan de Beldad's fleet in Musgorocia on 1 January 1500, the Crown of Castile constructed a series of military fortifications along the Musgorocian coast. Following these, smaller colonies were established, but most failed. The most northerly settlement at Castillo Llanuras, in present-day Malaledo, Secano, was founded in 1508 as Castille's northernmost settlement on the continent. Its strategic position and cooperation with the natives transformed the distant outpost to a thriving settlement and trading post, attracting hundreds of immigrants from the Iberian peninsula. Shortly afterwards, dozens of smaller settlements were founded, spanning most of the modern-day Carlosian coastline, including Arrolobos, Batalla, Toro and New Zamora. After the union of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon under the Habsburgs, the population began to grow rapidly. King Charles I authorised the creation of the Viceroyalty of Nueva Orense, with Pedro de Obregón serving as its first viceroy.
In need of an administrative capital, a new settlement called Madrigal was founded on the Santángel Peninsula, later renamed the Madrigal Peninsula. It quickly grew into an important centre of trade, with a population of 80,000 by the year 1534. de Obregón mandated a policy of exploration and expansion inland, founding the outpost of Valdehuesa in 1537. The few Aboriginal Musgorocians living on the coasts were forced to retreat northwards by Spanish forces. Mixed units of local mercenaries and veteran soldiers called Vencedores acted as the de facto security forces for Nueva Orense, combating native raids, expanding territories and acting as an irregular police force. The discovery of silver and iron deposits attracted more settlers, and the prosperity of the colonies increased considerably, with territories stretching from Secano in the south-east to New Zamora in the north-west to Madrigal at the foot of the Almendara Mountains.
With the influx of settlers came many missionaries eager to convert the Aboriginal Musgorocians to Catholicism. Initially, these were mainly of the Dominican Order. They were later joined by members of the Society of Jesus. Tensions quickly grew between the two orders in how to convert the natives, with the Dominicans preferring the provision of a thorough education on Catholic reasoning. By contrast, the Jesuits sought to evangelise the masses of natives en masse as soon as possible. The Dominicans maintained their dominance, gaining vast power and influence across Nueva Orense and using it to protect Aboriginal Musgorocians from persecution by imperial forces. In doing so, they introduced many Aboriginal leaders to Western education for the first time. In exchange, raids on settlers decreased dramatically and by 1555 a cordial relationship between the two groups of people had developed on the colonial frontier. The next decade on the continent was largely peaceful.
Things began to change when Savastian de Bergara took over as Governor of Nueva Orense in 1570. Influenced by Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda's side in the Valladolid debate, he pursued a genocidal campaign against the Aboriginal Musgorocians despite fierce opposition. Regular Spanish forces were brought in to combat the natives, enraging vencedores and the Dominicans. Serious unrest began to brew when taxes were raised on the citizens of Neuva Orense to pay for the constant wars with the natives, then exacerbated by bad harvests in 1573, 1574 and 1575. Food riots were suppressed brutally by Spanish military forces, who at this stage had their responsibilities extended to keep order as the vencedores were unwilling to.
Fight for independence
A secret organisation was formed by several influential military and political figures known as the Malaledo Society, advocating for the colony to break away completely from Spanish rule. A famed retired vencedor, Cárlos de Oso, was invited to join. He introduced the idea of a popular revolt against the European powers, with the aim to eventually establish a state modelled on the ancient republics of Rome and Athens. He courted the leadership of the Catholic Church in Carloso, who, despite their disdain for the colonial authorities and sympathies for the republican cause, were hesitant to provoke a conflict. The Society spent the next few years stirring discontent and recruiting for the cause, triggering Spanish authorities to crack down even further. The breaking point came in 1576 when the Spanish moved to end the vencedor system, attempting to arrest all of the company commanders. Knowing of de Oso's great influence as a former officer, the authorities also moved to arrest him but he managed to escape. Spontaneously, the vencedores rose up in open revolt, seizing arms caches and attacking garrisons of colonial troops. The Society elected de Oso as the leader of the military forces of the Seven Colonies. One after another, the vencedor companies aligned themselves with him.
The war initially went poorly for the rebels, losing several key engagements against the Spanish. When the Spanish authorities turned against the Dominicans and tried to crack down on them when they refused to hand over fugitive rebels who were claiming sanctuary in their monasteries, the Dominican Order came out in strong support of de Oso. After the Spanish massacred several dozen Dominican friars, nuns and many civilians in Madrigal, the leadership of the Catholic Church across Musogorica declared that de Oso's cause was righteous and he received their full backing. The actions of the Spanish caused uproar across the continent and recruits flooded to de Oso's side. The unrest spread to territories controlled by other European countries, including Portugal and England, triggering a military intervention by them. Aboriginal Musgorocian leaders also mobilised their own forces to assist de Oso.
Era of Reform
Upon the death of Cárlos II in 1799, his son Agustín I became the new Emperor of Carloso. Having studied law and philosophy, he took a particular interest in reforming the country's legal system and having it transition from a civil law jurisdiction to a common law one. A transitionary period of seven years saw the old legal code being phased out, with judges and legal professionals sent to Concordia to be trained in preparation for its introduction. The move provoked a great deal of hostility amongst the old nobility of Carloso, members of families who could trace their ancestry back to the War of Independence. Agustín I ignored their request for the establishment of a hybrid legal system as a compromise.
As Carloso's economy began to industrialise, immigration from Europe increased hugely, especially from the British Isles. Since independence, a significant minority of the country's population had originated from England and Ireland, Carloso having annexed the English colony of New Lodonesia upon its independence from Spain. Catholics fleeing persecution and the Penal Laws flocked to Carloso in their thousands, often settling in the fertile valleys of the Madrigal-Ebon corridor. By 1805, over 80% of migrants came from either England, Ireland or Scotland. As their numbers grew, opposition to their presence also grew amongst the Carlosian nobility. Recognising this, Agustín I sought to utilise both settled and recently immigrated British and Irish settlers as a power base against the nobles, while promoting some old English families who had lived in Carloso since independence to high positions in the Army and Navy. The move only enraged his opponents even more. Not wanting to provoke a military confrontation, he placated the nobility with the establishment of a Parliament with a House of Lords and House of Commons in 1807, appointing his most vocal opponent, Duke Zacarías de la Cavallería, as the first President of the Imperial Council. This began the transition away from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional one.
President de la Cavallería immediately introduced a law requiring that, for citizenship of the Carlosian Empire, immigrants would be obliged to convert to Catholicism. Despite opposition from Protestants and even many Dominicans, Agustín I reluctantly gave imperial ascent to the bill. Its ramifications proved controversial, as many opted to convert solely due to the fact that they could not afford a trip back to their countries of origin. Any exemption was eventually granted for Presbyterians, but many hundreds of Protestant churches were closed and converted into Catholic ones. de la Cavallería was succeeded by the more liberal Duke Orlando Gálvez Encarnación in 1820, who immediately reversed the law. As Agustín I grew older and began to suffer from Parkinson's, Parliament became more powerful. The revolutionary Great Reform Act 1824 granted suffrage to all adult males over the age of 25 who owned property, significantly increasing the electorate for the House of Commons. President Encarnación also allowed the House of Commons to operate on a more equal footing as the House of Lords, having Agustín I appoint a number of commoners to the Imperial Council.
Agustín I died due to complications from Parkinson's in 1838 and was succeeded by his daughter, Empress Octavia I. President Rolando Santángel introduced another Great Reform Act in 1840, extending the franchise to all adult males over the age of 30, regardless of whether or not they had property while increasing the number of seats in the House of Commons to represent the many new towns and cities that had grown massively due to urbanisation and industrialisation. By 1845, immigration had rapidly changed the demographic composition of Carloso, going from a population of 8,500,000 in 1799 to nearly 40,000,000 by 1845. For the first time, people of Spanish descent were now a minority in Carloso, though still the largest group.
Octavia I made the radical move in 1848 of declaring that, from now on, English would be the official language of the Empire. This turn outraged the old nobility to such a degree that they moved to seize control of the Imperial Palace in Madrigal and place Octavia I under arrest. However, she managed to flee and rallied her own forces against the rebelling nobles. President Santángel immediately attempted to broker a peace, but this failed. Thus began the bloody First Carlosian Civil War. Rebelling forces seized control of most of north-west Carloso, an area that had seen little settlement from non-Hispanic immigrants as was considerably underdeveloped compared to the rest of the country. A rival government was established in Toro, named the Northern League, led by Duke Miguel Ángel Espiga and claiming Octavia's younger brother, Prince Agustín, to be the legitimate Emperor of Carloso. The bloody conflict dragged on for five years, with the forces of the League making substantial gains against the weak Imperial forces. After the Battle of Faria in 1852 ended in a stalemate, a truce was called when Barssois launched a huge invasion into eastern Carloso. Octavia I abdicated and allowed her younger brother to succeed her and take command of the Imperial Army personally and repel the invaders. This was the beginning of the Bar-Carlosian War.
The forces of Emperor Agustín II held the Bar forces at the Battle of Ebon, which was the bloodiest engagement in Carlosian history up until that point. Several weeks of fighting left 220,000 soldiers dead and the city of Ebon devastated. The 200,000-strong army of Barssois was encircled and trapped in the northern part of the city, eventually surrendering to Agustín II himself. The Bar forces were pushed out of Carloso and through the buffer states of Orticuria and Sarabagia. Carloso then began an invasion of Barssois in the summer of 1855, winning numerous battles and sweeping into the densely populated centre of the country. The Director of Barssois, Édouard Gainsbourg, was captured at the Battle of Nanyonne, 20 kilometres from Nouvelle Bar. At the Treaty of Estara, Barssois was forced to release its westernmost provinces of Jascosa and Licrasse as buffer states separating Carloso and Barssois from each other.
Carloso began rebuilding itself after seven years of constant war. The position of Emperor of Carloso was elevated to a more powerful position and many of the political and social reforms pioneered by previous monarchs were reversed by the young Agustín II. However, he opted not to make Spanish the sole official language of Carloso again, the removal of which had been the main cause of the Civil War. Instead, he decided to reach a compromise, seeing the usefulness of English as the primary language of the country for the purposes of international business and trade, as well as asserting a unique Carlosian national identity on a continent dominated by Romance languages. Ultimately, Agustín II made English the Empire's official language while permitting provinces to declare Spanish as a co-official language if they wished. This bilingual arrangement continues in Carloso to this day.
The Second Industrial Revolution began in earnest in Carloso.
On 4 January 1987, Carlosian President James Moran was killed during a visit to Brixten, Ebon when a series of explosions destroyed the bridge his convoy was crossing. The perpetrators were quickly caught, soon revealed to be agents of the Bourgougian foreign intelligence service. The new President of Carloso, TBA, demanded that the Bourgougians explain themselves and ordered for a massive military build-up along the Agostinia– Bourgougia border. On 10 February 1987, the Bourgougians invaded the Carlosian exclave of Victory, overrunning its small garrison. A day later, the National Assembly of Carloso approved a formal declaration of war against Bourgougia, beginning the almost six-month-long Bourgougian Blitz. Fighting between Agostinia, Carloso and Bourgougian forces broke out all across the border, culminating in a combined invasion of eastern Bourgougia. While initially making huge gains, the advance of Carlosian and Agostinian forces was halted by reinforcements on Bourgougia's side from Barssois and the communist government of Acrary. Intense fighting throughout the summer resulted in casualties mounting on both sides, with the sinking of several Carlosian warships. In July, the Carlosian Armed Forces hatched a daring amphibious assault on the city of Victory, liberating it and beginning a new offensive into southern Bourgougia. Within a month, the Bourgougian government had surrendered and soon descended into civil war after the socialist government was deposed in a coup.
In 1991, the civil war raging in the neighbouring country of Acrary spilt into Carloso when a unit of the Acrary People's Army attacked and occupied the town of Stretton. Fearing an attempt to seize Ebon, President Copeland and the Carlosian National Assembly declared a state of war with Acrary within hours of the attack and began a massive strategic bombing campaign against the country, commencing Carloso's intervention in the Acrary Civil War and the downfall of the communist regime a year later when the Carlosian Army and rebel forces entered Barton, the country's capital. Though it didn't get directly involved in the Carmine War within the State Union, Carloso started openly training and arming the various separatist factions in 1992 in retaliation for the military aid given by the State Union to Bourgougia and Acrary during their respective conflicts, ending with the dissolution of the State Union in 1994.
Early twenty-first century (2000–present)
After the chaos of the late twentieth century, Carloso's victory in the Bourgougian Blitz and Acrary effectively secured its position as the dominant regional power. The Democratic Party under Michael Gallagher came to power in 2001 for the first time in over forty years, leading a 'rainbow coalition' that included Socialist Republicans, Green Alternative, Liberal Conservatives and Independents. President Gallagher's term in office was marked by explosive economic growth in the first few years of the new millennium and diplomatic relations were restored with Barssois in 2002, effectively ending the three-way balance of power held in Musgorocia between Carloso, Bourgougia and Barssois since the 1800s. However, a series of corruption scandals and a boycott by clergy against the coalition's planned social reforms led to the near-collapse of the government before the 2005 election, resulting in heavy losses for the Democratic party. The Conservatives under Montero Irizar returned to power, entering into a grand coalition with the Democrats. As part of the coalition deal between Irizar and Gallagher, the Conservative leadership agreed to consider implementing the social reforms started in the previous term, including the legalisation of divorce, the prospective introduction of legislation that would allow same-sex marriage and the eventual liberalisation of the country's total ban on abortion. On the economic front, by 2006 growth had stagnated due to a drop in exports and severe difficulties with oil production in Barssois. Increasingly, there were fears that the Carlosian economy would enter a recession.
The agenda of social reforms marked the brewing of tensions within the Conservative Party between traditonalists and its more liberal wing. In an attempt to placate the traditionalists, Irizar appointed several of them to influential positions on the Executive Council. Divorce was legalised in 2007, and civil partnerships for same-sex couples was allowed from early 2008. Attempts by Cárlos Tobón, now Minister for Finance, to revitalise the economy in 2009 through a new distributist, protectionist economic policy were blocked by the Democratic Party. As disillusionment with President Irizar grew within the Conservative Party, many National Assemblymen rallied around Tobón and fellow Blitz veterans George Spalding and Estebán Santander.
Reaching a crescendo in 2010, President Irizar announced his intention to hold a referendum on the liberalisation of abortion laws on the same day as the 2010 general election. While there was vocal opposition within his own party, there was no attempt to oust Irizar from the party leadership as Tobón understood he did not have the support needed to challenge his position. A hotly contested campaign between those advocating a Yes and No vote ensued, but hit an unexpected roadblock when in August a civil law case regarding the assault of a pregnant woman came before the Supreme Court, challenged by the Attorney General after the High Court found the right to life of the unborn extended beyond the explicit constitutional right to life. The case was rushed through the courts due to the potential consquences it would have on the referendum. On 23 August 2010 thousands of pro and anti-abortion demonstrators gathered outside the Supreme Court in preparation for the verdict. The Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in favour of the government, overturning the High Court ruling. Almost immediately violence broke out in the streets outside, overwhelming the police and spilling into the Supreme Court building itself. The building caught fire and burnt to the ground, marking the start of the momentous Corrective Revolution.
Within days street fighting had spread to almost every major city in Carloso, putting underfunded police forces under pressure. Tobón and his supporters immediately resigned from the Conservative Party and registered National Salvation as a new, nationalist political party, with dozens of National Assemblymen defecting. NS then absorbed several small right-wing parties, including the Social National Party. Massive protests began to draw hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets of Carlosian cities. As authorities were forced to deploy more resources to deal with the protests, their efforts proved wholly inadequate and often heavy handed, resulting in several dozen deaths and hundreds of seriously injured protesters. More violence between rival groups in the street continued into September, effectively shutting down all of Madrigal and Ebon. The downfall of President Irizar would come on 8 September when he contacted General Régulo Moran of the First Army to put down the demonstrations in Madrigal. Refusing to obey the President's orders, Moran was dismissed from his position. Attempts by Irizar to get the Second and Third Army to intervene fell on deaf ears.
Refusing to acknowledge his dismissal, General Moran swept into Madrigal with a massive force of soldiers and armoured vehicles, locking down the administrative district of the city. Soldiers raided police barracks and forced riot personnel to stand down. On 9 September, an Army patrol caught President Irizar trying to escape Madrigal via a backroad, and put him under house arrest.
The land area of Carloso is 2,979,063 square kilometres. The largest but least densely populated province is TBA, which has an area of ??? square kilometres. Carloso is the third largest country on the continent of Musgorocia, after Bourgougia and Barssois. Beyond the mainland, Carloso has two overseas territories; the Sanander Islands and the South Liskeard Islands, which have land areas of 7,242 sq km and 1,479 sq km respectively.
Carloso's geography and climate is diverse, though broadly temperate and reminiscent of Western European landscapes. It was these two traits that made it attractive to settlers from Europe. Carloso's northern coastline is dominated by sea cliffs. Madrigal Bay offers Carloso's densely populated interior protection from the violent waves and tropical storms of the Musgorocian Ocean, resulting in the formation of sometimes vast beaches. The southern coastline is composed of a mixture of the two. With its mouth in Madrigal Bay, the River Jefté, Carloso's longest river, nourishes fertile plains that stretch into the heart of the country, providing some of the most valuable agricultural land in all of Musgorocia. Various tributaries branch out from the Jefté, creating extensive valleys. Other prominent rivers include the River Salonia, which flows through Toro, and the River Valera, which flows through Secano. Carloso lacks any notable lakes, with the largest being glacial ones present in the Almendara Mountains or lagoons located around Madrigal Bay.
A large percentage of central Carloso consists of vast hills and valleys, which are poor for most agriculture except sheep farming. Beyond these lie the imposing Almendaras, of which Mount Trinidad is the highest with a height of 5,248 m. East of the Almendaras lies the grassy plains of Ebon Province, transitioning into semi-arid desert and badlands as one approaches the border with Orticuria. To the west of the mountains, coniferous forests dominate the landscape, stretching into and covering much of New Zamora Province. Carloso's only volcano, Mount Eisheth is located here and known for its particularly violent eruptions. Beyond the Almendaras, the lands around Lagosa experience relatively little rainfall due to the rain shadow caused by the mountains. In the more western parts of Carloso, the land is generally flatter with rolling plains, hills and many streams. The south-east and the Cadena Islands get the warmest weather in the country, while some parts of the coast and Vencedore Island have what can be called a Mediterranean climate.
Carloso is often affected by tropical storms that form in the Musgorocian Ocean and has suffered several destructive hurricanes in the past. By far the worst was Hurricane Augustín in 2007, which killed 962 people and caused more than D£8 billion in damage.
Earthquakes are rare, however, they have been growing in number and intensity in recent years. The strongest earthquake recorded was a 6.1 earthquake which was detected in Lagosa Province in 1959 and caused considerable damage, though no fatalities. It was felt as far away as Ebon.
Due to the geographic isolation of Musgorocia, Carloso's native wildlife developed separately to that of most of the world. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, bats were the only land mammals in the area. Due to a lack of predators, many bird species grew in size and developed flightlessness. This made them vulnerable to the introduction of invasive species when Europeans arrived in the 1500s, causing a large number of animals to go extinct. This was further exacerbated by the destruction of large amounts of forest to make way for farmland as Carloso expanded throughout the following centuries. Starting in the 1800s, efforts to conserve native species have been undertaken, with varying degrees of success.
Species that have been introduced to Carloso from foreign lands include many rodents; including rats and mice, foxes, lizards and some non-venomous snakes. There are also believed to be several hundred wallabies living in and around Ebon province, introduced by an eccentric businessman in the 1800s.
A number of seal species are native to Carloso and its coasts, alongside whales, dolphins and porpoises.
Beyond the mainland, Carloso has three overseas dependencies. These are the Sanander Islands, Mediator Island, and the South Lisceard Islands.
The Sanander Islands are effectively administered by the Carlosian Armed Forces and the location of many airfields, naval bases, anti-ship, and anti-air defences as part of the Greater Musgorocian Ocean Defence Area. Mediator Island is a lightly populated and strategically important island located to the far-west of Carloso and hosts a major naval base. The South Lisceard Islands are uninhabited islands in the Novarian Ocean.
|This article is part of a series on the|
politics and government of
the Federal Republic of Carloso
Related topics |
The National Assembly of Carloso consists of 859 representatives called National Assemblymen (NAs). General elections are held every five years on 11 November. The last was held in 2015 and the next will be in 2020. The National Assembly is divided into 286 constituencies, each with 3 National Assemblymen. The constituency of the outgoing Chair of the National Assembly is also assigned one extra seat to make up for a loss in representation, while the outgoing Chair is also automatically re-elected if they choose. The voting method used will be proportional representation with the single transferable vote (STV) and elimination transfers only. In this process, voters number candidates in order of preference. The ballot papers are counted continuously and the candidate with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count is eliminated and their votes are redistributed to the other candidates according to the preferences of the voter. The process continues until the top three (or four) candidates are remaining and these then go forward to be elected National Assemblymen. In order to put themselves forward for election, candidates must be Carlosian citizens, at least 30 years old and have no criminal convictions. The system has been regarded as being representative of the Carlosian electorate, giving a slight advantage to smaller parties that would typically be disenfranchised in a first-past-the-post system.
The President of the Executive Council of the Federal Republic of Carloso, commonly referred to simply as the President of Carloso is the prime minister, head of the Executive Council of Carloso and commander-in-chief of the Carlosian Armed Forces. Carloso differs from the vast majority of other countries that have the Westminister system of government in that it does not have a separate head of state. Instead, the President of Carloso serves ex officio as head of state, as well as being the head of government.
In addition, the constitutional powers allocated to the President can be considered to be much more generous when they're compared to the prime ministers of other parliamentary republics. The President can appoint and dismiss ministers at will, without the approval of the National Assembly, though a minister may still be dismissed by a popular motion of no confidence. The President of the Executive Council is similar to the position of prime minister in that they are still a National Assemblyman during their term and are ultimately answerable to the legislature. Acts of the National Assembly must be signed into law by the President to take effect, and they have the power to veto any legislation that comes before them. Only a qualified majority of 66% in the National Assembly may override the veto and enact legislation without the signature of the President, though this is an extremely rare occurrence and has never happened under a majority government. In a state of emergency, the President is granted the ability to issue executive orders concerning the defence of the Federal Republic.
When the new assembly term begins at 12:00 noon on 11 February after a general election, the National Assemblymen's first order of business is to elect the Chair of the National Assembly, who acts as speaker. Following this, a ballot is held to elect the President. The President who served in the previous assembly term may nominate themselves to be re-elected; presuming they held onto their seat at the election, or else they must be nominated by two other National Assemblymen. The candidates for President are put forward together and are voted on secretly by National Assemblymen in order of preference in a room adjacent to the main chamber of the National Assembly. Nominees with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count are eliminated and their votes are redistributed. In the end, the candidate that first attains more than 50% of the votes first is declared to be elected by the Chair of the National Assembly. The President then swears the Oath of Allegiance, first to God and then to the Constitution of Carloso, in front of the National Assembly, the justices of the High Court and representatives of the major religious groups in the country;
"I swear to Almighty God, by the Most Holy Trinity, by the noble sacrifices of the countless generations gone before me to uphold, protect and defend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Carloso, and to represent to the best of my ability, the interests of the Carlosian nation."
The President will then announce his appointments to the Executive Council, including their Deputy President. The President serves for the entirety of the assembly term unless a successful motion of no confidence is passed against them. In this scenario, the President stays on until their successor is chosen by the National Assembly. If the President suddenly dies, resigns or is incapacitated, their Deputy President automatically becomes President and serves for the rest of the assembly term. To ensure the continuity of government in the event of a disaster, if the sitting Deputy President also dies or the position is vacant at the time, the role is passed down the chain of command of the central government. Depending on the style of government pursued by the President, they can choose to delegate their powers to their Deputy President. As of 2019, the President of the Executive Council is Cárlos Tobón NA and the Deputy President is George Spalding NA.
The Executive Council is the cabinet of the Government of Carloso, headed by the President of the Executive Council. As hinted by its name, the Executive Council is both the de facto and de jure executive branch of government in Carloso, as the country does not have an extra-parliamentary head of state who would typically act on the binding advice of a cabinet in a parliamentary system. In addition, the President possesses many powers that would be expected in a presidential system of government. Besides the President and their Deputy President, the Executive Council is also composed of government ministers, who are all National Assemblymen and can be appointed and dismissed unilaterally by the President. Other individuals who often attend meetings of the Executive Council are the Chief of the General Staff, Attorney General, and sometimes other high-ranking civil servants. The functions of the Executive Council can vary significantly from administration to administration. For example, a strong President may assume many of the roles and responsibilities of the Minister for External Affairs compared to a weaker President, who may delegate more power down to their ministers.
The ministers themselves have the option of delegating their power down to junior ministers, who are also National Assemblymen but do not sit on the Executive Council. Besides being responsible for the day-to-day running of their department, it is also the duty of ministers to formulate and put forward legislation concerning their department. There are two forms of legislation in this regard; primary and secondary. Primary legislation constitutes Acts of the National Assembly, which start life as bills proposed by members of the Executive Council; ministers and the President inclusive, and are then voted on in the National Assembly after going through the following legislative procedure;
- First Reading — The Bill is initiated.
- Second Reading — The principles of the Bill are debated in the National Assembly.
- Committee Stage — The Bill is debated in the relevant committee chamber and National Assemblymen may table amendments.
- Report Stage — Amendments from the committee stage are debated and voted on. Also, this is the final opportunity to suggest amendments to the Bill.
- Final Stage — The Bill is voted on and National Congressmen deliver short statements on the merits of the Bill.
- Enactment — The Bill is signed into law by the President of the Executive Council and becomes an Act of the National Assembly. They may veto the Bill and it can then only be enacted if a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly support it.
Besides this, secondary legislation is implemented by individual members of the Executive Council and not voted on in the National Assembly. This includes statutory instruments such as rules and regulations, ministerial orders and legally binding directives to public institutions.
As of 2019, there are 14 ministers in the Government of Carloso, and 16 departments.
Under the 1956 Constitution, Carloso is a federal, parliamentary, constitutional republic divided into twenty-four administrative provinces. The Constitution distinguishes between metropolitan and non-metropolitan provinces, though there is no difference in the level of autonomy granted to either. Though it is officially described as a federal state, in reality, Carloso's political system can be regarded as 'quasi-federal' or a 'unitary state with a federal spirit', with only a limited degree of self-governance delegated to the provinces and supremacy of the central administration in almost all matters. While provincial governments have a significant amount of control over own health services, civil defence, law enforcement, and housing, all decision making and policy can ultimately be dictated by the central government. Madrigal Metropolitan is the most populous of the provinces, encompassing just under 10% of the country's population, The provinces of Carloso are;
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Parties and elections
Elections in Carloso are direct and held under universal suffrage, applying to both parliamentary and local government. The method used is proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote with elimination transfers only (STV-ETO). Elections use the Hare quota method. Under this system, voters rank each candidate on the ballot paper in order of preference. The papers are counted continuously and the candidate with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count is eliminated and their votes are redistributed to the other candidates according to the preferences of the voter. In the case of a general election, the process continues until the top three candidates are remaining and these then go forward to be elected Members of Parliament. Candidates are deemed to have been elected when they achieve the quota or alternatively when there as many candidates as seats remaining.
Since its implementation in the 1955 election, the system has been regarded as being representative of the Carlosian electorate, giving a slight advantage to smaller parties. However, it also means majority governments in Carloso are somewhat uncommon. The system of STV-ETO has been criticsed for penalising parties who field popular candidates in a constituency, as if their votes exceed the quota and they are elected, any surplus votes beyond that quota cannot be redistributed to other candidates running under the same party. This resulted in the largely three-party system (Conservative, Democratic, Socialist Republican) that dominated Carlosian politics up until relatively recently. As a result, there is a fierce tradition in Carlosian politics of transfer pacts and complex political strategy across almost every constituency. If a party wishes to run two candidates in a constituency, posters and other election literature will direct voters to vote for a particular candidate depending on their geographic location. As such, the strength and discipline of the grassroots are vital to electoral success.
There are four primary political parties in Carloso, ranging from right-wing to left-wing; National Salvation, the Conservative Party, the Democratic Party and the Socialist Republicans. For most of Carlosian history, politics was dominated by the Conservatives and Democrats, however in 2010 the newly formed National Salvation party; led by members of a dissident faction within the Conservatives, crippled the establishment parties in the wake of the Corrective Revolution and secured over 49% of the seats in the National Assembly, often attributed to mass defections from within the Conservative party itself in the run-up to polling day.
Law and criminal justice
Carloso is a common law jurisdiction, though it was essentially a civil law one up until the early 1800s. The nation's courts system consists of the District Court, Circuit Court, High Court, the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court and finally the Constitutional Court. The latter is regarded as the guardian of the Constitution of Carloso, and is charged with preventing radical reinterpretations of the constitution by the Supreme Court or rulings that are regarded as contrary to common or natural law. The Constitutional Court was established by referendum in 2015, though its powers can be traced back to those granted to the Privy Council of the Carlosian Empire. The Constitution of Carloso is the supreme law. After a national plebiscite, it was enacted in 1956 to replace the constitution of the Republic of Carloso. The 1956 constitution established the Federal Republic as the present form of the Carlosian state.
Capital punishment is legal in Carloso. It is the mandatory punishment for crimes including murder, capital murder, rape etc. There are two primary forms of execution; firing squad and hanging. The President may issue a waiver to commute a death sentence to life imprisonment or for an alternative form of execution to be used instead. The viewing of executions is open to the public in Carloso.
The development of foreign policy and the maintenance of foreign relations is the responsibility of the Department of EXternal Affairs (DoEA), which is headed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, currently Aarón Delgado. It is also charged with the advancement of Carlosian interests abroad, in conjunction with the Department of Defence, and is one of the largest government departments, with an estimated 70,000 staff. Since the country has begun to take a more prominent role in international affairs, the Department's position in the government has increased in importance. The Department's many responsibilities include protecting the nation's foreign interests, negotiating trade deals and promoting consular services to Carlosian citizens in other countries.
As a military, economic and political great power, Carloso holds diplomatic ties with many countries around the world. The country has embassies and consulates in almost all countries in Musgorocia, with the exceptions of Bourgougia and Cispania. Likewise, almost all countries on the continent have embassies in Madrigal. Worldwide, Carlosian diplomatic missions are mostly present in nations that are similarly politically aligned or of international importance. Likewise, the country has shied away from establishing formal relations with countries it has historically had strained relations with, or possess generally incompatible or totalitarian systems of government. After leaving the International Freedom Coalition (IFC) in 2016, the nation has had mixed but mostly cordial relationships with most of the organisation's members. Originally seeking a central geopolitical alignment between the IFC and the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO), Carloso ended up joining SACTO itself on 20 May 2017. At home, Carloso has close relations with its neighbours, Acrary and Agostinia. Due to a series of wars in the twentieth century; the Emergency War and the Bourgougian Blitz, relations with Bourgougia are extremely sour, and Agostinian and Carlosian military forces regularly perform military exercises on the border between the two countries. After the deposition of the Bar military junta during the National Restoration in 1994, relations between Carloso and Barssois have returned to normalcy and have been quite constructive since, an event which has been described by many as the Pax Musgorocia.
Due to Musgorocia's relative distance away from the rest of the world, foreign policy from the nation's inception into the late twentieth century was almost exclusively regionally-based. However, with the end of the wars and crises of the 1980s and 1990s in Musgorocia, stability returned and Carlosian administrations were finally allowed to look internationally to exert Carlosian economic, military and political power. In 2000, the country joined the World Assembly (WA), but after a heavily contested national plebiscite in 2011, it was decided to leave the organisation, with all connections between the country and the organisation being cut by the end of that year. Similarly, Carloso joined the International Freedom Alliance (IFA) in 2014. After the merger with the Western Coalition (WC) to form the International Freedom Coalition (IFC), Carloso became a very prominent member within the organisation. However, in March 2016 the government made the decision to unilaterally withdraw from the alliance, highlighting "the continued conflict between the current leadership and members of the organisation" as the reason for doing so. The move was seen as a last resort by many, with some condemning Carloso for destabilising the organisation, while others criticised the IFC's failure to diffuse rivalries and conflict within the alliance. Starting in March 2017, a year after distancing itself from the IFC, Carloso entered a period of geopolitical realignment, shifting to a more interventionist and aggressive stance in enforcing foreign policy. This has been marked by a warming of relations with SACTO-aligned nations, its historical adversaries. The process has involved the first visit of a Nifonese leader to Carloso, the signing of the COSTAL Accords, and finally Carloso's landmark accession to SACTO in May 2017, which sparked significant domestic and international outcry. Carlosian foreign policy is complex, but has been broadly described as interventionist in nature and based on the idea of 'big stick diplomacy', with a strong emphasis on 'peace through strength'. In line with the ideology of the current administration, foreign policy dictates active opposition to globalisation and the proliferation of social liberalism. It is strongly anti-communist and supports the continued growth of nationalist movements around the world.
The Carlosian International Aid Authority (CIDAA) was the government agency set up by the International Aid Act 1997 that was responsible for the distribution of development aid to developing countries and reconstruction projects across Musgorocia. In 2015, it was stripped of all its funding and its assets were sold off. From that point, it existed in name only as a 'phantom division' within the Department of External Affairs. In 2017, CIDAA was formally dissolved.
The Carlosian Armed Forces (Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Carlosenses) are the military forces of the Federal Republic of Carloso. The President is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, though day-to-day operations is the responsbility of the Department of Defence. As of 2020, it is made up of six active services; the Army, the Marines Corps, the Navy, the Air Force, the Republican Guard and Space Command. Carloso has the largest military in Musgorocia, followed by Bourgougia, and contributes significantly to the military forces of the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO).
Carloso is Musgorocia's primary nuclear power, alongside Barssois, and possesses a large inventory of nuclear weapons. Most of these are either MRBMs, IRBMs or nuclear-tipped cruise missiles, though it maintains a small number of ICBMs. A stockpile of chemical and biological weapons also exists.
Carloso has a mixed-market economy that is the largest in Musgorocia, with a gross domestic profit by purchasing power parity of $19.147 trillion in 2016. Its currency, the Carlosian dero (D£), is considered to be of high-value and is a commodity-backed currency. The majority of Musgorocia's top one thousand largest companies are based in Carloso. Economic analysts have broadly described Carloso as being a capitalist or distributist country, with the government exerting a significant degree of influence in the running of the market economy. Carloso is also noted for its strong competition law. The government maintains majority control over the country's railways, electricity networks, telecommunications and other essential services. Beginning in 2007, President Irizar implemented a more economically liberal doctrine, allowing the privatisation of many national industries. This was eventually halted in 2011 by President Tobón and these companies were subsequently renationalised.
Science and technology
Power generation in Carloso is dominated by the state-owned National Electricity Board, which has an over 90% market share. Approximately 50% of the country's energy is produced through nuclear power. About 30% is from natural gas, with the remainder being made up of hydroelectric, oil and coal power generation. Construction of wind farms was banned in 2012, and a seven-year period of dismantling all commercial sites concluded in early 2019.
Madrigal Provincial University and the National Fusion Institute are currently operating major fusion energy experiments, with the goal of developing a commercially feasible fusion reactor in the future.
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Due to its colonial history, Carloso's people are drawn from a wide variety of ethnic groups, mostly originating from either the countries of the Iberian Peninsula or British Isles. Since the beginning of the 20th century, this has been largely consolidated into a single national identity. Aboriginal Musgorocian's are the native population of Carloso, and have generally integrated into the wider Carlosian population. A national census is conducted in Carloso every five years and is the responsibility of the National Census Authority (NCA) and its provincial branches. The NCA is an executive agency within the Department of Justice. According to the last census in 2017, Carloso has a population of 359,726,397, up from 333,106,644 in 2012. The country has a moderate population density of 120.8/km2, with most people either living on the coast or in the Madrigal—Ebon Corridor. A considerable amount of the hilly centre of the country is lightly populated and rural.
The fertility rate has fluctuated considerably throughout the country's modern history, now standing at 2.51 children per woman, comfortably above the replacement rate of 2.1.
The people of Carloso are of overwhelmingly European descent, primarily from the British Isles and Iberian Peninsula. While almost all immigrants initially came from Spain and Portugal, there was always a significant minority of people with English, Irish or Scottish descent. However, it would not be until the 1700s that migration from these places would increase massively. Almost half of English immigrants were Roman Catholics who went to Carloso due to the persecution they faced in their homeland. In the 1800s, immigration increased from other European regions, in particular Spain, Italy and France. After the dissolution of the Carlosian Empire in 1932, successive governments put severe restrictions on immigration, reducing it to near zero. Several thousand Greek refugees were permitted to move to Carloso in the 1940s after the Italian invasion of Greece and outbreak of the Greek Civil War.
There are about 9 million Aboriginal Musgorocians in Carloso, equalling about 3.4% of the population. They have assimilated very well into broader Carlosian society. They mostly live in the northern parts of the country.
A number of Middle Eastern Christians and some Eastern Europeans have also settled in Carloso.
English is the first, national language of Carloso, though historically Spanish was the sole official language. It continues to be widely spoken, mainly in the north-west in Nueva Zamora, Toro and Lagosa Provinces. Other large pockets of Spanish speakers exist, particularly in the Cadena Islands, Secano Province and along the coast of Santara, Portadia and Virona Provinces. The vast majority of citizens are bilingual. All road signs are translated into both English and Spanish. The dialect of English spoken in Carloso; called Carlosian English, has spelling and pronunciation standards that align with British English, and has been noted as phonologically conservative, retaining several words and spelling that have fallen out of use in other varieties of English (e.g spelling of 'serjeant' rather than 'sergeant'). The dialect of Spanish spoken in Carloso is predominantly influenced by Andalusian Spanish.
According to official data, 99% of the population can speak English, while 90% can speak Spanish fluently. English is the first language of 80% of Carloso's population, while Spanish is the first language of about 20%.
The Constitution of Carloso recognises Christianity as the country's state religion, while providing for the freedom of religion. It acknowledges the special position in particular of Catholicism, Protestantism, Presbyterianism and Judaism. According to the 2017 census, Roman Catholicism is by far the largest denomination of Christianity in the country, with 285,227,063 (79.29%) regarding themselves as Catholic. The head of the Catholic Church in Carloso is Ezequiel Semprún, as Archbishop of Madrigal. The largest church in the country is the Cathedral of Our Lady of Victory.
Anglicanism is the next largest denomination, making up 11.73% of the population. Most of these are members of the Church of Carloso. Presbyterians make up 4.58% of the population, with almost all being members of the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Carloso.
While weekly attendance of Mass has dropped since 2000, it has not been to the extent seen in other developed countries and has since stabilised. In 2017 week Mass attendance stood at 71%, down from 89% in 1997. Recent years have shown a significant uptick in mass attendance amongst youth.
Healthcare in Carloso is largely organised along provincial lines, the publicly-funded system being managed by the national National Health Board (NHB), which is directly subservient to the Department of Health, while the Minister for Health is responsible for health policy and regulation. Each administrative province has its own, largely independent, branch of the NHB. Only Carlosian citizens and non-national expats from SACTO-aligned countries are allowed full access to the public health system.
The average life expectancy at birth in Carloso is 83.4 years; 84.3 years for women and 82.4 years for men respectively. According to the most recent data that has been published, the most common cause of death in the country is coronary artery disease, followed by heart attack, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, lung cancer and stroke. The average infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births is 3.72. The Maternity Act 2005 allows for 26 paid weeks of maternity leave for women, in addition to another 16 unpaid weeks afterwards, while the father is entitled to 2 paid weeks of paternity leave only.
Abortion is illegal in Carloso, with a mandatory death sentence for anyone who performs one.