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The Messidor Union only saw peace for three years. In 1922, weapons and supplies were covertly funneled to [[North Ottonia|republican forces in the north]] during the partition of [[Ottonia]]. In the same year, Messidorian soldiers were mobilized to the defense of Ostrozava at the onset of the [[Partisans' Wars|First Partisans' War]]. Passage to Ostrozava was secured by rail through [[Vannois]] which remained officially neutral. This war had ground to a stalemate by 1925. An uneasy peace was signed in 1926 which left several thousand Messidorian soldiers and unproven armoured vehicle prototypes stranded in Ostrozava. A majority of forces eventually returned through Vannois, but a large detachment were deployed directly to [[Hétumoger]] in 1928 after the Messidor Union pledged support for the Blue Nationalists in the [[Citizenry Uprising]]. The de facto partitioning of Hétumoger in 1929 initiated the return of the last brigade of Messidorian veterans, many of whom had been away from home for seven years. | The Messidor Union only saw peace for three years. In 1922, weapons and supplies were covertly funneled to [[North Ottonia|republican forces in the north]] during the partition of [[Ottonia]]. In the same year, Messidorian soldiers were mobilized to the defense of Ostrozava at the onset of the [[Partisans' Wars|First Partisans' War]]. Passage to Ostrozava was secured by rail through [[Vannois]] which remained officially neutral. This war had ground to a stalemate by 1925. An uneasy peace was signed in 1926 which left several thousand Messidorian soldiers and unproven armoured vehicle prototypes stranded in Ostrozava. A majority of forces eventually returned through Vannois, but a large detachment were deployed directly to [[Hétumoger]] in 1928 after the Messidor Union pledged support for the Blue Nationalists in the [[Citizenry Uprising]]. The de facto partitioning of Hétumoger in 1929 initiated the return of the last brigade of Messidorian veterans, many of whom had been away from home for seven years. | ||
Relations between Yisrael and the Messidor Union remained poor even through the [[Autocracy regime|regime change in 1941]]. In Belisaria, the Messidor Union, North Ottonia, and Ostrozava formed the [[Kiso_Pact#Republican_Internationale|Republican Internationale]]. The internationale was an influential alliance in the region over the next half-century. During the [[Year of Blood]] in 1951, the Yisraeli forces governing Tarshish fell to infighting. Messidorian forces who were monitoring the situation swiftly invaded the region and reincorporated it into the province of Kirthan. The military effort was largely bloodless, but remained a diplomatic sore point over a number of decades between the Union and the restored consitutional monarchy. The restoration of Kirthan has had continued impact on the region as ethnic tensions simmered between the Aɣmatians and | Relations between Yisrael and the Messidor Union remained poor even through the [[Autocracy regime|regime change in 1941]]. In Belisaria, the Messidor Union, North Ottonia, and Ostrozava formed the [[Kiso_Pact#Republican_Internationale|Republican Internationale]]. The internationale was an influential alliance in the region over the next half-century. During the [[Year of Blood]] in 1951, the Yisraeli forces governing Tarshish fell to infighting. Messidorian forces who were monitoring the situation swiftly invaded the region and reincorporated it into the province of Kirthan. The military effort was largely bloodless, but remained a diplomatic sore point over a number of decades between the Union and the restored consitutional monarchy. The restoration of Kirthan has had continued impact on the region as ethnic tensions simmered between the Aɣmatians and Jewish settler population which had previously occupied a privileged position in the occupying government and the {{wpl|Seven_Laws_of_Noah|imposition of Yisraeli colonial law}}. | ||
====Contemporary history==== | ====Contemporary history==== |
Revision as of 07:39, 30 May 2021
Messidor Union Union de Messidor Taqbilt'hlu n Mgrawi | |
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Motto: Ni dieux ni maîtres La illahin ula iylliden Neither gods nor masters | |
Map of Merovia | |
Capital | New Aɣmat City |
Recognized languages | Audonic, Tamaziɣt |
Demonym(s) | Messidorian |
Government | Syndicalist Federation |
• President of the Union | Yolande-Minerve Saverne |
• President of the Congress | Jean Amzil |
Legislature | Workers' Congress |
Establishment | |
• Confederation of Aɣmatia | December 22, 1799 |
• Republic of Merovia | May 9, 1830 |
• Messidor Union | June 20, 1831 |
Area | |
• Total | 983,168 km2 (379,603 sq mi) |
• Water (%) | 2.70 |
Population | |
• 2018 census | 52,314,445 17,938,132 (Merovia) 34,376,313 (Aɣmatia) |
• Density | 53.2/km2 (137.8/sq mi) |
GDP (nominal) | 2018 estimate |
• Total | $2.08 trillion |
• Per capita | $39,908.37 |
HDI (2018) | .911 very high |
Currency | Marque (ℳ) Qarit ( |
Date format | Messidor calendar, yyyy-mm-d-dd (CE) |
Driving side | right |
Internet TLD | .mu |
The Messidor Union (Audonic: Union de Messidor; Tamaziɣt: Taqbilt'hlu n Mgrawi, ⵎⴰⵄⴰⵍⵊⴰ ⵏ ⵎⴳⵔⴰⵡⵉ), occasionally called the Harvest Union, is a federation between the Republic of Merovia (République Mérovienne), located in south-central Belisaria, and the Confederation of Aɣmatia (Munitaqbiltn Aɣmatakal), located in northern Scipia. Merovia shares borders with Garza and Latium to the west, Lyncanestria to the north, Vannois to the east, and a maritime border with Lihnidos to the east. Aɣmatia shares borders with Talakh and Yisrael to the west and Charnea to the south. Both constituent republics border the Periclean Sea.
The union is a syndicalist federation. Local unions form small-scale administrations and have broad powers. At the upper level, a single congress made up of proportionate members of each union legislates federal powers. Aɣmatia has historically been the homeland of various Amaziɣ peoples and societies, though since the high middle ages Audonian people have dominated both politically and culturally. As such, both Audonic and Tamaziɣt are commonly spoken languages, the latter seeing a resurgence after the confederation gained its independence in 1816. In Merovia, Audonic is the sole dominant language. Both Audonic and Tamaziɣt have equal status on both sides of the Periclean and bilingualism is prevalent.
A developed nation, while ostensibly a market system the economy is highly regulated in an unofficial manner. While there are few official requirements mandated by the Workers' Congress, individual unions enforce industry standards. Social services are also provided by local and federal governments with the majority falling to local administrations. As such, access to services is not always consistent across districts. Major exports include bread, tea, grapes, and other agricultural products, petroleum products, pharmaceuticals, and post-industrial products. The Messidor Union was formerly a member of the Republican Internationale and is a founding member of the Kiso Pact.
Etymology
The Messidor Union takes its name from the first month of the revolutionary calendar. "Messidor" is a corrupted combination of the Latin and Hellenic, respectively "messis" and "dỗron" which mean "harvest" and "to bring". This is also the source of the alternate name of simply the "Harvest Union". The Tifinaɣ name for the Union takes the same origin but translates directly to Mgrawi (ⵎⴳⵔⴰⵡⵉ). The Tifinaɣ also substitutes "Union" for "Taqbilt'hlu" or "Grand Tribe" which reflects the particular lexicon as well as the traditional association of Aɣmatian tribes with trade castes.
The etymology of Aɣmatia is uncertain, but may be the relational term "across" or "agumaţ", though what it would be "across from" is unknown. The Tifinaɣ form for Aɣmatia is "Aɣmatakal", simply meaning "Land of Aɣmat". Merovia takes its name from the 3rd century CE figure, High King Merovectorix. The High King unified the Audonian tribes against the Latin Empire and, though ultimately unable to prevent the annexation of the region, was immortalized in the name of the conquered province.
History
History of Aɣmatia
Classical era
The region of northern Scipia which encompasses present-day Aɣmatia has been permanently occupied since at least the sixth millennium BCE. According to local history, Amaziɣ tribes migrated to the coasts from central Scipia led by the semi-legendary Great Saint Kahina during the Bronze Age, typically dated to the early third millenium BCE. The tribes supplanted the local cultures and settled into independent city states sustained by fishing, agriculture, and eventually trade between the Periclean and the Scipian desert.
The Aradia civilization expanded eastward from northwestern Scipia into present-day Aɣmatia in the mid-second millennium BCE, annexing a majority of the city states whose cultures and languages were preserved through henotheism and a satrapy system. At the same time, the Aradian alphabet was introduced. The Amaziɣ population along the coast was liberated from Aradian rulers in the fifth century BCE by the Tamazɣa. For four centuries the coastal cities formed a vital part of the Amaziɣ confederation until they conquered by the Latin Empire in 53 BCE.
Amaziɣ cultural traditions were still largely preseved through the Latin rule of northern Scipia into the first millennium CE. Christianity had very little influence until the fourth century. The adoption of Christianity as the official state religion of the empire in 320 CE saw a revolt in the region, though this was swiftly put down and Amaziɣ culture became more repressed. For approximately 600 years the populace struggled under Belisarian rule.
Azdarin era
In the late 9th century CE, missionaries sent by Narānj Qallu arrived in Aɣmatia, spreading the Yen faith. Before the end of the century, Ambelo Qallu conquered the Latin province and installed Ahmad ibn Zahir al-Huwali dynasty as governor of the region, ruling from the newly founded fortress-city of Avana. As the Azdarin faith became dogmatically fractured, the doctrines and traditions of the 'Iifae sect prevailed over the Sahb sect of the ruling Almurid Caliphate in Aɣmatia. Partly in order to draw the economy away from the coasts and to reinforce their own power, the Huwalid governors introduced new cash crops including tea and coffee to some of the damper regions of the interior. In 941 CE the Halimid dynasty succeeded the Almurids. Emir Nasr al-Huwali III puclically converted to the 'Iifae faith in the same year, undergoing the dheme'ake (baptism) along with the rest of his family. This drew the ire of the Sahb Halimids and the appreciation of many local Aɣmatians. As the Caliphate began to decline over the next four centuries, the Emirate of Avana was ruled with increasing autonomy. This relatively peaceful era also saw a golden age of science and culture in the Yen world.
With the onset of the First Crusade in 1237 CE, there were initially some questions regarding whether the Huwalids would come to the aid of the Sahb. Emira Sa'dia al-Huwali answered the call, dispatching ships and fighters in defence of the Holy Land. By the end of the Third Crusade, Aɣmatia's commercial importance had declined significantly. The Most Magnificent Republic of Aligonia, founded in 1322, commanded a massive commercial network across the Periclean. The Great Earthquake of 1440 in Gran Aligonia literally sent ripples to the Scipian coast. The destruction of local fisheries and agriculture along the coast ushered in the collapse of the Huwalid dynasty in Aɣmatia. In the south, independent Amaziɣ tribes took control of major settlements in the Ninva Desert. Along the coastline, a period of anarchy reigned for over half a century.
Early modern era
In 1513 CE, a local Amaziɣ Yen warlord named Izîl seized control of the Huwalid seat of Avana. After consolidating the north and refounding the ancient city of Aɣmat, he took the Gharib title for king, Malik, and founded the Mamlakat al-Akhmat. The new state reestablished control of the south with a firm military presence. Malik Izîl created a more centralized regime, establishing what was essentially a caste system across the various traditional Amaziɣ clans or tribes. Mobility between tribes was restricted and chieftains were subject to the authority of the Malik's ministers of the various iqtaʿat. Malik Izîl maintained the use of Gharib in the court though under his successors the Amaziɣ language and alphabet were restored. The Izîlids also formed a professional army, known as the Imxzninassan, to safeguard its borders and maintain order. The Imxzninassan, (soldiers of today) were a modern force provided with standardized equipment and inspired by the Latin legions of millennia past. The Imxzninassan were initially composed of eleven ilfn, which were in turn divided into ten imiyan which were each made up of 100 soldiers. The nşmiya or "half-century" was the smallest organizational unit.
With a powerful, modern army and a strong proto-command economy, Aɣmatia became a dominant force in the Periclean once again. Over the next two and a half centuries, the Mamlakat al-Akhmat launched a number of campaigns against the Aligonians: disrupting trade, capturing port exclaves, and engaging in piracy. From the early to late 16th century, the Izîlids slowly encroached upon Aligonian holdings on the Periclean, occasionally being driven back where the latter could secure aid from Belisaria or Sydalon. Though they never secured the isles, the Izîlids did succeed in establishing a temporary foothold on Vanto in 1578. With the formation of a personal union between Latium, Sydalon, and Garza in 1580, the Aligonians signed off its independence as well, heavily shifting the balance of power against the Aɣmatians. Vanto was reconquered and the Izîlid navy was decisively defeated at the Battle of Vanto by a fleet of the Grand Alliance in 1583. With the destruction of its maritime power, the Malik Izîl III was forced to surrender his Periclean holdings to the Union and sign a peace treaty guaranteeing freedom of passage for Fabrian vessels.
The closing off of the Periclean turned the Izîlids inward to Scipia in two ways. Firstly, several Maliks launched invasions southward into Charnea in 1591, in 1612, and in 1644. Each time the Imxzninassan won initial successes but faced tenacious enemies and the harsh Ninva Desert, forcing them back north. The second way the Izîlids turned inward was in its direct rule of Aɣmatia. The tribal trade castes became increasingly encumbered while the Imxzninassan formed a ruling caste to themselves, overshadowing the Malik in their soft power over the iqtaʿat administrators. The Izîlid dynasty continued to rule Aɣmatia in name through the existence of the Mamlakat al-Akhmat, but by the mid-17th century the true power was held by the Imxzninassan.
By the turn of the 18th century, Aɣmatia was regarded as a backwater by the rest of Scipia and Belisaria. The militaristic government had brokered few favours with most its neighbours and made enemies of the rest. The Imxzninassan had effectively enslaved the other Kel Adrar tribes in their trade castes. Quotas of produce in difference industries were demanded and failure could mean corporal punishment, disfigurement, or even execution. In the south, many other tribes frequently revolted, but any armed conflict was quickly put down. Despite the repressive state of the trade castes, an early class consciousness was growing choate in the minds of the workers. Work action had occured on farms and in the country's manufactories for as long as anyone could remember, but as the 18th century drew on the actions intensified and the legitimacy of the Izîlid/Imxzninassan regime became less tenable.
Revolutionary era
A severe drought struck Aɣmatia in the 1790s. Periods of drought and famine were exceedingly common in almost all pre-modern societies across the planet. However, the drought continued year after year and even the Ninva Desert seemed to grow noticably larger. Malik Arkun ibh Hassan al-Izîli could not administer his kingdom and was formally deposed by the commander of the Imxzninassan - a man named Syphax. As Syphax demanded more work and more shares from the exhausted workers, tribal chiefs and elders put their plans into action and led a countrywide riot against the Imxzninassan. By this period the Imxzninassan was exceedingly large, counting at least 25,000 soldiers, but even these soldiers were fatigued and starving.
The Amxzninassa system had effectively isolated the soldiers from their fellow Aɣmatians, but even so, many defected to join the rioting mobs which marched from the coasts and the highlands to the fortress-city of Avana. There, on February 11th of 1799, the Imxzninassan massacred between several hundred and several thousand Aɣmatians. News of the events spread quickly and demoralized many of the Imxzninassan based outside of the capital. Defecting soldiers often gave up their arms to others or fell in completely with other tribes. Within a year Avana was under a serious siege, vastly outnumbered and facing their own equipment. The city outside the tiɣremt was conceded in October of 1799, but two well-disciplined and well-equipped Imxzninassan ilfn held onto the fortress for three more months. The siege ended in mutiny as Syphax was cast out to the besiegers as they surrendered. Syphax was allegedly torn apart by a crowd of thousands, but his body was never recovered.
In place of restoring the Izîlids or instating a new monarchy, the chiefs of the ancient tribes abolished the iqta' system, and formed a confederation governed by a council of elders composed of members appointed from each tribe. For their part, despite maintaining the industrial character of the tribal structures, mobility between groups was relaxed. Outside of Aɣmatia, the revolutionary movement was not initially seen as particularly radical. One reason for this was that the council of elders was not dissimilar in premise for more antiquated forms of rulership among the Amaziɣ. Furthermore, very little of the most radical literature produced by revolutionaries and theorists under the Imxzninassan had been disseminated beyond the borders of Aɣmatia, or even translated from Tifinaɣ. Despite this, the Amaziɣ Revolution of 1799-1800 had a strong theoretical basis in class consciousness and a labour theory of value. Following these two notions, the preservation of the industrial character of the previously repressive trade castes made sense as an emancipatory exercise in which the tribes were the masters of their own labour.
Confederation era
Following the successful revolution, the scarcity of food persisted and the council of elders was unable to agree on a method to effectively distribute food. Food riots and violence against agricultural workers and fishers who were suspected of hoarding food to sell to the other tribes at exorbitant prices became commonplace but disaster was narrowly averted in 1803 when the drought finally abated. Despite this, the council of elders determined that a formal body held accountable by a constitution would be necessary to adjudicate tribal disputes. The first incarnation of the new constitution was weak and operated as a formalist document on the powers of the executive without enshrining rights or protections for individuals, or determining how tribal representation at the council and on the executive would be determined. While the Confederation of Aɣmatia had acquired a syndicalist character, it was not definitively democratic. A second constitution introduced in 1809 enshrined cultural rights, establishing Tifinaɣ as the national language and providing protections for 'Iifae Azdarin and traditional Amaziɣ faithful alike.
Despite political confusion, Aɣmatia rapidly industrialized past its previous capacities under the Izîlids. Factories allowed for the production of new consumer goods and canning was introduced circa. 1815, which sheltered against the threat of food shortages and spoilage. At the same time, many more traditional trades were hesitant to investigate newer technologies and diminish skilled work which assured the commercial propriety of each tribe. In 1814 a third and final document was inducted into the Aɣmatian constitution, formalizing the exclusivity of industrial rights for each tribe and also creating the process for new "tribes" to be created with the development of new industries. These changes allowed many tribes to feel more comfortable with rekying on machinery and less skilled labour without jeopardizing the economic security of the tribes and their members.
History of Merovia
Classical era
The oldest evidence of permanent settlement in present-day Merovia dates back to the 6th millenium BCE. The earliest Merovians settled along the many rivers which feed into Lake Martel. Changes to the topography over the subsequent 8 millennia and erosion have erased most traces of early human settlement, though cave art and some early stonework has been recovered from the first 5 millennia. Throughout the first millenium BCE, the first known major demographic shift in the region occurred as new settlements were formed primarily by eastern migrants, Lihnidosi colonists, and Aradian settlers, heralding in the Belisarian Bronze Age. Various tribes and chiefdoms formed out of political unions and confederations, further developing into the Iron Age. Early Audonia was distinguished from the Tervingia and Goths by its language which was originally a Celtic dialect.
In 203 BCE, the Latin Empire began its annexation of the Audonian lands to its east. Many tribes and clans were conquered by the empire before 199 BCE when the vast majority of tribes formed a confederation under High King Merovectorix. Merovectorix's confederation held out against the Latins for seventeen years before finally succumbing to the legions. In honour of warrior-king, the Latins named the newly founded province "Merovia". The Latin province of Merovia remained a part of the empire for over one thousand years. Though uprisings were common at first, the Latin dominance became the norm and even the Audonic language became mixed with that of the Latins and more migrants from the east to form the precursors to modern Audonic. Tribal chiefs and kings became Latinized and clans became noble houses. Through this process many native Merovians found local power once more, but ultimately remained subjugated. The institution of the Fabrian Catholic Church as the state religion of the Latin Empire in 372 CE led to the sharp decline of the traditional Audonian polytheism in Merovia.
By the 6th century CE, there were six Merovian comites administrating districts under the provincial governor. As the Latin Empire had expanded eastward and to the south across the Periclean over the past few centuries, the Merovians were increasingly regarded as a core of the empire, due especially to its importance as a breadbasket. The major domestic disruptions over the subsequent few centuries were the arrival of Proto-Leute-speaking migrants from the east, who settled in the Merovian valleys. These arrivals brought a major cultural and linguistic shift to the region after several centuries of assimilation, but were regarded poorly by contemporary and later historians who described the events as "barbarian invasions". Throughout the late Imperial-period, Merovians were loyal denizens of the Latin Empire, but perhaps more loyal Fabrians.
Holy Audonian Empire
On the 17th of November, 1068 the Fabrian Catholic Pope crowned Robert the Great as Holy Audonian Emperor, threatening Latin imperial authority. In Merovia, Saint Aliénor de Grissons led a revolt against the Latins from 1061 to 1070, first galvanizing support among peasants and serfs, but eventually gaining support from local counts and magistrates. The Latin hold on the province was finally broken at the Siege of Vallionum which also claimed the life of Saint Aliénor. With independence won, but no clear rightful leader among the Merovian counts, the nobles pledged themselves to Robert the Great and the new empire. The central part of the empire continued to be known as Merovia, and was made up of the counties of Guibelline, Haut-Saint-Graël-du-Mont, Couronne, Artésie, Aix-des-Vaux, and Grissons.
Over the next half-millennium, the Merovian counties became the southern heartland of the Holy Audonian Empire, nestled along the Periclean, but insulated against most foreign threats. The Merovian counts' loyalty to the emperor was second only to their loyalty to the pope; and the few Merovian emperors often conceded investitures and tithes to the papacy, fueling conflict for the more independent northern and eastern rulers who took the throne subsequently. Merovian nobles often participated in crusades in Sydalon, Norumbria, and along the Scipian coast. During the Protestant revolts in Belisaria, Merovia remained a bastion of Fabrian Catholicism and fiercely repressed the Protestant faith. The outbreak of the Belisarian Wars of Religion led to the greatest mobilization of the counties' population since their revolt from the Latin Empire and throughout the conflict the Merovian armies remained engaged on several fronts with Protestant forces.
Tensions between Protestants and Catholics in the empire continued to rise over the 17th century after the Belisarian Wars of Religion and attempted conciliations. The War of Tourrainian Succession exacerbated tensions between Protestant strongholds in the west and Catholics in the east. After consolidating County of Haut-Saint-Graël-du-Mont in 1666 and then being elevated to Duke of Merovia in 1700, the rulers of the House of Grissons became dogged persecutors of Protestantism even in times of peace. Louis VI Niort-Parthenay of Vannois precipitated the fall of the Holy Audonian Empire over his 42 year tenure as emperor. By the time of his death in 1748, non-Catholics faced extreme discrimination. Attempts by his successors to ease religious tensions, including the conversion of Emperor Stephen from Catholic to Protestant, were insufficient. The Holy Audonian Empire ultimately collapsed on January 1, 1816. The Duchy of Merovia subsequently declared its independence, under Louis XI de Grissons.
Fall and revolution
As an independent ruler, Louis XI became increasingly unpopular at home. The formal breakdown in relations with Protestant Lyncanestria and the Duke's refusal to acknowledge the imperial court of Vannois isolated the Duchy. With few trading partners, the agrarian nation became starved of resources. The onset of several decades of poor harvests compounded poverty and malnutrition. Life in the independent Duchy of Merovia became increasingly repressed and intolerable. Duke Louis XI and his successor, Louis XII de Grissons, maintained a standing Ducal Army which was in constant movement putting down peasant uprisings and guilder marches. The army also pillaged its own villages as it moved, both by outright robbing Merovian denizens and by demanding quarters from even peaceful and subservient villages.
By the 1820s, material and intellectual opposition to the Duchy had coalesced into a united movement toward republicanism and the redistribution of wealth, greatly influenced by by the Aɣmatian revolution two decades prior. The Scipian nation's rapid industrialization enticed Merovian scholars. This included Jean Estienne, a guild union organizer and political theorist from the University of Damiette who began an epistlatory relationship with Ziri Akli, one of the central figures of the Aɣmatian revolution. Mobilization of intelligentsia and leaders of the commons expanded and the dissemination of pamphlets and readings in beer halls and teahouses became common. For the state's part, increasingly draconian censorship laws were enacted, leading to the imprisonment and even execution of many scholars and printers for disseminating seditious materials.
In June of 1824, guild leaders and high-profile peasants met in the small village of Vallènes, ostensibly for a festival on the equinox. Two guests of honour from Aɣmatia were Tariqt Akli, Ziri Akli's niece, and Faras Selim, a clan steward and industrial organizer. The arrival of two Aɣmatians caught the attention of the Ducal forces who themselves marched on the Vallènes festival to disperse the attendees. Between twenty and thirty thousand commoners were attending the festival and the ensuing clash left between fifty and one hundred dead, including a dozen soldiers. Estienne and other republican leaders formally declared themselves to be in open revolt and scrambled to accumulate weapons and rally other commoners against the Duke. Despite being outgunned by the Ducal Army, the commoners gradually gained momentum as their numbers swelled and stocks of arms and ammunition were collected. The first major defeat of the Ducal Army was in October of 1825 at Avre in the east of the country where the revolutionaries had consolidated the most ground. 1826 brought more victories, even as both sides of the conflict languished due to lack of food and supplies, though the commoners were being covertly supported by Aɣmatia through shipments of food. By 1828, the Ducal Army was crushed everywhere but in the capital of Vaux where Duke Louis XII was entrenched. On August 22, the city was besieged.
Throughout the armed rebellion and especially as it achieved more and more success, the ideological leaders of the movement had been organizing and planning for a government. With most of the commoner's leadership centralized with the guilders, agricultural leadership organized to form a central committee. Modelling a democratic constitution with universal suffrage was drafted, eventually adopted, and put into effect in regions where Ducal influence had already been expelled. The Fabrian Catholic clergy was divided in the conflict. Some religious leaders supported the rebellion in spite of tradition. Others proved to be vital in motivating the loyalty of the Duke's supporters through the ensuing struggle. The coinciding end of the dry period in the Spring of 1829 also eased the troubles of the revolutionaries, though Ducal forces still held out in Vaux. The old capital had been largely abandoned and reduced to ruins. Ships blockaded access to its port on Lake Martel. Many Ducal soldiers died to famine as did trying to escape the city limits. Most losses were from defections, however. Duke Louis XII had attempted to sue for peace at multiple instances but was denied every time and it was becoming increasingly difficult for him to motivate his soldiers.
By the end of the year the Ducal Army broke and the siege was lifted. The Duke almost evaded capture but was brought into the revolutionaries' custody on the outskirts of the capital. The Duke was tried in a court and found guilty of crimes ranging from embezzlement, to murder, and treason. On February 11 he was executed. The Republic of Merovia was officially proclaimed on May 9, 1830. On June 20, 1831 the Republic formed a union with the Confederation of Aɣmatia.
History of the Union
19th century
The beginning of the Messidor Union's history was chaotic. The interpretation of the new constitution, the role of unions and tribal associations, and the degree to which a federal government could exercise powers over the two nations were all being negotiated. The Union also had to situate itself in the world. The Messidor Union was largely surrounded by monarchies which were hostile to its ideals, but in turn the Union regarded its more authoritarian neighbours with distrust. As early as 1833 the diplomatic situation escalated to violence as the Kingdom of Yisrael invaded a section of northwestern Aɣmatia in the present day province of Kirthan. Ostensibly, the incursion was met with little resistance, though local warbands clashed several times with the Yisraeli regulars. The newly established Protectorate of Tarshish was effectively a colonial possession of the Kingdom. Even so, arms and funds were funneled into the Protectorate by Aɣmatians over the next century.
Following the consolidation of the Union's reduced borders, political strife struck the nation anew as the political establishment formed. Begining in 1839, Fabrian Merovians became ostracized over their religious beliefs, as many union administrators and representatives considered the faith to be monarchistic and "anti-republican". Fabrian communities persevered through the persecution, though formal identification with religion became far less prevalent. In Aɣmatia, similar rhetoric was brought forth against the Itmassan-ddin faithful, though with much less vigour. Regardless, a similar result was achieved, in part due to the limited central organization which made it easy to pay lipservice to irreligion. To the present, most Messidorians identify as irreligious, though the vast majority of this group maintains at least some degree of spiritualism.
The Messidor Union became a stable, if insular, player in the Periclean by the middle of the 19th century. The Messidor Army and Navy Corps were founded in 1839. National and federated trade unions became formalized and central government services were clearly delineated. Through much of the century, Charnea remained the sole commercial avenue to the Union. Gradually, pressure from unions and a more laissez-faire central policy opened trade with neighbouring nations, but formally relations with monarchies remained cold. Ostrozava's Crimson Revolution in 1909 brought about a significant shift in Belisarian politics. As monarchies grew increasingly concerned with revolution while republics worried about reaction, the Messidor Union began to project naval power across the Periclean and forge connections with other democratic nations, including the distant Tsurushimese Third Republic.
In the 1880s, the Messidor Union was struck with a constitutional crisis. For over half a century, each syndicate had a single representative at the Congress of the Union to represent their interests. The Shipbuilders' Union, a major player in the Aɣmatian economy, had begun a practice of intentionally fragmenting itself into progressively more specific unions to achieve further influence in every level of government. This voting power was also frequently used to deny standing to other, smaller unions with arguably more legitimate claims. This process denied full suffrage and representation to many Messidorians and also highlighted the poor representation of the population as a whole at every assembly. Rival unions both in Aɣmatia and in Merovia similarly abused the system until at one point the Congress of the Union was composed of 1,431 members, despite a total population of approximately 8 million in the Union. The initial solution was simply to remove seats from the assembly halls, requiring members to stand through proceedings. Eventually, the fragmentation of syndicates became the subject of several high-profile law suits. In 1883, these suits were tried together in front of the Supreme Court which unanimously found them to be within the bounds of the constitution, but also included the unprecedented recommendation that the constitution be amended. The ruling caused an uproar throughout the Union and created immense pressure to redevelop the composition of Messidorian assemblies. In 1885 the constitution was amended such that union representation would be determined by proportionality to the population. Smaller unions with standing would now have to conglomerate for political participation but the number of representatives at each council could be fixed to roughly one per every hundred thousand citizens, to be recalculated every census period.
20th century
Capitalizing off the chaos wrought by the Second West Scipian War and the 1919 Revolution in Yisrael, the Messidor Union launched an invasion through the Ninva Desert in the same year and annexed the Timna Strip (presently the province of Amara) in southern Yisrael; an oil-rich region which is also home to the Kel Adrar and Kel Tamashek peoples. The Yisraeli forces, while steeled from their war against Sydalon, could not repel the Aɣmatian soldiers and the Kingdom was forced to concede the region by treaty in 1922 under the new Constitutional Liberal-led government.
The Messidor Union only saw peace for three years. In 1922, weapons and supplies were covertly funneled to republican forces in the north during the partition of Ottonia. In the same year, Messidorian soldiers were mobilized to the defense of Ostrozava at the onset of the First Partisans' War. Passage to Ostrozava was secured by rail through Vannois which remained officially neutral. This war had ground to a stalemate by 1925. An uneasy peace was signed in 1926 which left several thousand Messidorian soldiers and unproven armoured vehicle prototypes stranded in Ostrozava. A majority of forces eventually returned through Vannois, but a large detachment were deployed directly to Hétumoger in 1928 after the Messidor Union pledged support for the Blue Nationalists in the Citizenry Uprising. The de facto partitioning of Hétumoger in 1929 initiated the return of the last brigade of Messidorian veterans, many of whom had been away from home for seven years.
Relations between Yisrael and the Messidor Union remained poor even through the regime change in 1941. In Belisaria, the Messidor Union, North Ottonia, and Ostrozava formed the Republican Internationale. The internationale was an influential alliance in the region over the next half-century. During the Year of Blood in 1951, the Yisraeli forces governing Tarshish fell to infighting. Messidorian forces who were monitoring the situation swiftly invaded the region and reincorporated it into the province of Kirthan. The military effort was largely bloodless, but remained a diplomatic sore point over a number of decades between the Union and the restored consitutional monarchy. The restoration of Kirthan has had continued impact on the region as ethnic tensions simmered between the Aɣmatians and Jewish settler population which had previously occupied a privileged position in the occupying government and the imposition of Yisraeli colonial law.
Contemporary history
Relations between Yisrael and the Messidor Union normalized following the rise of Spiterianism in Sydalon. When the Fourth West Scipian War broke out in 1963, the Messidor Union supported Yisraeli efforts against Sydalon. After the signing of the Yarden Accords, peace in the West Periclean followed over the next half-century. During this period the Messidor Union extended its commercial influence in the region, though some historians claim that the syndicalist federation lost its revolutionary edge. The Messidorian Armed Forces leased a naval base on Gran Aligonia - then an absolute monarchy - and developed relatively warmer relations with Latium and Lihnidos. In 2001, the longest bridge in the world was completed, joining Lihnidos to mainland Belisaria over the strait between the island kingdom and Merovia.
The Messidor Union formalized relations with its leftist allies, joining the Kiso Pact and entering into economic cooperation with global libertarian socialist nations.
Geography and climate
For the most part, Merovia and Aɣmatia have different environments. In the coastal regions, both nations experience the Periclean climate, though Merovia has a greater seasonal variation. Much of Aɣmatia is covered by the foothills and peaks of the Astral Mountains which give way in the south to the rolling dunes of the Ninva Desert. In Merovia, the Belisarian Alps dominate the northern border with Lyncanestria and the highlands extend down the western border as well. The rest of the nation is mostly rolling plains and hills, once the location of vast forests which have since given way to argiculture.
Flora and fauna
Rabbits, hares, squirrels, and several different species of deer are among the most common animals endemic to Merovia. Wild boars and ibexes are less common but numerous enough for conservation status to be warranted. Belisarian beavers are endangered within Merovia while populations in other countries are stable. Mice are the most common rodents and household pests. In Aɣmatia, fewer mammals are capable of surviving the intense heat of the Zhara Desert. Common mammals include shrews, sand rats, mice, and fennec foxes. Deer are also still common along the coasts of Aɣmatia.
Migratory birds are common in both Merovia and Aɣmatia as well. Many northern birds such as geese and ducks will winter in one of the two countries, while southern birds like flamingoes will fly up from central or southern Scipia in the spring. Many of the fish of the Periclean have been historically important for communities on either side of the sea.
Aɣmatia's flora varies greatly between the southern desert where very little can grow, the coastal regions where cereals and cash crops are commonly grown, and the eastern brushland. Of particular note is a species of uniquely endemic firs in the central mountains above the Zhara Desert. The local ecology in Merovia is naturally dominated by shrubland and small evergreen trees. Early human cultivation and forestry has altered the local ecology and presently the countryside is dominated by cereal agriculture and curated forests of oak and elm trees.
Climate
Aɣmatia's climate is best described as exceedingly hot and dry with the exception of the coastal region which receives precipitation from the Periclean. The two other broad climate zones present in the nation include the eastern steppe brushland, which receives enough precipitation to support plant life; and the central mountains where the elevation leads to noticeable cooling compared to the deserts which lie in the rain shadow to the south. On average, temperatures in the desert peak around 35°C (~95°F) in mid-summer. In ther winter, temperatures can fall as low as 5°C (~40°F). The daily mean temperature across the whole year is 22°C (~71°F). Along the coast temperatures are nearly identical although rainfall over the year is approximately 11× greater than in the desert (600 mm versus 54 mm of rain annually).
In southern Merovia, temperatures are on average 5°C (~8°F) lower than those in northern Aɣmatia, but the level of rainfall varies from similar amounts in the west to almost doubling those in Scipia in the east. Further into the continent temperatures become increasinbly temperate and by the foothills of the Merovian Alps the local climate sees a consistently cold winter with temperatures falling to -10°C (~15°F). Rainfall in the continental regions is more even owing to relatively flat topography, the lack of any barriers to rainfall, and the presence of several large lakes.
Government and politics
The centre of politics in the Messidor Union has shifted over the past two centuries of its existence, though for the past eight decades it has been in New Aɣmat City. Place Messidor (Tagsayt Mgrawi) is a large complex which houses the Workers' Congress as well as the Supreme Court. The national government of the Confederation of Aɣmatia is also seated in New Aɣmat City while the national government of the Republic of Merovia resides in Vaux. The Worker's Congress is made up of 523 delegates - approximately one for each 100,000 citizens. In the early history of the Union, each syndicate had one representative at the congress, but in the early 20th century the number of delegates was changed to be proportional to the workforce of each union. The Supreme Court is composed of five the most senior legal magistrates in the Union; five from Merovia and five from Aɣmatia. The Supreme Magistrates are selected by a special committee in the Workers' Congress and then elected by the full assembly where they may serve six-year terms.
The federal and national governments of the Messidor Union are semi-parliamentary assemblies where the elected leaders of the assemblies form a cabinet which oversees the executive functions of each level of government. The leader of each constituent nation are referred to as the Presidents of Aɣmatia and Merovia while the federal leader is the President of the Union. The elected chairperson who manages the sessions of the Workers' Congress is referred to as the President of the Congress.
There are two major political blocs within the various unions and the Workers' Congress: the Social-Progressive Alliance and the Industrial Liberty Front. The Social-Progressive Alliance is a voice for centralization in the Congress; advocating for stronger government intervention in civil society and more traditional democratic socialist institutions and environmentalism. The SPA currently holds a great deal of sway in the assembly and both the President of the Union and the President of the Congress are associated with the movement. The Industrial Liberty Front is more libertarian in its goals. The policy of the ILF is to consolidate more power within the unions and syndicates - including taking full agency of healthcare and education, also empowering unions to act on their own authority.
Separation of powers
The federal government in the Messidor Union has limited authority compared to its constituent nations: the Republic of Merovia and the Confederation of Aɣmatia. Even so, most unions operate in both nations and as such the federal government rules to ensure relative consistency and equal enjoyment of rights across the Union. In brief, the three constitutional levels of government are the federal, the national, and the municipal. Unions are involved in all three levels and each of the levels can effectively be considered to be different union labour councils of increasingly specific locales respectively. Unions are generally free to make their own regulations, even political ones, for their members as well within the bounds of constituional limits. An example of this would be how approximately two-thirds of unions have mandatory voting while the other third does not.
In general, the federal government has jurisdiction over civil and political rights, barebones commercial regulation, courier service, the census, maritime affairs, taxation, banking, social services, and national defence. The national government has jurisdiction over personal and private property, transportation, most forms of licensing, policing, prisons and jails, the environment, and education. Any other powers traditionally fall to individual unions. National governments may devolve any of their powers to their constituent provinces by simple acts of legislation, and beyond the provincial level down to municipalities or cantons. Beyond this, there is no further division of power: both Aɣmatia and Merovia are unitary states within a federal union.
Administrative subdivisions
Name | Capital | Flag | Population |
---|---|---|---|
Aɣmatia Aɣmatakal |
New Aɣmat City Azagar Aɣmat n Assa |
File:Aɣmatia flag.png | 34,376,313 |
Provinces | |||
New Aɣmat Aɣmat n Assa |
New Aɣmat City Azagar Aɣmat n Assa |
File:New Aɣmat flag.png | 14,272,695 |
Kirthan | Kirthan City Azagar Kirthan |
File:Sakriwadunsn flag.png | 8,119,334 |
North Zwawa Zwawa Šamalia |
Takalt | File:Tafriqt flag.png | 5,338,291 |
South Zwawa Zwawa Janubia |
Ay'ha Aman | File:Lbhar Rmla flag.png | 2,915,462 |
Hlushra | Tassaɣt Tamgarut | File:Hlushra flag.png | 1,303,213 |
Amara | Assanzzit | File:Amara Akal flag.png | 2,427,318 |
Name | Capital | Flag | Population |
---|---|---|---|
Merovia Mérovie |
Vaux | File:Merovia flag.png | 17,938,132 |
Provinces | |||
Aix-des-Vaux | Vaux | File:Aix-des-Vaux flag.png | 5,973,398 |
Guibellines | Guibellines City Cité des Guibellines |
File:Mousillon flag.png | 1,919,380 |
Grissons | Galles | File:Grissons flag.png | 1,399,174 |
Couronne | Couronne City Ville de Couronne |
File:Couronne flag.png | 4,179,585 |
High Grail Haut-Graël |
High Grail City Ville du Haut-Graël |
File:Nazaire flag.png | 1,596,494 |
Artesia Artésie |
Artesia City Cité d'Artésie |
File:Bastonne flag.png | 2,870,101 |
Law
The Messidor Union's legal system is a hybrid between the traditional Audonian civil code and more traditional Amaziɣ clan rules. Common law principles have also influenced interpretation of the law and the leeway provided to judges. In practice, all criminal and civil offences are inscribed in the civil code. This code contains 849 criminal provisions and 3,168 civil provisions, each excluding amendments and subsections. Law enforcement is community-based at a local level and any person can bring any form of charge to a magistrate. In the event that a victim would refuse to bring a criminal charge against an offender, a third party would still be able to initiate proceedings provided they meet the minimum burden for the specific provision. For commercial and regulatory offences as well as coordination across jurisdictions, there is a federal police force called the Union Security.
Capital punishment was abolished in 1909 following protests based on the belief that it is beyond the state's authority to claim a life. Imprisonment is also extremely rare as a sentence. It is often only used for the convicted who are not part of a union or for those who cannot be safely remanded to their union or syndicate for discipline. Immediately after charges have been validated by a magistrate, the accused may still be detained pending a bail hearing. Unions are generally responsible for disciplining convicted members. Recommendations are made by the convicted, their union, the victim, and the magistrates. If there is consensus, the sentence will be carried out with supervision by a third party. If there is a dispute, an extended sentencing process may go through. Discipline usually takes the form of fines, long periods of isolation, forced labour, or occasionally corporal punishment. Decisions may be appealed from municipal, to national, and up to federal courts if there is any obvious miscarriage of justice or if the interpretation of a provision of the code is particularly nuanced enough that it requires further elaboration. The Supreme Court is the only level at which an even number of magistrates may rule on a case. In the event of an even split among decisions, the court may be temporarily dissolved and a new set of magistrates will be elected to review the issue and compare results with the original court.
Many freedoms are protected by the 1831 Constitution including freedom of conscience, speech, and association. Equality of sexes, genders, and racialized identity is also protected. Citizens of the Union also have a right to food and housing though the exact implementation of these rights continues to be debated to the present day.
Military
The unified armed forces of the Messidor Union are comprised of the Messidorian Army Corps, the Navy Corps, and the Air Corps. The land and naval forces were originally consolidated in 1839 with the addition of the aerial branch in 1920. Service is strictly voluntary and conscription has never been practised in the modern history of the Union. Members of the armed forces are unionized under a federal workers' syndicate which means that the structure of the armed forces differs significantly from the global norm. The syndicate also differs in structure in that children cannot be raised within it, being seconded to the unions from which the parents came from before enlisting or being commissioned. While commissioned officer positions have education requirements, non-commissioned officers are elected by their units. Furthermore, while a commissioned officer receives an appointment from high command, this appointment must also be ratified by the unit as a whole. This relaxed approach to military hierarchy has led to the widespread notion that Messidorian forces are undisciplined and disorganized.
Economy
The Messidor Union ostensibly has a market system. The economy is highly regulated in an unofficial manner. While there are few official requirements mandated by the Workers' Congress, individual unions enforce industry standards. The economy is mixed and major industries include bread, tea, grapes, and other agricultural products, petroleum products, pharmaceuticals, and post-industrial products. Merovia is often known as the "Breadbasket of the Union" and was a source of agricultural wealth which has since stagnated while Aɣmatia's economy has exploded over the past century with the growth of its petroleum industry. In the international context, the Messidor Union is a stable but closed and highly protectionist economy. Two currencies are issued by the two constituent nations but are held at parity; Merovia's Marque (ℳ) and Aɣmatia's Qarit (ⵇ).
Unions
Approximately 90% of the Messidor Union's workforce is unionized and union membership is effectively necessary for suffrage and access to many political rights and protections. Beyond work and politics, unions are also central in education, housing, and family life. Labour unions have diverse lineages within the Messidor Union. In Aɣmatia, many unions developed out of traditional clan structures and the colonial policies of the Holy Audonian Empire. Whereas in Merovia, artisans guilds and peasant collectives formed the foundation for many others. In both nations, however, many if not most of the guilds were formed post-revolution for the purpose of labour solidarity and the development of syndicalism.
Transportation
Both Merovia and Aɣmatia have extensive rail networks which continue to serve as the major intercity transportation network. Road travel is considerably more difficult compared to the rest of the world and many major roads are unpaved and/or poorly maintained. In southern Aɣmatia, road access between major centres may be entirely non-existent. Air travel is similarly difficult or uncommon. There are major public airports in New Aɣmat City and Vaux, with a few other smaller centres in other cities, but the Messidorian Air Corps maintains exclusive use of many airstrips. The most common domestic flight route is between New Aɣmat City and Vaux, though depending on the season and demand, there may be as little as a single flight in each direction daily. Maritime travel between the two constituent nations of the Union is steady - a single crossing of the Periclean Sea over the approximately 1,100 km (680 mi) gap takes about 25 hours by ferry.
Within small and large urban centres, rail travel is still the primary form of commuter transit. In regions where rail travel is generally inaccessible or impractical, buses and personal vehicles are common, the former making use of a growing rapid transit corridor infrastructure. In urban centres where light rail infrastructure is aging and becoming increasingly obsolete, paved rapid transit corridors are increasingly replacing rail lines due to the comparative ease of vehicle maintenance and replacement.
Public transit, both intracity and intercity, is under the purview of each of the national governments. Access to transit is provided through a token system according to the individual transportation needs prescribed by each union in the national assembly. In effect, most workers have access to transit for work, leisure, and domestic needs. However, a black market for transit tokens exists for those whose transit use exceeds the tokens they are provided. Transit between Merovia and Aɣmatia requires an application for a specific work purpose or a simple monetary payment.
Energy
The petroleum industry is central to the economy of Aɣmatia, centred mostly in the province of Amara and the rich oil fields in its northwest region, though southern Kirthan also has some oil reserves. Petroleum is produced in excess of the nation's energy demand which is supplemented by several large solar projects and two hydroelectric dams in the nation's north. Surplus oil is sold to Sante Reze and Yisrael, mostly shipped in tanks by rail. Merovia's energy sector is mainly fueled by hydroelectric power focused on major dams in the country's north. A recent push for renewable energy has led to the creation of several major wind turbine projects, though oil imported from Aɣmatia is still a major energy source. Merovia is also an energy customer to some of its neighbours owing to a burst in population growth over the past half-century which was not accompanied by a sufficient expansion to the power grid.
Demographics
The Messidor Union has a total population of 52,314,445 as of the 2018 census; 34,376,313 Aɣmatians and 17,938,132 Merovians. Birth rates in both nations remain stable at the replacement rate and internal immigration is negligible. Between Aɣmatia and Merovia, migration towards the southern nation accounts for the largest demographic shifts in the Union. The average life expectancy is rising and currently averages at 78.0 years. The Messidor Union's population period is also stable, though Aɣmatia has a proportionally larger cohort of youths.
Rank | Nation | Pop. | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
New Aɣmat City Takalt |
1 | New Aɣmat City | Aɣmatia | 8,873,785 | Kirthan City Vaux | ||||
2 | Takalt | Aɣmatia | 4,884,626 | ||||||
3 | Kirthan City | Aɣmatia | 4,344,527 | ||||||
4 | Vaux | Merovia | 3,497,939 | ||||||
5 | Ay'ha Aman | Aɣmatia | 2,651,285 | ||||||
6 | Couronne City | Merovia | 2,391,630 | ||||||
7 | Artesia City | Merovia | 1,891,631 | ||||||
8 | Assannzit | Aɣmatia | 1,153,101 | ||||||
9 | Ifurša | Aɣmatia | 966,010 | ||||||
10 | Damiette | Merovia | 746,862 |
Ethnicity
A great majority of Aɣmatians identify as Amaziɣ. More specifically, 68% identify as Kel Adrar. 9% identify as Kel Tamashek, mostly concentrated in the south. 15% identify broadly as Belisarian, the vast majority as Audonian, while the remaining 8% are either from other Scipian nations or Ochran. In Merovia, Audonians make up 72% of the population while other Belisarians make up a further 10%. Amaziɣ individuals constitute 12% of the population while other ethnicities make up the remaining 6%.
Kel Adrar Amaziɣ identity draws a lineage back to prehistory. After the colonial occupation of Aɣmatia, Amaziɣ culture was heavily suppressed. In the ensuing two centuries since Aɣmatia's indepedence, much work has been done to reclaim Amaziɣ culture and language. The traditional cultural lineage remained largely preserved, though the colonial era altered many aspects of clan society and organization that were never truly restored after independence and the merging of the traditional clans into non-kinship-based syndicates. A degree of tension exists between the northern Kel Adrar and Kel Tamashek groups of the Imaziɣen. The former two are not officially distinguished, but exhibit different cultural values, particularly with respect to religious beliefs and kinship structures.
The province of Kirthan also has a large Jewish enclave in the north which arrived with the Yisraeli colonization in the early 1830s and remained with the reannexation of the province's north in 1950-51. While largely subsided since the mid-20th century, tensions between Jewish and Amaziɣ population have remained a source of unrest. This is due in part to a lack of recognition for Jews and accomodations for religious beliefs by local governments and populations as well as latent colonial resentment.
Language
Both Audonic and Tamaziɣt have official status in the Messidor Union and both courts and public services are required to operate in both languages regardless of which nation they are located. Many unions also operate across the Periclean and encourage bilingualism. Approximately 62% of the population is proficiently bilingual, though in Merovia it is rare for the Amaziɣ alphabet, or Tifinaɣ to be used. Instead, Tamaziɣt is written in the Latin alphabet. The Tamashek dialect is also recognized in the southern Aɣmatian provinces. In Merovia, only a single dialect of Audonic is recognized despite several enclaves of Allamunnic peoples.
Religion
The Messidor Union is officially a secular nation. Despite this, faith and religiosity (or the lack thereof) delineate cultural groups even more strongly than spoken language.
Religiosity in Merovia peaked just prior to the 1829 revolution and has steadily declined oved the ensuing two centuries. Generally, the southern populations remained largely Fabrian while some northern communities were Protestant strongholds. Presently, the Fabrian population makes up 42% of the population with Protestants rounding out 8% of the population. The remaining half of the population is mostly some variety of irreligious, though a good proportion maintain a degree of "spirituality". Other faiths present in Merovia include Itmassan Faith, Azdarin, and Judaism.
In Aɣmatia, cultural identity is heavily tied to Itmassan-ddin. The "Saints' Faith", as it is otherwise known, is the traditional religion of northern Amaziɣ peoples. It is distinct from, but related to Kaharnism which is associated with the Tamashek in Charnea. Primary aspects of the faith are solar worship and the veneration of ancestor spirits. Irreligiosity in various forms is approximately as common as it is in Merovia.
Education
Educational standards are prescribed by national governments but generally enacted by unions. Primary and secondary school education is provided by union schools which follow a standard curriculum which equip students with general knowledge, but may otherwise focus on aspects of the particular trade of the union. Students who demonstrate interest in different disciplines may be able to transfer from one union to another with parental consent.
At the post-secondary level, Merovia and Aɣmatia both have national universities which follow a more recognizable international model and are also open to international students. Tuition for Messidorians is entirely subsidized but admittance is barred by somewhat rigorous entry requirements including prior academic success and possibly entry examinations. Messidorian universities are particularly renowned for their humanities institutes.
Healthcare
Similarly to education, healthcare is regulated at a national level but rather is devolved to municipal providers. Costs are likewise fully subsidized through unions and include coverage for general healthcare, family physicians (who are generally in residence with unions), eyecare, dental health, mental health, medical transportation, and pharmacare. The vast majority of union-to-government payments are related to the funding of national healthcare services, followed by infrastructure and then education. Despite the potential for close contacts with other unions, medical doctors and nurse practitioners each have their own unions which frequently arrange for seconding to unions or municipal hospitals.
Care for the elderly is a growing concern in the Union, especially in Messidor where population growth remains stable while the average projected lifespan is growing older. The average retirement age is 65, though it varies by union - some unions prescribe mandatory retirement ages while others allow for voluntary retirement and full collection of benefits as young as 55. Retirement care and housing is also still provided by the union. Gratuities are neither standardized across unions nor legally codified, but minimum standards have been effectively established as human rights in historic court cases.
Housing
Single family homes are relatively rare in the Messidor Union even in rural areas. Housing blocks or complexes are typically organized under union ownership and/or cooperative ownership. Both co-ops and unions require purchase of a stake in a housing complex, though can be mortgaged and union membership typically insures a mortgage. Housing co-ops can vary between higher end and lower end complexes based on the size of the mortgage that needs to be secured or if a stake can be bought outright. Maintenance of housing complexes is performed by property managers employed by the co-op and monthly dues are collected from tenants.
In union-owned housing, the property management may be paid for directly by the union under a housing budget, rather than through any direct collection of additional dues. The union-industrial focus on housing can unfortunately create redlining for urban development, especially for the small minority of workers who are non-union affiliated. However, non-affiliated workers are often foreign workers from fairly affluent backgrounds and may only be residing in the Messidor Union temporarily. Single family homes can typically only be found in rural, agricultural settings and many lots are simple holdovers from before 1831 which escaped urban edicts banning landlordship.
Culture
Present-day Amaziɣ culture in Aɣmatia has been reclaimed in the past two centuries and maintains distinctive aesthetics and socio-cultural values. Physical places such as souqs and tiɣremts have been restored to the Amaziɣ social centres in the southern nation, the former of which is heavily linked with the traditional professions of weaving and fishing. Even through history, the status of women in Aɣmatia has been proximate or equal to that of men. Women have had similar access to property rights and often led clans as the senior-most elders of a family. In the present, Aɣmatian society is very accepting of LGBTQ+ people, women, and minorities as a point of pride. Merovia's culture is considered to be younger than that of the southern nation, having been heavily influenced by developments in the latter middle ages just prior to the Belisarian Wars of Religion. Social conservatism can be present, particularly among Fabrian Catholic communities. However, in larger urban centres and among more secular communities the country is socially liberal.
Distinct from both national cultures, an emerging Messidorian culture has had increasing influence on both constituent nations of the Messidor Union. The aesthetics and values of the culture are notably austere in comparison with the tapestries of Aɣmatia and the decadence of Merovia. Messidorian dress is often plain: constituting grey worsted wool or linen jackets and simple trousers. Messidorian culture resembles the broader socialist internationalist culture, but is more particularly enmeshed with the existing Merovian and Aɣmatian cultures.
Arts
Textile art and architecture are the most renowned traditional arts in Aɣmatia. Many rugs and tapestries display intricate stories through their woven patterns and reflect individual clans. Amaziɣ music is also a growing forum for artists. Gasba music is important for traditional social gatherings, played with traditional instruments such as the ɣaita. Aɣmatian music has also brought many of these traditional themes and currents into more contemporary genres and media - including electronic and pop music. In Merovia, sculpture and painting have remained the primary visual arts over the past half-millennium, though the forms and genres have changed consistently over that time. Merovia was one of the centres of renaissance art in the 15th and 16th centuries, but also was a birthplace for impressionist modern abstract art.
Sports
It is common knowledge around the world that racing is a passion of Merovians and Aɣmatians alike. The Messidor Union as a whole is considered one of the birthplaces of motorsports though competitions of speed and endurance date back millennia. In Aɣmatia, horse racing was a common spectacle even prior to the Azdarin invasion, but was later coalesced into the art of true endurance racing in the deserts and fast, tight sprints through arenas and mazes. In Merovia, the Lihnidosi tradition of the marathon crossed the straights hundreds of years before the common era. The long period of Latin rule brought chariots to the forefront of racing and later, during the Holy Audonian Empire, Merovia developed its own high-speed version of the joust.
Almost as soon as the automobile was developed in the 19th century, people began racing them. In 1894, the inaugural Merovian Grand Prix was held between seven unions across both nations, each supporting three racers. Over a hundred drivers vied for the race seats which are generally accepted to have been divided up based on bribes and nepotism rather than actual talent. Seventeen runners finished and the event was considered a great success. Since then, both a Merovian and an Aɣmatian grand prix have been held every year.
Ice hockey is also an important winter sport in Merovia, particularly in the tall foothills of the Belisarian Alps where seasonal snowfall and frozen ponds are common. Merovia first took part in the World Ice Hockey Tournament in 1926 under its own flag but by 1940 the team played as Messidorians. Other growing sports interests in the Union include pitz and association football.
Cuisine
The Messidor Union is one of the food capitals of the world. Owing to both its central locations both in Belisaria and Scipia and local climates around the Periclean which support the cultivation of diverse ingredients, culinary traditions in both parts of the Union became increasingly complex, particularly in the 19th and 20 centuries. Aulo-Amaziɣ food traditions have spred across much of the world. New Aɣmat City is a diverse gastronomic centre, having seen the emergence of new culinary fusions and experimentation. Vaux, in Belisaria, is the capital of the more rigid and traditional Merovian cuisine which, despite the proletarian styling of the Union, is still considered the height of refinement.
Aɣmatian cuisine is traditionally more open to fusion but still maintains key endemic features. Baɣrir, couscous, merguez, and tajin are all famous Amaziɣ dishes which are still commonly consumed in the present. Merovian cuisine is perhaps best known for its soups, sandwiches, and sweet pastries. Merovia and Aɣmatia also have distinct wine and cheese cultures. Merovian sparkling wines have become a staple for celebratory events and fine dining across the world and other wines are culinary staples. Domestically, alcoholic beverage consumption of wine is heavily outpaced by beer and much of the nation's grape cultivation goes toward producing vinegars. Merovian cheese is typically made from sheep's milk and unpasteurized, characterized by a nutty flavour and hard texture. Both nations have proud baking traditions as well. Aɣmatia's wine tradition emerged more recently in the production of Kosher sweet wines in the northern parts of the province of Kirthan. The practice was iniated by Jewish settlers in the Protectorate of Tarshish but has continued on to the present day. Aɣmatian cheeses are usually made from cow's milk which is semi-soft in texture and similarly nutty in flavour.
Tradition Merovian onion soup served with bread and cheese.
Mille-feuille pastry/custard
Time
While the 12-month Gregorian calendar is widely accepted across the world and especially within Belisaria, the Messidor Union uses an alternate calendar devised in the early years of the Merovian revolution. The calendar is ostensibly composed of 12 months, each with a uniform 30 days. Each month is divided into 3 "decades" or weeks. The standard Messidorian workweek extends 7 of the 10 days, usually in a block of 3 and a block of 4 workdays interrupted by 1 and then 2 days off. Many unions have recently been moving towards a 6-day workweek. The additional 5 days, or 6 in the case of a leap year, on the calendar are an additive general holiday period added to the end of every year. The New Year is held on the summer solstice which ushers in the first month of the year: Messidor.