Herder-farmer conflicts in the Boual ka Bifie
Herder-farmer conflicts in the Boual ka Bifie refers to continued violence within the Boual ka Bifie region of Bahia, particularly in Mabifia. The violence is a result of disputes over the ownership of land, and in particular over grazing rights for cattle, between the nomadic pastoralist Ndjarendie and sedentary Agriculturalists such as the Mirites, non-Sotirian Machaï, Sewa and Bélé. Following the fall of the Mabifian Democratic Republic, which had supported and incentivised sedentary collective farms and attempted to suppress transhumance, the Ndjarendie have attempted to assert their traditional rights to grazing land within the Central Green Belt, facing resistance from other ethnic groups who rely on these lands for their own agriculture. The conflict has also taken on political and religious aspects, as many of the sedentary ethnic groups follow either Sotirianity or traditional religions. Violence is especially present in Makania, where the clashes over grazing rights have been embroiled in the Makanian Conflict due to the central government's use of herder militias drawn from the Ndjarendie and Mourâhiline ethnic groups against Mirite secessionists.
Causes of violence
Land ownership disputes
The concept of land ownership is a relatively modern introduction to much of Bahia, where land has traditionally been held to be the common property of larger societal units such as the clan or tribe. Even under Hourege, there was not a concept of serfdom and property was often highly communal even in strictly stratified social orders. As many of the more important Houregic entities on the Boual ka Bifie were dominated by pastoralist ethnic groups, grazing rights were often a concession granted as a form of tribute to one's Karane in return for protection. In many areas, land commonality called for customary grazing rights under concepts of hospitality, while the lower populations and peaceful relations meant that such customary arrangements were able to be met without conflict. Such systems of land ownership were alien to the Eucleans, who would only recognise one owner of plots of land and drew up land ownership contracts which granted local rulers exclusive possession of land. Such local rulers were then used as intermediaries between the colonial administration and local population, as aside from in urban areas and on the coast there was little direct Euclean settlement within Mabifia. When the socialists were victorious in the First Mabifian Civil War, they used this Euclean registry of property when declaring all agricultural land to be collectivised. While Léopold Giengs attempted to fusion some aspects of traditional land ownership systems with socialism, this project was abandoned by his successor Fuad Onika. Following the Second Mabifian Civil War and end of socialism in Mabifia land ownership was often extremely vague as rural lands were parcelised among collective members, but as registries were outdated due to immense internal migration as a result of the conflict many lands were left unowned and subsequently claimed. The socialist system had marginalised pastoralists, with transhumance being seen as outdated and running counter to the socialist ideal of mass agriculture to form a post-scarcity society.
As capitalism emerged in Mabifia, so too did economic competition. In this atmosphere of maximisation of profit, customary arrangements which permitted grazing rights were seen as an economic liability as they limited the agricultural capabilities of the farmers. Herders were driven away from grazing their herds at gunpoint, provoking violence due to the profileration of small arms following the civil war. Both sides petitioned the central government for support, resulting in the creation of state-owned grazing lands in some areas. However, these areas are often small and unfertile, resulting in spillover to nearby farms. As well as this, many herder groups have sought to return to ancestral grazing areas instead of these designated grazing areas.
Religious differences
Historically, interreligious relations on the Boual ka Bifie have been relatively stable since the end of the Bahian Consolidation as despite the role of religious differences in the rivalry between the Kambou and veRwizi empires, this was more or less limited to the educated ruling classes of the Houregeries while the lay Irfanic population followed highly syncretic forms of the faith which often coexisted with older fetishist traditions. This was changed under Toubacterie, as divide and rule tactics were employed to limit resistance. Following independence, and especially following the fall of socialism and rise of the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics, radical strains of Political Irfan such as Sattarism and Makoulism have gained a following among the Irfanic population. Such groups view Bahian Fetishism as a vile heresy, and seek to fight against it. As many of the herders are Irfanis, the spread of such views has provided a theological justification for conflict with the Fetishist and Sotirian farmers.
Religious leaders such as Tiridatu Hassan, who is regarded as one of the more influential hardline preachers in Mabifia, have been involved in calls to violence against non-Irfanic peoples in Mabifia and called violence by herders against Fetishist farmers to be "a duty of both religious obligation and self defence".
Makanian Conflict
The violence in Makania has long been tied to the broader conflict between herders and farmers on the Boual ka Bifie. Herder groups, given their religious affiliation which puts them at odds with the Sotirian Mirites, have been incentivised by the central government to attack Machaï people and graze their herds upon Machaï owned land. This policy has been pushed especially by current President Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande, who has employed militias such as the Sans-Éclipses against both separatist militias and the local population. Such groups are accused of ethnic cleansing and other war crimes. The Makanian conflict also contributes to tensions between herders and farmers by creating instability, which restricts economic potential for many Ndjarendie youths and forces them to remain within herder groups and creating food shortages. The conflict has also contributed to the availability of firearms for purchase in the area, as arms dealers are widespread within Makania. Many Ndjarendie youths fight for pro-government groups, before returning to their familial herds with combat experience and a greater tolerance for violence, a cycle which many believe has abetted the increased violence of herder-farmer conflicts.
Desertification and climate change
While natural desertification has occured in the Boual ka Bifie for millenia, the overexploitation of natural water reserves by the Mabifian Democratic Republic in its attempted introduction of intensive agriculture to much of Mabifia which had before then been the domain of highly sustainable subsistance permaculture triggered a major acceleration of the process. As natural reserves were depleted, areas of land became arid and dry, which precipitated the rapid advance of the Fersi desert at a rate far greater than before. As the desert advances, areas which once sustained grazing become barren and unable to sustain life, inevitably pushing the herders inland towards more fertile land. This has accentuated tensions, as while populations have grown rapidly the amount of cultivatable land to feed such growth has dwindled. This dwindling land itself perpetuates the issue, as it means that herder groups must exploit the little remaining land in more intensive ways in order to feed their groups, which damages ecosystems and leaves them more vulnerable to desertification.
Potential solutions
Numerous solutions have been proposed to de-escalate tensions between herder and farmer groups in Mabifia. Despite its percieved implicitness in the escalation and spread of violence, the Ouagedji government has declared its dedication to a peaceful solution to the conflict and has proposed several initiatives to achieve this goal.
Tree planting and sustainable agriculture
One key part of resolving the herder-farmer conflict comes in the slowing of desertification. In response to this threat, the Mabifian government, in collaboration with the Euclean Community, has begun a project to plant several million trees in the Boual ka Bifie. It is hoped that these trees will take root and help combat erosion, a major cause of desertification, as well as providing a windbreak which would limit the spread of sand by air. This project has seen some successes, but is held back by sanctions on the Mabifian government and a lack of local funds and manpower, as well as by unawareness from the local population who often cut down the trees for a source of firewood. Despite these handicaps, the EC has affirmed its continued support for the program. Another important part of the fight against desertification comes in the establishment of more sustainable agricultural practices, such as the adoption of traditional styles of permaculture which did not have such an adverse effect on the earth.
Weldital Initiative
The Weldital initiative, from the Ndjarendie word for reconciliation, is a non-governmental organisation which organises meetings between community elders on either side of the conflict in the hope that common ground can be found. The group has declared its eventual goal would be the establishment of a customary grazing rights system similar to that which existed before Toubacterie, and has had promising results through the creation of dialogue in some areas. However, the group has faced resistance from religious fundamentalist groups, and several of its activists have even faced violence.
Designated grazing areas
The strategy which has been most strongly urged by community groups is the development of the existing grazing reserves which wre put in place under Hassan Babangida's government but which have since recieved little attention. It is believed that the expansion and improvement of such areas will ease the strain on farmer communities, as there will no longer be competition for resources or disputes over ownership of land. However, these policies are strongly opposed by politicians from the Central Green Belt, as they would necessitate the purchase or siezure of land from traditional communities, and are feared to cause spillover into neighbouring farmlands as the borders between reserve and farm are often not clearly marked or respected.