Guide to World Geopolitics (Pardes)

The Guide to World Geopolitics is an annual report created and compiled by World Council in consultation with key international bodies such as the PMF and PTA as well as an assortment of NGOs such as the Brettons Institution, Liberty Watch, and others to objectively describe world geopolitics on an annual basis. It is similar to but different from World Council's other annual report, the Powers of Pardes, by virtue of describing each nation-state's geopolitical goals, interests, and key allies on a case-by-case basis rather than in a comparative model that the Powers paper focuses on.

The report has been published annually since 1989, when in wake of the world's fast-paced globalization and the emergence of modern mass communications, information on every nation in the globe became vastly more easy and efficient to procure and verify. The compiled paper has been criticized for its simple summarization and lack of abstract elaboration; still, it is largely accepted by most governments and NGOs alike as objective and fair. The report typically sparks wide-ranging debate and discussion after its annual release.

Anikatia

Goals

Anikatia is one of the major actors in the Kasaishima region and in the greater far east of Pardes in general. It occupies a unique geographic position. It is an island, a continent and a nation all at once, and isolated from external threats by sea and terrain that is difficult to traverse. Make it a difficult if not impossible nation to blockade and it's long coastline and vast continental interior make it a particularly defensible nation.

Historically it has been a key power in the Otterup Pact during the Cold War. During this period it has carried a policy of supporting anti-imperialistic antipathy against the Free Pardes powers. This was initially achieved by providing support and solidarity with socialist movements worldwide. Following the collapse of the DSRA, led to a crisis in which Anikatia was unable to achieve all of its strategic geopolitical imperatives and instead had to retreat from many of them. However, as a result of the Cold War it was able to achieve and maintain one of its key objectives, to gain sovereignty over peripheral seas and islands. In 1991 the Seulbyeni Islands Crisis allowed the DSRA to retake the islands which have historically always been considered Anikatian territory, back from Arthuristan control, and they remained in Anikatian control following a treaty ending the conflict. The goals of a worldwide revolution freeing the world from the system of capitalism and imperialism was abandoned with the fall of the DSRA, and fragmentation of global solidarity within the communist nations and left wing movements. As a result capitalism became the dominant economic force within Anikatia and across the world, and imperialism remain strongly ingrained across Pardes, with dozens of colonies surrounding Anikatia.

Today Anikatia continues to pursue a policy of opposition to imperialist influence within its region, although the true realisation of this goal remains far out of reach. From the Anikatian point of view, restoring and maintaining a sphere of influence that it enjoyed during the DSRA as well as expanding its relations and trade is an imperative. Unhappy with the new post-Cold War geopolitical landscape Anikatia has pursued a pragmatic policy based on the principle of neutrality and maintaining peaceful relations with all countries, regardless of their political system. The means of achieving its objectives have shifted towards a focus on using it's increasing economic power, within the current international systems, with a focus on using soft power as a means of providing an alternative system of values, separate from the major power blocs of RCO and the CDI. The government attaches a high priority to the security and stability of the Pardesi East, and seeks to further develop relations with other countries in the region. It avoided joining the two major power blocs of the CDI and RCO and instead it helped form a the new regional organisation ARCS. In addition it has membership in the World Council, SOPCOMM, PMF, PTA, and UDB. Anikatia has sought membership within this wide group of economic organisations as attempt to reduce influence and dependence on any one nation or power bloc as and to prevent the economic crisis situation following the fall of the DSRA. Anikatia’s geopolitical objectives are to strengthen and protect regional ties against what it sees as an alarming growth in imperialistic meddling within the region. Since the loss of the DSRA's seat on the World Council Grand Tribunal due to the dissolution and end of the Cold War, the Republic of Anikatia the legal successor has been continually denied in its bids to regain the seat. President Sui Anyi's government seeks to reclaim the lost seat as a way to restore Anikatia's international reputation and to rebalance the geopolitical order to once again provide a voice for the Far East.

Interests

Traditionally Anikatia has sought to maintain a buffer through strong alliances with Kolenomai and Goredemabwa through the Otterup Pact and has spent both blood and money to achieve these objectives, however the collapse of the DSRA led to a crisis in Anikatian policies and a decline from the international stage. Without the Otterup Pact, Anikatia lost its counterweight to Free Pardes. Uncomfortable in a world that had no balancing power to the new alliances of the CDI and RCO, Anikatia in deep economic crisis became inward and cautious. It observed uneasily the rise of Ulthrannic expansion in Ashizwe replacing the Anikatian allied Otterup Pact powers, but it lacked the power to do anything significant. The indifference of the CDI over the rise of the Ulthrannic Empire were particularly troubling to Anikatia.

One of the problems of modern Anikatia has been the difficult transition from a socialist planned economy, to a mixed free market economy where it is no longer free from the global capitalistic economic system. Instead it is fully dependant on the global market with a generally export-oriented economy. This places it in a position that any disruption of this trade will have a direct effect on the economy. Anikatia cannot control the world price of oil which it must import from abroad. The dramatic economic development since the end of the Cold War has left Anikatia vulnerable to global economic forces that it cannot control. The new post-Cold War international stage has ultimately, put Anikatia in a period of transition, with its current strategies falling short of meeting its core imperatives. The recent shifts in domestic politics with the new more assertive socialist led government, and growing economic power have once again seen a shift to a bolder resurgent nation, implementing its policy objectives with more confidence in an attempt to re-establish its regional power. Although much of Anikatia's future will depend on the evolving global environment.

Special Relationships

• Kolenomai: As one of the closest neighbours both in geography and culture, and as a former member of the Otterup Pact during the Cold War in which the DSRA fought alongside to help secure their freedom from the imperialism of Free Pardes. Ties have remained strong in the post-Cold War era as economic and military support has remained albeit in at reduced levels. Although there has been vocal opposition from Belhavia which holds colonial territory bordering Kolenomai.
• Goredemabwa: Shares a common history as a former Belfrasian colony, and relied on the assistance of Anikatia to break free from a cruel imperialist system of racial segregation in a long and bloody civil war that saw the Federation of Myrdesia split into the nations of Dacia and Goredemabwa. Ideologically opposed to the new state of Dacia, it sought protection in alliances, with Goredemabwa joining the Otterup Pact. This not only gave the DSRA a strategic location in Ashizwe, but also gave it widespread popularity among many within Ashizwean states. The two nations sought strong economic and military ties during this period.
• Saarland: As a leading member of the Otterup Pact, the DSRA and Saarland shared very close political, security and economic ties during the Cold War. The fall of the DSRA led to a slight decline in relations as Anikatia focused on solving domestic issues. But Saarland continues to be a key economic trading partner and geopolitical ally in the region with the new socialist led government seeking to further increase bilateral security ties.

Unorthodox Facts

• Prestonia: Anikatia and Prestonia share a complex and difficult past, historically close cultural values have been overlooked by periods of severe strain, outright conflict and subjugation. During the Cold War the relations marked by tension and hostility with the suspension of war reparations during this period. Following the end of the Cold War ties and payments were once again restarted and have improved vastly. Now sharing the same fundamental values along with a common interest in maintaining peace and security in the region. Economic trade between the two countries continued to increase since the end of the Cold War.
• Belhavia: In the face of a long standing history of ideological, political and cultural opposition and conflict. Along with periods of suspicion, hostility, clandestine operations, proxy wars, political propaganda and opposition during the Cold War. Belhavia and Anikatia were able to normalised ties following the collapse of the DSRA and end of the Cold War. This has allowed the creation of fruitful economic ties between the two nations. Including the sale of the Anikatian Motykov class vessels to Belhavia in 2010 was considered a landmark for the two sovereign states . Although political and ideological differences continue to be a source of contention between the two powers.
• Belfras: Historically, Belfras has ruled Anikatia for over 100 years before Anikatia gained nominal independence in 1929. This long rule has left a lasting cultural influence. But as the Cold War began the persistent calls for full independence, were joined by a growing sense of nationalism. Which culminated in the overthrow of the Belfrasian friendly government by a Socialist Revolution. This surprised Belfras which had underestimated the magnitude and long-term implications of the growing unrest. This development pushed the relationship to breaking point, with the new DSRA government pursuing a policy of anti-imperialism which directly conflicted with Belfras and its colonial holdings. The revolution also saw a number of Belfrasian naval vessels, including nuclear submarines fall into socialist hands. The relationship would not be restored until after the Cold War with the collapse of the DSRA. Since then ties have been normalised once more and economic trade and cooperation has been resumed and Anikatia was once again readmitted to the Commonwealth.
• Ulthrannia: Historically, the Grand Ulthrannic Empire colonised Anikatia along with Sieuxerr in the 1500s. The Ulthrannic efforts saw the complete control of the Anjutya island as a trading post of the Ulthrannic Empire, leading to the collapse of the fragile Ky'iushqīn dynasty. Ulthrannic colonization brought new groups of people to the country. Many settled in Anikatia, particularly among the fully Ulthrannic controlled Anjutya and smaller island groups along the north coast of the Anikatian mainland. Some of those settlers intermarried with the indigenous population, although intermarriage was slight. This gave rise to the Ak'ulyti or individuals of mixed Akichan and Ulthrannic descent. The Empire was instrumental in reforming and shaping the northern Xi'Kytiahu Dynasty (loosely related to the north western island Ky'ishqīn dynasty) into a Empire. The effects of these reforms which led to many changes within the local Akichan, and wider Anikatian communities, as a result the legacy of Ulthrannic role in shaping the local culture can still be felt today. This was achieved by carrying out a coup d'état, ensuring that a new friendly ruler, Empress Jy'jito Äyeh-Lümei assumed power. The new Lümei Dynasty came to be known as the Aekkychan Empire or Imperio Anikatya to the Ulthrannic for the largest ethinc group the Akicha. This new regime was reorganised by the Ulthrannic advisors with slave trading primarily of the nomadic Jiyeongeul inner desert tribes as its main economic activity along with Jiyeongeul and Kypsyak peoples used as forced labor as its primary workforce for mining of precious minerals. This was achieved by expanding into to the inlands of Anikatia. As a result of these efforts relations have been mixed between Anikatia and the Ulthrannic Empire, while they were less intrusive than the Belfrasian and generally allowed the Aekkychan Empire to rule with a relatively high degree of autonomy. They also caused widespread destruction of dynasties, ethnic groups along with flora and fauna and a great deal of traditional Anikatian culture. Once the Belfrasian Kingdom managed to negotiate and or buy territories from the Ulthrannic Empire the strong bond of relations with that empire declined with the Belfrasians often placing blame of local issues and problems on the Ulthrannic Empire. During the Cold War both sides were opposed and it was not until after the fall of the DSRA that relations would be restored. Since then ties have been normalised and once more there has been some economic trade and cooperation, although Anikatia sees growing Ulthrannic efforts in Ashizwe as a possible unwelcome return to the days of colonisation. This issue remains an area of contention between the two nations, along with the large numbers of asylum seekers attempting to enter Anikatia as a result of the Ulthrannic conflict in Albiya.
• Rodarion: Despite political, ideological and cultural differences, Rodarion has become a key economic trading partner in the post-Cold War environment. Rodarion was one of the first nations from outside traditional Cold War alliances to purchase Anikatian military hardware following the collapse of the DSRA, these sales were crucial during a period of economic crisis. Since then both powers have sought mutual gain from shared economic cooperation, including a number of joint venture programs. Although these close relations have been tested by recent tensions, they have so far it has proved robust enough to rise above the political strain.
• Emmeria: Although ideologically opposed during the Cold War, Anikatia and Emmeria share a common history as former colonies of Belfras. Following the end of the Cold War, Emmeria was one of the first nations among Free Pardes to offer assistance and cooperation. This has led to a number of cooperative partnerships, most notably the creation of the largest aircraft in the world the PAU International Kingfisher. Both nations have worked closely together on space programs, with Anikatia's organisation ASTRO becoming a partner with STARS on the Emmerian Freedom Star VII space station. Political differences remain but economic ties have continued to flourish since the end of the Cold War.
• Sunwoo, a Anikatian conglomerate, most notable for its Sunwoo Electronics subsidiary which is the world's largest information technology company by revenue ahead of the Emmerian technology giant Lollipop Inc., the Sunwoo Group is the seventh largest firm by revenue in the world according to the internationally recognized Diamond 500 list completed annually by Enterprise magazine.
• DN Group, a Anikatian conglomerate comprising numerous subsidiaries and affiliated businesses, most notable for its Taolei, Leizha and Daisuma automotive subsidiaries, which make DN Group the largest automotive company and the eighth largest firm by revenue in the world according to the internationally recognized Diamond 500 list completed annually by Enterprise magazine.