Federal Republic of Carloso
República Federal de Cárloso
Motto: "Nation, sovereignty, unity"
"Nación, soberanía, unidad" (Carlosian)
Anthem: "The Vencedor's Song"
"La Canción del Vencedor" (Carlosian)
and largest city
|Ethnic groups |
|Government||Federal parliamentary constitutional republic with an executive presidency|
• Deputy President
• Writ of Union
|1 February 1581|
• Dissolution of the Carlosian Empire
|29 May 1932|
|20 June 1956|
|2,400,919 km2 (927,000 sq mi)|
• Water (%)
• 2016 census
|149.83/km2 (388.1/sq mi)|
|GDP (PPP)||2016 estimate|
• Per capita
|GDP (nominal)||2016 estimate|
• Per capita
|Gini (2015)|| 28.7|
|HDI (2016)|| 0.917|
|Currency||Carlosian dero (D£) (DER)|
|Time zone||UTC±0 (GMT)|
• Summer (DST)
|Date format||dd/mm/yyyy (AD)|
Carloso (//; Carlosian: Cárloso), officially the Federal Republic of Carloso (Carlosian: República Federal de Cárloso), is a transcontinental sovereign, federal parliamentary constitutional republic composed of twenty-four provinces located in Western Musgorocia, each exercising a limited degree of autonomy from the central government based in the nation's capital; Madrigal. The Sanander Islands and the South Lisceard Islands are governed as unincorporated territories directly administered by the Carlosian government. The mainland portion of the country is bordered by Agostinia to the south, Orticuria and Sarabagia to the east, Acrary, Gran Laurencia and Taliaferro to the north and the Musgorocian Ocean to the west. With an area of 2,400,919 square kilometres (927,000 sq mi) and a population of 359,726,397 according to the most recent census, Carloso is the third-largest country in Musgorocia, after Bourgougia and Barssois, and the most populous. Much of the nation's population is centred around extensive metropolitan areas such as Madrigal, Ebon, Secano, Toro, Lagosa, Tadrid, Valderosa and Zararcia, though there remains a sizeable rural population. Carloso is a largely bicultural country, with both very large Hispanic and British communities that have generally intermixed, though English remains the dominant language. The country's climate is mostly temperate, while both its geography and wildlife are diverse.
The first humans migrated to modern-day Carloso around 450 AD, the descendants of Yupik peoples who crossed the Northern Musgorocian Ocean from the Arctic by umiak. After Musgorocia was discovered by European explorers, large-scale colonisation was spearheaded by Castile, with the Spanish colonial territory becoming Nueva Orense. In the War of the Carlosian Secession against the Iberian Union, the colonists emerged victorious in 1581, forcing the kingdoms to formally recognise the new country in the Treaty of Madrigal. An interim government passed the Writ of Union to reform the disparate Seven Colonies into a single political entity; the First Carlosian Republic. The revolution sparked off a wave of similar wars of independence across the entire continent, meaning that, by 1625, European powers had little presence in Musgorocia. From its independence, the country expanded rapidly, constantly fighting native kingdoms. In 1629, the First Republic was ended in a violent coup d'état led by General Miguel Astacio de Abaroa, which itself was overthrown five years later in a large popular revolution lead by Eberado Lardizábal de Encarnacion, who founded the Carlosian Empire and ruled it as Emperor Charles I. For the next two hundred years, the Empire existed and expanded in relative peace and stability, while immigration from Europe steadily increased, particularly English speaking migrants from Great Britain and Ireland, with English becoming the majority language of the Empire by the end of the nineteenth century. The advent of the Industrial Revolution saw the economy grow exponentially in strength.
Beginning with the War of the Sovereigns in 1847, imperial power began to decline considerably and a series of political and civil conflicts occurred, culminating in the 1919 Red Vanguard uprising and the Carlosian Civil War of 1932, which ultimately ended in the dissolution of the Empire and the foundation of the Second Republic of Carloso. At the same time, almost all of the country's foreign possessions were ceded to other countries. The devastating Emergency War of 1946–1951 in Musgorocia saw the re-emergence of the nation as a regional superpower, the first country in Musgorocia to develop nuclear weapons and, so far, the only one to use them against another country. The nation soon became the dominant economic and military powerhouse on the continent. In 1953, a process of devolution of power to the provinces began, finishing in 1956 with the adoption of a new constitution and the foundation of the Federal Republic. The next few decades brought relative peace and stability to the nation, ending with the Acrary Civil War of 1985–1992, the unexpected Bourgougian invasion of Victory in 1987, and the resulting Bourgougian Blitz, the Carmine War of 1991–1994 and the subsequent dissolution of the State Union, as well as the Lavikonan invasion of the Leclerc Islands in 1996. Going into the twenty-first century, the country experienced a period of rapid economic growth, solidifying its position as the dominant regional power. The new century also saw Musgorocia enter a period of geopolitical calm and the normalisation of relations with Barssois, allowing Carlosian governments to develop the nation's interests on the international stage.
Carloso is considered a very highly developed country, ranking well in gross domestic profit (GDP) per capita and the Human Development Index (HDI). Carloso has the largest national economy in Musgorocia, and is characterised by a mixed market, a significant degree of reindustrialisation and very large secondary and tertiary sectors. The country has a noticeably protectionist international trade policy, is a net exporter and ranks highly in self-sufficiency indexes. The nation's currency, the Carlosian dero (£D), is widely circulated around the world and is the most traded currency regionally. Carloso's military expenditure overwhelmingly surpasses that of all other countries in Musgorocia, with an unmatched ability to project power and a large stockpile of modern nuclear weapons. Internationally, the country is a major cultural, economic and political force. The country is a former member of the World Assembly (WA), withdrawing in 2011 after a national plebiscite voted in favour of leaving. It was also a very prominent member of the International Freedom Coalition (IFC) but withdrew unilaterally in early 2016. In March 2017, it became a signatory to the COSTAL Accords, redefining its maritime boundaries. In May of the same year, Carloso became a member of the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO), signifying the complete reorientation its geopolitical alignment. Bar these exceptions, the country has historically shied away from joining any international organisations or agreements and, much like its trade policy, has preferred bilateral diplomacy with other countries.
- 1 Etymology
- 2 History
- 2.1 Pre-colonisation
- 2.2 European colonisation (1500–1570)
- 2.3 Fight for independence (1570–1581)
- 2.4 Territorial expansion (1581–1709)
- 2.5 British invasion and rule (1709–1775)
- 2.6 Second independence struggle (1775–1838)
- 2.7 Industrialisation
- 2.8 Imperial decline
- 2.9 Republicanisation
- 2.10 Red Monsoon and the Millennium Crisis
- 2.11 Early twenty-first century (2000–present)
- 3 Geography
- 4 Dependencies
- 5 Politics
- 6 Economy
- 7 Demographics
- 8 Culture
Prior to independence, the region of modern-day Carloso governed by the Spanish was known as Nueva Orense, after the rural Galician province Ourense. Carloso is derived from the name of Cárlos de Oso (Spanish: Charles the Bear). According to legend, he received the name during his early years as a soldier when he single-handedly wrestled and killed a bear which attacked his unit's encampment. While it is traditionally translated into English as 'Charles the Bear', it literally translates to 'Charles from/of Bear' from Spanish. It is unknown how this grammatical anomaly came about. He is considered to be the founding father of the country, having led the rebelling colonial forces against the Spanish, Portuguese and English armies. The name was agreed upon by representatives from the seven colonies at the Council of Serca as a tribute to de Oso, who was killed on the front line during the Battle of Madrigal.
The country had gone under various different titles since its independence, reflecting its form of government at that time. From 18 June 1581 to 30 October 1629 it was known as the Republic of Carloso, then until 29 May 1932 as the Carlosian Empire. After the fall of the monarchy, it became known as the Republic of Carloso once more until on 20 June 1956 the new constitution altered it again into its current form; the Federal Republic of Carloso.
During the last glacial period, modern-day Carloso was free of ice, except for an area surrounding the Almendara Mountains which was covered in alphine glaciers. The more southerly parts of the country experienced a humid continental climate, with vast boreal woodlands. However, due to Musgorocia's distance from any other landmass, even the lowered sea levels did not allow for humans to settle the continent. Madrigal Bay did not exist and the Cadena Islands were connected to the mainland. It is believed Yupik peoples exploring the coast of the Arctic and the islands north of Nifon eventually arrived in Northern Musgorocia by umiak, sometime in the first millennium AD, prior to the foundation of Vizkigeric in the eighth century. The earliest evidence of the human settlement of modern-day Carloso is the remains of a kayak dated to around 450 AD which was found in the River Sentarsica.
The great distance between Musgorocia and other lands meant that the continent remained very sparsely populated, with a native population believed not to have exceeded 300,000 at any one time. Some of them eventually colonised what is now northern Carloso, where it is believed between 30,000 and 40,000 lived. Because the Aboriginal Musgorocians lacked any form of a writing system, everything known about their history before the colonisation comes from oral transmissions recorded by European scribes. While heavily mythologised, the Myth of the Cardinal Dragon, an Aboriginal epic, notably correlates with the eruption of a volcano in north-west Carloso in the 1300s.
European colonisation (1500–1570)
Scouts from Vizkigeric explored much of Western Musgorocia from the 900s onwards and traded with the natives. Soon after the arrival of Admiral Juan de Beldad's fleet in Musgorocia on 1 January 1500, the Crown of Castile constructed a series of military fortifications along the Musgorocian coast. Following these, smaller colonies were established, but most failed. The most northerly settlement at Castillo Llanuras, in present-day Malaledo, Secano, was founded in 1508 as Castille's northernmost settlement on the continent. Its strategic position and cooperation with the natives transformed the distant outpost to a thriving settlement and trading post, attracting hundreds of immigrants from the Iberian peninsula. Shortly afterwards, dozens of smaller settlements were founded, spanning most of the modern-day Carlosian coastline, including Arrolobos, Batalla, Toro and Zararcia. After the union of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon under the Habsburgs, the population began to grow rapidly. King Charles I authorised the creation of the Viceroyalty of Nueva Orense, with Pedro de Obregón serving as its first viceroy.
In need of an administrative capital, a new settlement called Madrigal was founded on the Santángel Peninsula, later renamed the Madrigal Peninsula. It quickly grew into an important centre of trade, with a population of 80,000 by the year 1534. de Obregón mandated a policy of exploration and expansion inland, founding the outpost of Valderosa in 1537. The few Aboriginal Musgorocians living on the coasts were forced to retreat northwards by Spanish forces. Mixed units of local mercenaries and veteran soldiers called Vencedores acted as the de facto security forces for Nueva Orense, combating native raids, expanding territories and acting as an irregular police force. The discovery of silver and iron deposits attracted more settlers, and the prosperity of the colonies increased considerably, with territories stretching from Secano in the south-east to Zararcia in the north-west to Madrigal at the foot of the Almendara Mountains.
With the influx of settlers came many missionaries eager to convert the Aboriginal Musgorocians to Catholicism. Initially, these were mainly of the Dominican Order. They were later joined by members of the Society of Jesus. Tensions quickly grew between the two orders in how to convert the natives, with the Dominicans preferring the provision of a thorough education on Catholic reasoning. By contrast, the Jesuits sought to evangelise the masses of natives en masse as soon as possible. The Dominicans maintained their dominance, gaining vast power and influence across Nueva Orense and using it to protect Aboriginal Musgorocians from persecution by imperial forces. In doing so, they introduced many Aboriginal leaders to Western education for the first time. In exchange, raids on settlers decreased dramatically and by 1555 a cordial relationship between the two groups of people had developed on the colonial frontier. The next decade on the continent was largely peaceful.
Fight for independence (1570–1581)
Things began to change when Savastian de Bergara took over as Governor of Nueva Orense in 1570. Influenced by Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda's side in the Valladolid debate, he pursued a genocidal campaign against the Aboriginal Musgorocians despite fierce opposition. Regular Spanish forces were brought in to combat the natives, enraging vencedores and the Dominicans. Serious unrest began to brew when taxes were raised on the citizens of Neuva Orense to pay for the constant wars with the natives, then exacerbated by bad harvests in 1573, 1574 and 1575. Food riots were suppressed brutally by Spanish military forces, who at this stage had their responsibilities extended to keep order as the vencedores were unwilling to.
A secret organisation was formed by several influential military and political figures known as the Malaledo Society, advocating for the colony to break away completely from Spanish rule. A famed retired vencedor, Cárlos de Oso, was invited to join. He introduced the idea of a popular revolt against the European powers, with the aim to eventually establish a state modelled on the ancient republics of Rome and Athens. He courted the leadership of the Catholic Church in Carloso, who, despite their disdain for the colonial authorities and sympathies for the republican cause, were hesitant to provoke a conflict. The Society spent the next few years stirring discontent and recruiting for the cause, triggering Spanish authorities to crack down even further. The breaking point came in 1576 when the Spanish moved to end the vencedor system, attempting to arrest all of the company commanders. Knowing of de Oso's great influence as a former officer, the authorities also moved to arrest him but he managed to escape. Spontaneously, the vencedores rose up in open revolt, seizing arms caches and attacking garrisons of colonial troops. The Society elected de Oso as the leader of the military forces of the Seven Colonies. One after another, the vencedor companies aligned themselves with him.
The war initially went poorly for the rebels, losing several key engagements against the Spanish. When the Spanish authorities turned against the Dominicans and tried to crack down on them when they refused to hand over fugitive rebels who were claiming sanctuary in their monasteries, the Dominican Order came out in strong support of de Oso. After the Spanish massacred several dozen Dominican friars, nuns and many civilians in Madrigal, the leadership of the Catholic Church across Musogorica declared that de Oso's cause was righteous and he received their full backing. The actions of the Spanish caused uproar across the continent and recruits flooded to de Oso's side. The unrest spread to territories controlled by other European countries, including Portugal and England, triggering a military intervention by them. Aboriginal Musgorocian leaders also mobilised their own forces to assist de Oso.
Territorial expansion (1581–1709)
British invasion and rule (1709–1775)
By the turn of the eighteenth century, Carloso had established itself as a dominant power in Musgorocia. European powers were struggling to maintain their control of the continent, having to contend with Carlosian support for independence movements. Vizkigeric under King Ariaric IV had launched several massive incursions in the French colony of Barssois, laying waste to many settlements. To the north of Carloso lay the British colony of Acrary, as well as the only remaining Spanish colonies in Musgorocia; Taliferro and Gran Laurencia. After a border conflict between British and Spanish forces in 1707, the British were forced to relinquish their control over the piece of coastline connecting Acrary to the Musgorocian Ocean. The colony found itself now landlocked and surronded by enemies on all sides, with Carloso to the south, Spanish to the north and west and French colonies to the east. Newly elected Director Mostodra Casmero saw Acrary's vulnerable position as an opportunity for further territorial expansion, especially after the border settlement with France in 1703 which ended the dispute on the boundaries of Sarabagia. On 7 August 1707, a force of 2,500 soldiers crossed the River Trarca and invaded Acrary. The small force of a few hundred militia defending the colony surrendered within a week, only engaging in a few light skirmishes. Carlosian forces marched into the capital of Barton and raised the tricolour over the townhall, proclaiming Acrary's annexation as the newest province of Carloso.
The invasion of Acrary infuriated Britain, which had been in the process of sending a relief force to attack Gran Laurencia and reopen Acrary's access to the sea. Resources dedicated to this were repurposed for an invasion of Carloso. Throughout the remainder of 1707 and into 1708, the small British colony of Victory was built up as a staging point for an attack on Carloso, with Admiral Jacob Solis being put in charge of planning the operation. Solis ended up with two dozen warships and 10,100 soldiers at his command. Not expecting the British to retaliate, Casmero was caught completely over guard when on 5 May 1709, the British warships were first spotted near the Carlosian coast. Fearing that they would not be to defeat British forces on the ground, Casmero ordered twenty of the best ships in the Carlosian Navy to be sent out to intercept the British fleet. The two forces met on 19 May 1709 within visual distance of the Morcon Peninsula, the entrance to Madrigal Bay. The two fleets clashed for several hours, the superior British vessels and experience delivering a crushing blow to the Carlosians. The surviving, though heavily damaged, ships limped back to port, leaving only a few aging boats dating as far back as the Spanish-Carlosian War to harass the enemy fleet.
On 26 May, 2,000 British soldiers finally landed near the city of Menerissa and took control of the city uncontested. Several days later they were joined by an additional force of 5,000. They immediately began to advance along the western side of Madrigal Bay, capturing and looting many towns and villages. Casmero rallied his own force of 10,000 to meet the invading army at Oleinresa. Despite gaining the upperhand early on, Casmero was forced to retreat after a cavalry charge devastated Carlosian artillery positions. He pulled back his forces to Madrigal itself, prepared to defend the city from a siege. The British forces rapidly advanced and surrounded Madrigal, blockading access to the city by sea. On 19 July a concentrated artillery barrage by the British decimated a small portion of the city walls and their forces poured through. While casualties on both sides were high, the British eventually fought their way to the city's administrative centre and raised the Union Jack over the Director's Palace.
The remainder of Casmero's forces pulled out of Madrigal and retreated northwards to Valderosa, hoping to regroup with forces from the rest of Carloso and a contingent of Aboriginal fighters.
Second independence struggle (1775–1838)
The Second Industrial Revolution began in earnest in Carloso.
Though victorious, the end of the war marked the beginning of the end for imperial rule. As the primary regional power, Carloso had greatly benefited from the earlier phase of industralisation, but by the late nineteenth century many of it's neighbours; especially Bourgougia and Bar, had caught up and in some areas even surpassed Carloso in economic and technological development.
A prelude to the ultimate collapse of the Carlosian Empire came in the form of the Red Vanguard uprising in 1919, when a group of far-left intellectuals conspired with sympathethic military officers to overthrow Emperor Sébastien II. The Red Vanguard took over several administrative buildings in Madrigal's city centre, as well as seizing numerous barracks around the country. The leader of the rebellion declared the foundation of the Socialist Republic of Carloso. Clashes between the rebels and imperial forces laid waste to much of Madrigal. The uprising was brutally crushed, with hundreds of participants being publicly executed on Sébastien II's orders. While the rebellion was successfully suppressed, the devastation caused by the heavy use of artillery by the imperial troops fermented only further public discontent with the monarchy. Far-left activites in Carloso were effectively curtailed, however, and would not be able to recover from the crackdown for many decades. Holdouts persisted for several months afterwards, but all were eventually wiped out or surrendered to authorities.
In the 1930 election, the Democratic Party led by Jerónimo Fonseca won the most seats in the Imperial Assembly and formed a coalition government with the Socialist Republians. Sébastien II was pressured into appointing Fonseca as President of the Executive Council. Not long after his appointment, Fonseca declared his intention to hold a referendum on the status of the monarchy, reneging on a promise he had made to Sébastien II not to do so. Over the course of 1931 and the first months of 1932, tensions between the monarchy and Foneseca's government gradually escalated, coming to a head in May 1932. In a last ditch effort to avert the abolishment of the unpopular monarchy, Sébastien II launched a coup against Fonseca with the aid of loyalist military officers. He narrowly escaped arrest, leaving Madrigal for the safety of Valderosa. As word of the attempted takeover spread, protests erupted across the country, and clashes broke out between the imperial and republican factions within the military. After several days of crisis and hundreds of dead, Sébastien II opted to abdicate. Just before midnight on 29 May 1932, the Carlosian Empire was abolished, marking the end of the country's monarchy.
The Republic of Carloso immediately succeeded the Carlosian Empire. In reality, little changed in the administration of the country, the only difference of note being the assumption of the roles of head of state and commander-in-chief of the Carlosian Armed Forces by the President of the Executive Council. Carloso continued to be a highly centralised state, one of the main factors which had made the previous political order so unpopular. The Democratic Party enjoyed dominence over Carlosian politics in the early years of the republic while the more conservative elements of the Imperial Assembly's successor; the National Assembly, struggled to redefine themselves in the post-imperial era.
The beginning of the 1940s would mark a major turning point in Musgorocian and, by extension, Carlosian history. The economic and political crises that had wracked the continent in the early twentieth cenury resulted in the election of revanchist synarchist regimes in Bourgougia, which sought to reclaim land it had lost to past wars with Carloso and its other neighbours. As the drums of war grew increasingly louder and Bourgougia invaded more of its neighbours and installed puppet regimes, a coalition of military independents and the Conservative Party ousted President Alan Orihuela in the 1945 general election, being succeeded by retired Army general Emmanuel Sartega. The new government immediately began recalibrating the Carlosian economy for the inevitable battle to come.
Unexpectedly, Synarchist Bourgougia invaded Agostinia within days of President Sartega's election, followed by a swift conquest of Victory and an invasion of Badasca Province in south-eastern Carloso. Carlosian positions were overwhelmed, and large swathes of the country fell to the Bourgougian invaders over the next few months. By the summer of 1947, Bourgougian forces were on the precipes of encircling Madrigal and were within artillery range of the industrial centre of Ebon. In what became known as the Miracle at Madrigal, the Carlosian military turned the tide, trapping and annihilating a huge number of Bourgougian soldiers. From this point forward, Carloso was on the counter-offensive, gradually pushing the invaders out of the country while the full industrial might of the Carlosian war machine began to churn out sophisticated weapons against an increasingly ill-equipped Bourgougian military. As Carlosian forces pressed into Bourgougia itself by 1951, the war suddenly ended when the Carlosian Air Force dropped several dozen nuclear bombs on large Bourgougian military formations, wiping them out. Following an internal coup, the synarchist government surrendered and was subsequently deposed by a democratic revolution. With the collapse of Bourgougia's war effort, Carloso had once again rose to become Musgorocia's premier regional power.
In the immediate aftermath of the war, President Sartega drafted the reorganisation of the country into the Federal Republic of Carloso. A new constitution was formulated, becoming effective under Sartega's successor Samuel Dengra on 20 June 1956. Massive and ambitious reconstruction projects to restore the vast area of the country devastated by the Bourgougian invasion spurred extraordinary economic growth and technological innovation. Devolution under the new federal regime brought the organisation of various public services such as healthcare, education and law enforcement down to the provincial level. While Carloso rebounded, the rest of the continent remained utterly devastated by the Emergency War. This, and the feeble state of the democratic regimes now in control of Bourgougia and Barssois, would result in the rise of far-left military juntas across the continent and lay the foundation for the next phase of Carloso's tumultuous history with it's neighbours.
Red Monsoon and the Millennium Crisis
While Bourgougia and Barssois were taken over by far-left dictatorships in 1964 and 1966 respectively, Carlosian governments opted to avoid confrontation and stay out of the affairs of the neighbouring powers, developing its diplomatic and economic ties with friendly countries, especially Vizkigeric, Orticuria and Côte D'Émeraude. The country's trade links with extra-continental states also expanded considerably, specifically with those in the Southern Furukuran Sea, Eulabia and America Libre. A tense but steady peace would fall over the continent over the near future, in sharp contrast to other areas of the world which were the sites of intense armed conflict between left-wing and anti-communist states. As the years progressed, however, relations quickly began to take a turn for the worst and Carloso and its neighbours would find themselves trust into the Red Monsoon, an international conflagration of loosely related conflicts between communist and democratic governments and their proxies throughout the 1980s, lingering into the 1990s.
Under the leadership of General Régis Lemaigre, Bourgougia had once more built up its economy and military in an attempt to match Carloso's might. Besides a desire to avenge the loss in the Emergency War, Bourgougian nationalists sought to reclaim the Carlosian exclave of Victory; located south-east of Bourgougia, which had been annexed by the Carlosian Empire in 1855. On 17 March 1987, Carlosian President James Moran was killed during a visit to Arteilmas when a series of explosions destroyed the bridge his convoy was crossing. The perpetrators; five militants who were members of the far-left terrorist organisation Red Commando, were quickly caught. Upon interrogation revealed they had been trained by the Bourgougian foreign intelligence service. Hours later, Bourgougia launched a devastating assault on the almost defenceless Victory, devastating it with artillery fire and occupying it. The same day, Moran's successor Adrian Miotasis declared a state of war with Bourgougia, Carloso's ally Agostinia also joining.
As Carloso began to mobilise and move a large portion of its military to the front line along the Bourgougian-Agostinian border, an intense air war raged in the skies above. At the same time, the belligerents' opposing navies clashed at sea, seeking to achieve naval superiority in the Musgorocian Ocean. Carloso gradually gained the upper hand, delivering a crushing blow against Bourgougia when they attempted to seize the Carlosian overseas territory of Mediator in a decisive battle. Bourgougia attempted to launched an offensive into Agostinia, but this quickly fell apart as the Bourgougians found themselves ill-equipped with insufficient fire support.
In May 1987, Carloso and Agostinia began their counteroffensive, pouring into north-west Bourgougia with a force of over 800,000. Having exhausted many of their most capable aircraft during the initial few weeks of the air campaign, Bourgougia lost air superiority to the Carlosians, and was forced to retreat further and further into the country's interior. However, towards the end of the month, the combined offensive stalled when Barssois and Acrary entered the war on Bourgougia's side, resulting in a brutal war of attrition that would last for many weeks. Simultaneously, Carloso's naval superiority was shaken when several prominent warships were sank at the hands of Bourgougian submarines. Seeking to break the stalemate, in July Carloso launched a daring amphibious assault on Victory, successfully liberating the city. This opened up another front in the war, Carlosian and Agostinian forces making huge gains into southern Bourgougia. Forced to divert more of their units to defend the more economically important parts of the country, efforts by Bourgougia and its allies to defend the north west began to collapse. By mid August, Carlosian forces were within 19 miles of the Bourgougian capital. With growing unrest at home, Acrary withdrew all its forces, followed by Barssois. The war ended on 25 August 1987 when elements of the Bourgougian Army staged a coup against Lemaigre's government, executing him and agreeing to a ceasefire with Carloso and Agostinia. Both countries withdrew their forces from Bourgougia as the nation descended into chaos.
In retaliation for its aid to Bourgougia during the war, Carloso began to arm and train anti-communist rebels in Acrary. These rebels; who had been waging a relatively unsuccessful low-level insurgency since 1985, began making considerable gains against Acrarian forces. In 1991 the civil war spilt into Carloso when an especially militant faction within the Acrary People's Army attacked the border city of Zaralt with a barrage of ballistic missiles, followed by a massive aerial landing of troops via helicopter. Fighting raged in the city for several days before the Carlosian military surrounded and destroyed the Acrarian forces. Shortly after, Carloso initiated a colossal aerial bombardment of Acrarian cities and military infrastructure, following by an invasion of Acrary in support of the anti-communist rebels. By early 1992, Carlosian forces marched into the Acrarian capital and the communist regime was overthrown, a pro-Carlosian government being put in its place.
Though it didn't get directly involved in the Carmine War within the State Union, Carloso started openly training and arming the various separatist factions in 1992 in retaliation for the military aid given by the State Union to Bourgougia and Acrary during their respective conflicts, ending with the dissolution of the State Union in 1994.
Early twenty-first century (2000–present)
After the chaos of the late twentieth century, Carloso's victory in the Bourgougian Blitz and Acrary effectively secured its position as the dominant regional power. The Democratic Party under Michael Gallagher came to power in 2001 for the first time in over forty years, leading a 'rainbow coalition' that included Socialist Republicans, Green Alternative, Liberal Conservatives and Independents. President Gallagher's term in office was marked by explosive economic growth in the first few years of the new millennium and diplomatic relations were restored with Barssois in 2002, effectively ending the three-way balance of power held in Musgorocia between Carloso, Bourgougia and Barssois since the 1800s. However, a series of corruption scandals and a boycott by clergy against the coalition's planned social reforms led to the near-collapse of the government before the 2005 election, resulting in heavy losses for the Democratic party. The Conservatives under Montero Irisar returned to power, entering into a grand coalition with the Democrats. As part of the coalition deal between Irisar and Gallagher, the Conservative leadership agreed to consider implementing the social reforms started in the previous term, including the legalisation of divorce, the prospective introduction of legislation that would allow same-sex marriage and the eventual liberalisation of the country's total ban on abortion. On the economic front, by 2006 growth had stagnated due to a drop in exports and severe difficulties with oil production in Barssois. Increasingly, there were fears that the Carlosian economy would enter a recession.
The agenda of social reforms marked the brewing of tensions within the Conservative Party between traditonalists and its more liberal wing. In an attempt to placate the traditionalists, Irisar appointed several of them to influential positions on the Executive Council. Divorce was legalised in 2007, and civil partnerships for same-sex couples was allowed from early 2008. Attempts by Cárlos Tobón, now Minister for Finance, to revitalise the economy in 2009 through a new distributist, protectionist economic policy were blocked by the Democratic Party. As disillusionment with President Irisar grew within the Conservative Party, many National Assemblymen rallied around Tobón and fellow Blitz veterans George Spalding and Estebán Santander.
Reaching a crescendo in 2010, President Irisar announced his intention to hold a referendum on the liberalisation of abortion laws on the same day as the 2010 general election. While there was vocal opposition within his own party, there was no attempt to oust Irisar from the party leadership as Tobón understood he did not have the support needed to challenge his position. A hotly contested campaign between those advocating a Yes and No vote ensued, but hit an unexpected roadblock when in August a civil law case regarding the assault of a pregnant woman came before the Supreme Court, challenged by the Attorney General after the High Court found the right to life of the unborn extended beyond the explicit constitutional right to life. The case was rushed through the courts due to the potential consquences it would have on the referendum. On 23 August 2010 thousands of pro and anti-abortion demonstrators gathered outside the Supreme Court in preparation for the verdict. The Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in favour of the government, overturning the High Court ruling. Almost immediately violence broke out in the streets outside, overwhelming the police and spilling into the Supreme Court building itself. The building caught fire and burnt to the ground, marking the start of the momentous Corrective Revolution.
Within days street fighting had spread to almost every major city in Carloso, putting underfunded police forces under pressure. Tobón and his supporters immediately resigned from the Conservative Party and registered National Salvation as a new, nationalist political party, with dozens of National Assemblymen defecting. NS then absorbed several small right-wing parties, including the Social National Party. Massive protests began to draw hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets of Carlosian cities. As authorities were forced to deploy more resources to deal with the protests, their efforts proved wholly inadequate and often heavy handed, resulting in several dozen deaths and hundreds of seriously injured protesters. More violence between rival groups in the street continued into September, effectively shutting down all of Madrigal and Ebon. The downfall of President Irisar would come on 8 September when he contacted General Régulo Moran of the First Army to put down the demonstrations in Madrigal. Refusing to obey the President's orders, Moran was dismissed from his position. Attempts by Irisar to get the Second and Third Army to intervene fell on deaf ears.
Refusing to acknowledge his dismissal, General Moran swept into Madrigal with a massive force of soldiers and armoured vehicles, locking down the administrative district of the city. Soldiers raided police barracks and forced riot personnel to stand down. On 9 September, an Army patrol caught President Irisar trying to escape Madrigal via a backroad, and put him under house arrest. From this point onwards, the National Assembly and Executive Council were effectively suspended and Carloso was ruled by a military junta, the National Administration Committee, headed by General Moran. The military raided and occupied various media outlets, including public broadcaster RTC.
The land area of Carloso is 2,400,919 square kilometres, including both the mainland and overseas possessions. The largest but least densely populated province is TBA, which has an area of ??? square kilometres. Carloso is the third largest country on the continent of Musgorocia, after Bourgougia and Barssois. Beyond the mainland, Carloso has two overseas territories; the Sanander Islands and the South Lisceard Islands, which have land areas of 7,242 sq km and 1,479 sq km respectively.
Carloso's geography and climate is diverse, though broadly temperate and reminiscent of Western European landscapes. It was these two traits that made it attractive to settlers from Europe. Carloso's northern coastline is dominated by sea cliffs. Madrigal Bay offers Carloso's densely populated interior protection from the violent waves and tropical storms of the Musgorocian Ocean, resulting in the formation of sometimes vast beaches. The southern coastline is composed of a mixture of the two. With its mouth in Madrigal Bay, the River Jefté, Carloso's longest river, nourishes fertile plains that stretch into the heart of the country, providing some of the most valuable agricultural land in all of Musgorocia. Various tributaries branch out from the Jefté, creating extensive valleys. Other prominent rivers include the River Salonia, which flows through Toro, and the River Valera, which flows through Secano. Carloso lacks any notable lakes, with the largest being glacial ones present in the Almendara Mountains or lagoons located around Madrigal Bay.
A large percentage of central Carloso consists of vast hills and valleys, which are poor for most agriculture except sheep farming. Beyond these lie the imposing Almendaras, of which Mount Trinidad is the highest with a height of 5,248 m. East of the Almendaras lies the grassy plains of Ebon Province, transitioning into semi-arid desert and badlands as one approaches the border with Orticuria. To the west of the mountains, coniferous forests dominate the landscape, stretching into and covering much of Zararcia Province. Carloso's only volcano, Mount Toron is located here and known for its particularly violent eruptions. Beyond the Almendaras, the lands around Lagosa experience relatively little rainfall due to the rain shadow caused by the mountains. In the more western parts of Carloso, the land is generally flatter with rolling plains, hills and many streams. The south-east and the Cadena Islands get the warmest weather in the country, while some parts of the coast and Vencedore Island have what can be called a Mediterranean climate.
Carloso is often affected by tropical storms that form in the Musgorocian Ocean and has suffered several destructive hurricanes in the past. By far the worst was Hurricane Augustín in 2007, which killed 962 people and caused more than D£8 billion in damage.
Earthquakes are rare, however, they have been growing in number and intensity in recent years. The strongest earthquake recorded was a 6.1 earthquake which was detected in Lagosa Province in 1959 and caused considerable damage, though no fatalities. It was felt as far away as Ebon.
Due to the geographic isolation of Musgorocia, Carloso's native wildlife developed separately to that of most of the world. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, bats were the only land mammals in the area. Due to a lack of predators, many bird species grew in size and developed flightlessness. This made them vulnerable to the introduction of invasive species when Europeans arrived in the 1500s, causing a large number of animals to go extinct. This was further exacerbated by the destruction of large amounts of forest to make way for farmland as Carloso expanded throughout the following centuries. Starting in the 1800s, efforts to conserve native species have been undertaken, with varying degrees of success.
Species that have been introduced to Carloso from foreign lands include many rodents; including rats and mice, foxes, lizards and some non-venomous snakes. There are also believed to be several hundred wallabies living in and around Ebon province, introduced by an eccentric businessman in the 1800s.
A number of seal species are native to Carloso and its coasts, alongside whales, dolphins and porpoises.
Beyond the mainland, Carloso has three overseas dependencies. These are the Sanander Islands, Mediator Island, and the South Lisceard Islands.
The Sanander Islands are effectively administered by the Carlosian Armed Forces and the location of many airfields, naval bases, anti-ship, and anti-air defences as part of the Greater Musgorocian Ocean Defence Area. Mediator Island is a lightly populated and strategically important island located to the far-west of Carloso and hosts a major naval base. The South Lisceard Islands are uninhabited islands in the Novarian Ocean.
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The National Assembly of Carloso consists of 859 representatives called National Assemblymen (NAs). General elections are held every five years on 11 November. The last was held in 2015 and the next will be in 2020. The National Assembly is divided into 286 constituencies, each with 3 National Assemblymen. The constituency of the outgoing Chair of the National Assembly is also assigned one extra seat to make up for a loss in representation, while the outgoing Chair is also automatically re-elected if they choose. The voting method used will be proportional representation with the single transferable vote (STV) and elimination transfers only. In this process, voters number candidates in order of preference. The ballot papers are counted continuously and the candidate with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count is eliminated and their votes are redistributed to the other candidates according to the preferences of the voter. The process continues until the top three (or four) candidates are remaining and these then go forward to be elected National Assemblymen. In order to put themselves forward for election, candidates must be Carlosian citizens, at least 30 years old and have no criminal convictions. The system has been regarded as being representative of the Carlosian electorate, giving a slight advantage to smaller parties that would typically be disenfranchised in a first-past-the-post system.
The President of the Executive Council of the Federal Republic of Carloso, commonly referred to simply as the President of Carloso is the prime minister, head of the Executive Council of Carloso and commander-in-chief of the Carlosian Armed Forces. Carloso differs from the vast majority of other countries that have the Westminister system of government in that it does not have a separate head of state. Instead, the President of Carloso serves ex officio as head of state, as well as being the head of government. Therefore, Carloso is considered to have an executive presidency.
In addition, the constitutional powers allocated to the President can be considered to be much more generous when they're compared to the prime ministers of other parliamentary republics. The President can appoint and dismiss ministers at will, without the approval of the National Assembly, though a minister may still be dismissed by a popular motion of no confidence. The President of the Executive Council is similar to the position of prime minister in that they are still a National Assemblyman during their term and are ultimately answerable to the legislature. Acts of the National Assembly must be signed into law by the President to take effect, and they have the power to veto any legislation that comes before them. Only a qualified majority of 66% in the National Assembly may override the veto and enact legislation without the signature of the President, though this is an extremely rare occurrence and has never happened under a majority government. In a state of emergency, the President is granted the ability to issue executive orders concerning the defence of the Federal Republic.
When the new assembly term begins at 12:00 noon on 11 February after a general election, the National Assemblymen's first order of business is to elect the Chair of the National Assembly, who acts as speaker. Following this, a ballot is held to elect the President. The President who served in the previous assembly term may nominate themselves to be re-elected; presuming they held onto their seat at the election, or else they must be nominated by two other National Assemblymen. The candidates for President are put forward together and are voted on secretly by National Assemblymen in order of preference in a room adjacent to the main chamber of the National Assembly. Nominees with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count are eliminated and their votes are redistributed. In the end, the candidate that first attains more than 50% of the votes first is declared to be elected by the Chair of the National Assembly. The President then swears the Oath of Allegiance, first to God and then to the Constitution of Carloso, in front of the National Assembly, the justices of the High Court and representatives of the major religious groups in the country;
"I swear to Almighty God, by the Most Holy Trinity, by the noble sacrifices of the countless generations gone before me to uphold, protect and defend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Carloso, and to represent to the best of my ability, the interests of the Carlosian nation."
The President will then announce his appointments to the Executive Council, including their Deputy President. The President serves for the entirety of the assembly term unless a successful motion of no confidence is passed against them. In this scenario, the President stays on until their successor is chosen by the National Assembly. If the President suddenly dies, resigns or is incapacitated, their Deputy President automatically becomes President and serves for the rest of the assembly term. To ensure the continuity of government in the event of a disaster, if the sitting Deputy President also dies or the position is vacant at the time, the role is passed down the chain of command of the central government. Depending on the style of government pursued by the President, they can choose to delegate their powers to their Deputy President. As of 201, the President of the Executive Council is Cárlos Tobón NA and the Deputy President is Estebán Santander NA.
The Executive Council is the cabinet of the Government of Carloso, headed by the President of the Executive Council. As hinted by its name, the Executive Council is both the de facto and de jure executive branch of government in Carloso, as the country does not have an extra-parliamentary head of state who would typically act on the binding advice of a cabinet in a parliamentary system. In addition, the President possesses many powers that would be expected in a presidential system of government. Besides the President and their Deputy President, the Executive Council is also composed of government ministers, who are all National Assemblymen and can be appointed and dismissed unilaterally by the President. Other individuals who often attend meetings of the Executive Council are the Chief of the General Staff, Attorney General, and sometimes other high-ranking civil servants. The functions of the Executive Council can vary significantly from administration to administration. For example, a strong President may assume many of the roles and responsibilities of the Minister for External Affairs compared to a weaker President, who may delegate more power down to their ministers.
The ministers themselves have the option of delegating their power down to junior ministers, who are also National Assemblymen but do not sit on the Executive Council. Besides being responsible for the day-to-day running of their department, it is also the duty of ministers to formulate and put forward legislation concerning their department. There are two forms of legislation in this regard; primary and secondary. Primary legislation constitutes Acts of the National Assembly, which start life as bills proposed by members of the Executive Council; ministers and the President inclusive, and are then voted on in the National Assembly after going through the following legislative procedure;
- First Reading — The Bill is initiated.
- Second Reading — The principles of the Bill are debated in the National Assembly.
- Committee Stage — The Bill is debated in the relevant committee chamber and National Assemblymen may table amendments.
- Report Stage — Amendments from the committee stage are debated and voted on. Also, this is the final opportunity to suggest amendments to the Bill.
- Final Stage — The Bill is voted on and National Congressmen deliver short statements on the merits of the Bill.
- Enactment — The Bill is signed into law by the President of the Executive Council and becomes an Act of the National Assembly. They may veto the Bill and it can then only be enacted if a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly support it.
Besides this, secondary legislation is implemented by individual members of the Executive Council and not voted on in the National Assembly. This includes statutory instruments such as rules and regulations, ministerial orders and legally binding directives to public institutions.
As of 2019, there are 14 ministers in the Government of Carloso, and 16 departments.
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Under the 1956 Constitution, Carloso is a federal, parliamentary, constitutional republic divided into twenty-four administrative provinces. The Constitution distinguishes between metropolitan and non-metropolitan provinces, though there is no difference in the level of autonomy granted to either. Though it is officially described as a federal state, in reality, Carloso's political system can be regarded as 'quasi-federal' or a 'unitary state with a federal spirit', with only a limited degree of self-governance delegated to the provinces and supremacy of the central administration in almost all matters. While provincial governments have a significant amount of control over own health services, civil defence, law enforcement, and housing, all decision making and policy can ultimately be dictated by the central government. Madrigal Metropolitan is the most populous of the provinces, encompassing just under 10% of the country's population, The provinces of Carloso are;
|Map||Province||Capital||Population||Area (km2)||Density (per km2)|
Each province is divided into circuits, which are administered by circuit councils elected every five years. In total there are 208 circuits in Carloso.
Parties and elections
Elections in Carloso are direct and held under universal suffrage, applying to both parliamentary and local government. The method used is proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote with elimination transfers only (STV-ETO). Elections use the Hare quota method. Under this system, voters rank each candidate on the ballot paper in order of preference. The papers are counted continuously and the candidate with the lowest number of votes at the end of each count is eliminated and their votes are redistributed to the other candidates according to the preferences of the voter. In the case of a general election, the process continues untilthe top three candidates are remaining and these then go forward to be elected National Assemblymen. Candidates are deemed to have been elected when they achieve the quota or alternatively when there as many candidates as seats remaining.
Since its implementation in the 1955 election, the system has been regarded as being relatively representative of the Carlosian electorate, giving a slight advantage to smaller parties. However, it also means majority governments in Carloso are somewhat uncommon. The system of STV-ETO has been criticsed for penalising parties who field popular candidates in a constituency, as if their votes exceed the quota and they are elected, any surplus votes beyond that quota cannot be redistributed to other candidates running under the same party. This resulted in the largely three-party system (Conservative, Democratic, Socialist Republican) that dominated Carlosian politics up until relatively recently. As a result, there is a fierce tradition in Carlosian politics of transfer pacts and complex political strategy across almost every constituency. If a party wishes to run two candidates in a constituency, posters and other election literature will direct voters to vote for a particular candidate depending on their geographic location. As such, the strength and discipline of the grassroots are vital to electoral success.
There are four primary political parties in Carloso, ranging from right-wing to left-wing; National Salvation, the Conservative Party, the Democratic Party and the Socialist Republicans. For most of Carlosian history, politics was dominated by the Conservatives and Democrats, however in 2010 the newly formed National Salvation party; led by members of a dissident faction within the Conservatives, crippled the establishment parties in the wake of the Corrective Revolution and secured over 49% of the seats in the National Assembly, often attributed to mass defections and chaotic disorganisation within the Conservative party itself in the run-up to polling day.
Law and criminal justice
Carloso is a common law jurisdiction, a system which it inherited from the British colonial government that was expelled in the late 1700s. Historically, it had been a civil law jurisdiction. The nation's courts system consists of the District Court, Circuit Court, High Court, the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court and finally the Constitutional Court. The latter is regarded as the guardian of the Constitution of Carloso, and is charged with preventing radical reinterpretations of the constitution by the Supreme Court or rulings that are regarded as contrary to common or natural law. The Constitutional Court was established by referendum in 2015, though its powers can be traced back to those granted to the Privy Council of the Carlosian Empire. The Constitution of Carloso is the supreme law. After a national plebiscite, it was enacted in 1956 to replace the constitution of the Republic of Carloso. The 1956 constitution established the Federal Republic as the present form of the Carlosian state.
Capital punishment is legal in Carloso. It is the mandatory punishment for crimes including murder, capital murder, rape etc. There are two primary forms of execution; firing squad and hanging. The President may issue a waiver to commute a death sentence to life imprisonment or for an alternative form of execution to be used instead. The viewing of executions is open to the public in Carloso.
Law enforcement in Carloso is mainly organised along provincial lines, with each administrative province having its own civilian police force. Up until fairly recently, most officers didn't carry firearms, however the realities of modern crime mean all police are armed with handguns at the very least. All forces have their own special weapons and counter-terrorism units attached. Each police force is headed by a Provincial Commissioner, who reports directly to the Minister for Justice. The Republican Guards are the national law enforcement agency, with its daily functions including patrolling the country's motorways and pursuing especially dangerous criminals. They may be deployed in any part of the country and are led by the Chief Commissioner of the Republicans Guards.
The development of foreign policy and the maintenance of foreign relations is the responsibility of the Department of EXternal Affairs (DoEA), which is headed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, currently Aarón Delgado. It is also charged with the advancement of Carlosian interests abroad, in conjunction with the Department of Defence, and is one of the largest government departments, with an estimated 70,000 staff. Since the country has begun to take a more prominent role in international affairs, the Department's position in the government has increased in importance. The Department's many responsibilities include protecting the nation's foreign interests, negotiating trade deals and promoting consular services to Carlosian citizens in other countries.
As a military, economic and political great power, Carloso holds diplomatic ties with many countries around the world. The country has embassies and consulates in almost all countries in Musgorocia, with the exceptions of Bourgougia and Cispania. Likewise, almost all countries on the continent have embassies in Madrigal. Worldwide, Carlosian diplomatic missions are mostly present in nations that are similarly politically aligned or of international importance. Likewise, the country has shied away from establishing formal relations with countries it has historically had strained relations with, or possess generally incompatible or totalitarian systems of government. After leaving the International Freedom Coalition (IFC) in 2016, the nation has had mixed but mostly cordial relationships with most of the organisation's members. Originally seeking a central geopolitical alignment between the IFC and the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO), Carloso ended up joining SACTO itself on 20 May 2017. At home, Carloso has close relations with its neighbours, Acrary and Agostinia. Due to a series of wars in the twentieth century; the Emergency War and the Bourgougian Blitz, relations with Bourgougia are extremely sour, and Agostinian and Carlosian military forces regularly perform military exercises on the border between the two countries. After the deposition of the Bar military junta during the National Restoration in 1994, relations between Carloso and Barssois have returned to normalcy and have been quite constructive since, an event which has been described by many as the Pax Musgorocia.
Due to Musgorocia's relative distance away from the rest of the world, foreign policy from the nation's inception into the late twentieth century was almost exclusively regionally-based. However, with the end of the wars and crises of the 1980s and 1990s in Musgorocia, stability returned and Carlosian administrations were finally allowed to look internationally to exert Carlosian economic, military and political power. In 2000, the country joined the World Assembly (WA), but after a heavily contested national plebiscite in 2011, it was decided to leave the organisation, with all connections between the country and the organisation being cut by the end of that year. Similarly, Carloso joined the International Freedom Alliance (IFA) in 2014. After the merger with the Western Coalition (WC) to form the International Freedom Coalition (IFC), Carloso became a very prominent member within the organisation. However, in March 2016 the government made the decision to unilaterally withdraw from the alliance, highlighting "the continued conflict between the current leadership and members of the organisation" as the reason for doing so. The move was seen as a last resort by many, with some condemning Carloso for destabilising the organisation, while others criticised the IFC's failure to diffuse rivalries and conflict within the alliance. Starting in March 2017, a year after distancing itself from the IFC, Carloso entered a period of geopolitical realignment, shifting to a more interventionist and aggressive stance in enforcing foreign policy. This has been marked by a warming of relations with SACTO-aligned nations, its historical adversaries. The process has involved the first visit of a Nifonese leader to Carloso, the signing of the COSTAL Accords, and finally Carloso's landmark accession to SACTO in May 2017, which sparked significant domestic and international outcry. Carlosian foreign policy is complex, but has been broadly described as interventionist in nature and based on the idea of 'big stick diplomacy', with a strong emphasis on 'peace through strength'. In line with the ideology of the current administration, foreign policy dictates active opposition to globalisation and the proliferation of social liberalism. It is strongly anti-communist and supports the continued growth of nationalist movements around the world.
The Carlosian International Aid Authority (CIDAA) was the government agency set up by the International Aid Act 1997 that was responsible for the distribution of development aid to developing countries and reconstruction projects across Musgorocia. In 2015, it was stripped of all its funding and its assets were sold off. From that point, it existed in name only as a 'phantom division' within the Department of External Affairs. In 2017, CIDAA was formally dissolved.
The Carlosian Armed Forces (Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Carlosenses) are the military forces of the Federal Republic of Carloso. The President is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, though day-to-day operations is the responsbility of the Department of Defence. As of 2020, it is made up of six active services; the Army, the Marines Corps, the Navy, the Air Force, the Republican Guard and Space Command. Carloso has the largest military in Musgorocia, followed by Bourgougia, and contributes significantly to the military forces of the Santiago Anti-Communist Treaty Organisation (SACTO).
Carloso is Musgorocia's primary nuclear power, alongside Barssois, and possesses a large inventory of nuclear weapons. Most of these are either MRBMs, IRBMs or nuclear-tipped cruise missiles, though it maintains a small number of ICBMs. A stockpile of chemical and biological weapons also exists.
Carloso has a mixed-market economy that is the largest in Musgorocia, with a gross domestic profit by purchasing power parity of $19.147 trillion in 2016. Its currency, the Carlosian dero (D£), is considered to be of high-value and is a commodity-backed currency. The majority of Musgorocia's top one thousand largest companies are based in Carloso. Economic analysts have broadly described Carloso as being a capitalist or distributist country, with the government exerting a significant degree of influence in the running of the market economy. Carloso is also noted for its strong competition law. The government maintains majority control over the country's railways, electricity networks, telecommunications and other essential services. Beginning in 2007, President Irisar implemented a more economically liberal doctrine, allowing the privatisation of many national industries. This was eventually halted in 2011 by President Tobón and these companies were subsequently renationalised.
Science and technology
The National Space Research Office is the national space agency of Carloso.
Power generation in Carloso is dominated by the state-owned National Electricity Board, which has an over 90% market share. Approximately 50% of the country's energy is produced through nuclear power. About 30% is from natural gas, with the remainder being made up of hydroelectric, oil and coal power generation. Construction of wind farms was banned in 2012, and a seven-year period of dismantling all commercial sites concluded in early 2019.
Madrigal Provincial University and the National Fusion Institute are currently operating major fusion energy experiments, with the goal of developing a commercially feasible fusion reactor in the future.
|Rank||Country||Exports||Imports||Total Trade||Trade Balance||Rank||Country||Exports||Imports||Total Trade||Trade Balance|
|TBA||State Federation||TBA||TBA||TBA||TBA||TBA||Côte d'Emeraudes||TBA||TBA||TBA||TBA|
Due to its colonial history, Carloso's people are drawn from a wide variety of ethnic groups, mostly originating from either the countries of the Iberian Peninsula or British Isles. Since the beginning of the 20th century, this has been largely consolidated into a single national identity. Aboriginal Musgorocian's are the native population of Carloso, and have generally integrated into the wider Carlosian population. A national census is conducted in Carloso every five years and is the responsibility of the National Census Authority (NCA) and its provincial branches. The NCA is an executive agency within the Department of Justice. According to the last census in 2017, Carloso has a population of 359,726,397, up from 333,106,644 in 2012. The country has a moderate population density of 120.8/km2, with most people either living on the coast or in the Madrigal—Ebon Corridor. A considerable amount of the hilly centre of the country is lightly populated and rural.
The fertility rate has fluctuated considerably throughout the country's modern history, now standing at 2.51 children per woman, comfortably above the replacement rate of 2.1.
The people of Carloso are of overwhelmingly European descent, primarily from the British Isles and Iberian Peninsula. While almost all immigrants initially came from Spain and Portugal, there was always a significant minority of people with English, Irish or Scottish descent. However, it would not be until the 1700s that migration from these places would increase massively. Almost half of English immigrants were Roman Catholics who went to Carloso due to the persecution they faced in their homeland. In the 1800s, immigration increased from other European regions, in particular Spain, Italy and France. After the dissolution of the Carlosian Empire in 1932, successive governments put severe restrictions on immigration, reducing it to near zero. Several thousand Greek refugees were permitted to move to Carloso in the 1940s after the Italian invasion of Greece and outbreak of the Greek Civil War.
There are about 9 million Aboriginal Musgorocians in Carloso, equalling about 3.4% of the population. They have assimilated very well into broader Carlosian society. They mostly live in the northern parts of the country.
A number of Middle Eastern Christians; especially from Lebanon and Syria, and some Eastern Europeans have also settled in Carloso.
English is the first, national language of Carloso, though historically Spanish was the sole official language. It continues to be widely spoken, mainly in the north-west in Nueva Zamora, Toro and Lagosa Provinces. Other large pockets of Spanish speakers exist, particularly in the Cadena Islands, Secano Province and along the coast of Santara, Portadia and Virona Provinces. The vast majority of citizens are bilingual. All road signs are translated into both English and Spanish. The dialect of English spoken in Carloso; called Carlosian English, has spelling and pronunciation standards that align with British English, and has been noted as phonologically conservative, retaining several words and spelling that have fallen out of use in other varieties of English (e.g spelling of 'serjeant' rather than 'sergeant'). The dialect of Spanish spoken in Carloso is predominantly influenced by Andalusian Spanish.
According to official data, 99% of the population can speak English, while 90% can speak Spanish fluently. English is the first language of 80% of Carloso's population, while Spanish is the first language of about 20%.
The Constitution of Carloso recognises Christianity as the country's state religion, while providing for the freedom of religion. It acknowledges the special position in particular of Catholicism, Protestantism, Presbyterianism and Judaism. According to the 2017 census, Roman Catholicism is by far the largest denomination of Christianity in the country, with 285,227,063 (79.29%) regarding themselves as Catholic. The head of the Catholic Church in Carloso is Ezequiel Semprún, as Archbishop of Madrigal. The largest church in the country is the Cathedral of Our Lady of Victory.
Anglicanism is the next largest denomination, making up 11.73% of the population. Most of these are members of the Church of Carloso. Presbyterians make up 4.58% of the population, with almost all being members of the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Carloso.
While weekly attendance of Mass has dropped since 2000, it has not been to the extent seen in other developed countries and has since stabilised. In 2017 week Mass attendance stood at 71%, down from 89% in 1997. Recent years have shown a significant uptick in mass attendance amongst youth.
Healthcare in Carloso is largely organised along provincial lines, the publicly-funded system being managed by the national National Health Board (NHB), which is directly subservient to the Department of Health, while the Minister for Health is responsible for health policy and regulation. Each administrative province has its own, largely independent, branch of the NHB. Only Carlosian citizens and non-national expats from SACTO-aligned countries are allowed full access to the public health system.
The average life expectancy at birth in Carloso is 83.4 years; 84.3 years for women and 82.4 years for men respectively. According to the most recent data that has been published, the most common cause of death in the country is coronary artery disease, followed by heart attack, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, lung cancer and stroke. The average infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births is 3.72. The Maternity Act 2005 allows for 26 paid weeks of maternity leave for women, in addition to another 16 unpaid weeks afterwards, while the father is entitled to 2 paid weeks of paternity leave only.
Abortion is illegal in Carloso, with a mandatory death sentence for anyone who performs one.
|Date||English name||Carlosian name||Notes|
|1 January||New Year's Day||Día da Ano Noa|
|28 January||St Thomas' Day||Dia da Sant Tómas|
|Moveable Wednesday||Ash Wednesday||Méircoles da Cenisa|
|Moveable Friday||Good Friday||Buen Viernes|
|Moveable Monday||Easter Monday||Lenes da Pascua|
|25 December||Christmas Day||Día da Natalidad|
|26 December||St. Stephen's Day||Dia da Sant Estebán|