Kingdom of Mabifia

Motto: "Ngoutâkou, Djam, Reftâre"
"Unity, Peace, Faith"
and largest city
Official languagesNdjarendie
Ethnic groups
Ndjarendie 43%
Machaï peoples 23%
Bélé peoples 20%
Ouloume peoples 14%
GovernmentConfederal constitutional monarchy
• Hourege
Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande
• Prime Minister
Adama Buhari
LegislatureNational Assembly
House of Noblemen
House of Common Men
Independence from Estmere
• 2018 census
GDP (nominal)2018 estimate
• Total
$39.4 Billion
• Per capita
HDI (2018)0.472
Driving sideright
Internet TLD.mb

The Kingdom of Mabifia (Ndjarendie: Houredjiterie ko Maoubifïa, Gaullican: Houregerie de Mabifie), most commonly referred to as Mabifia, is a sovereign state in southern and western Bahia. It borders Zorasan to the west, QQ1 to the North and Rwizikuru to the east. It has a population of nearly 48 million, over 9 million of whom live in the capital of Ainde. It is divided into sixteen Karanates and twelve departments, which are futher divided into several types of administrative division.

Mabifia has been a site of continuous human inhabitation since the early neolithic era, with archaeological records attesting to development within the Gabima river basin from this time. Southern Mabifia, with its location on the southern coast of Bahia, was an early adopter of Sâre system and the site of several key trading cities in the classical era. However, it was not until the spread of Irfan into the region and the Bahian Consolidation that Mabifia attained its prominence. The western regions of Mabifia, which are covered by the Fersi desert, saw the rise of the Founagé Dominion of Heaven. This was the first of the Bahian Jihad states which triggered the consolidation and growth of the Hourege system. These states managed to conquer almost all of the modern day borders by the 13th century, with the remaining territory being held by several fetishist states. With the end of the golden age and Bahian collapse, Mabifia was annexed by the Gaullican empire. Mabifia was the centre of several revolts against Toubacterie during the Sougoulie. Independence was won following the transfer of the land to Estmere, but the independence movement was highly divided between Bahian Socialists led by Fuad Onika and the traditionalist Karanes. The first Mabifian civil war soon broke out, with the socialists winning power with support from Swetania. An authoritarian state was soon established, with collectivist policies which aimed to restore an idealised version of the Sâretic system and persecution of traditional authorities. This new regime began to falter in the seventies, as economic action slowed down in the wake of the war with Rwizikuru. The traditional karanes, whose respect in the eyes of the populace had grown as the socialist regime lost relevance, soon called for an uprising, finding an unlikely ally in the student democratic activists in the more developed cities. This started a second civil war, which raged between 1973 and 1978 and destroyed much of the nation's infrastructure. The rebels won, with a new state set up that established a democratic state while legally enshrining the positions of the Karanes in the state.

In the modern era, Mabifia is a regional power. Its elective monarch, while officially a figurehead, maintains major influence over society, while the democratic system is marred by accusations of corruption and a lack of transparency. Its economy is highly underdeveloped, owing mainly to corruption and regionalism which have decreased from the potential natural wealth of Mabifia. Much of the population is dependent on subsistence farming, with food insecurity rated as the highest in the world and food supplies further threatened by desertification. It also faces insecurity within the Makania region. In international affairs, Mabifia is a member of the Congress of Bahian States and pursues close relations with its Bahian neighbours, but is highly dependent on Gaullica and, in recent years, Zorasan.



Early Sare period

Late Sare period

Bahian consolidation

Houregic golden age

First contact with Euclea


Colonial Mabifia



Socialist era

Second civil war




Politics and Government

Mabifia is a federal constitutional monarchy, where an elective Hourege serves as head of state. The current Hourege is Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande, who was elected to the position in 1997 following the death of Kasem Maal. The powers of the Hourege are limited by the constitution and in theory he serves as little more than a figurehead. The Hourege must be Irfanic, as one of their roles is to "defend the faith in Mabifia". They also serve as the head of the armed forces, can grand a royal pardon, and grant royal assent to all bills passed in the National Assembly. Despite his assumed neutrality, the Hourege often intervenes in Mabifian politics by not granting assent to bills they deem to run against their interests. The Hourege is widely revered in Mabifia and their person is protected by strict lèse majesté laws which are regularly enforced against political activists.

The government is separated into three bodies:

  • The legislative branch is represented by the National Assembly, a bicameral legislative assembly composed of the 56 member Doufoujodel and 350 member Leïfoujodel. The Doufoujodel serves as an upper house and is composed of two representatives from each federal territory. In the Karanates, these are two titled nobles, while in the Departments they are elected officials. The Leïfoujodel is comprised of elected officials, who are elected using a first past the post system. To be accepted, a bill must be passed by both houses.
  • The ececutive branch is represented by the Prime Minister who is elected by the Leïfoujodel. His cabinet is then nominated by the Prime Minister, but subject to the authorisation of the Hourege who can veto any appointments. The Prime Minister is also head of government and the primary representative of Mabifia in foreign relations.
  • The judiciary branch is represented by civil and religious courts. These are theoretically independent, but due to corruption and the unofficial influence of traditional elders over their decisions they are widely seen as being instruments of the Hourege and nobles.

Mabifia is legally an open multi-party democracy which guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of the press. While multiple parties do exist and contest elections, the electoral process is widely deemed to be flawed. This is due to widespread corruption, vote fixing, intimidation of political opponents and even politically motivated killings and violence against journalists. These problems are prevalent in the rural Karanates, with the democratic process in many urbanised departments being far more open and reliable. A major criticism of the Mabifian system is the bicameral system, which critics claim grants too much power to the unelected Karanes in the Doufoujodel as they possess a majority in this house.


Mabifian soldiers manning a technical in Koupanni, 2013.

The Mabifian National Armed Forces constitute the military of Mabifia. It consists of the Mabifian National Army, the Mabifian National Air Force, Mabifian National Navy, and several paramilitary groups such as the Houregic Guard Units. With a total of 490,702 members counting active, reserve and paramilitary personel, Mabifia's armed forces are the largest in Bahia. Despite their size, their equipment is highly outdated and reliant on surplus weaponry from other nations. The armed forces are also weakened by corruption and nepotism, with promotions often made on the basis of ethnic or geographic background and loyalty as opposed to performance.

The head of the Mabifian National Armed Forces is the Hourege, but this position is purely ceremonial. In practical terms, the Armed Forces are commanded by the Combined General Staff of Mabifia. This is a council of the highest ranking officers in Mabifia, including the heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force. There is no conscription in Mabifia, service is voluntary. The Mabifian National Armed Forces have seen service within the Makanian Conflict, and are accused of war crimes in this conflict.

Foreign Relations

Since the fall of socialism at the end of the Second Mabifian Civil War, Mabifia has pursued a balanced foreign policy. Mabifia is an active supporter of multilateralism and heavily involved in solidarity movements in the developing world. It was a founding member of the Congress of Bahian States and actively participates in all of the organisation's projects, with Pan-Bahianist goals being a major part of its relations with its neighbours. Mabifia has repeatedly stated its interest in the creation of a Bahian customs union and common market, though it does not support political unification. It is also a member of the International Forum of Developing States, Community of Nations and International Trade Organisation.

In terms of bilateral relations, Mabifia has close ties with its former colonial power Gaullica thanks to foreign aid projects and support during the civil war. These ties are strained by authoritarian trends within the Mabifian government. In recent years, Mabifia has reached out to the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics and Xiaodong for economic support as Euclean support has diminished, but has not joined the Rongzhou Strategic Protocol Organisation and still maintains relations with COMSED nations such as Senria and Mathrabhumi. Relations with Rwizikuru have been historically tense due to border disagreements following the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War, but these have warmed in recent years following Rwizikuru's dropping of claims on Yekumavirira and the reopening of borders. Mabifia maintains a rocky relationship with neighbouring Djedet, which it accuses of funding opposition groups in the Makanian Conflict.


An oil refinery in Makania, the centre of the Mabifian petroleum industry.

Before gaining independence from Gaullica in 1942 Mabifia was a key producer of gold and cash crops such as sugar and cocoa which were exported to Euclean markets, predominantly mainland Gaullica. These industries were owned by Gaullican landowners, who fled the country in the civil war which followed independence and the announced nationalisation of all economic means of production by the Popular Liberation Movement government which took over. This led to a massive decrease in agricultural output, crippling the Mabifian economy. Agricultural production levels only reached pre-independence levels in 1950, helped by Swetanian economic advisors. During the Neo-Sâre Campaign, agricultural production skyrocketed while other industries suffered, before being all but destroyed during the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War and Second Mabifian Civil War. Following the end of the war, other industries were prioritised over agriculture but the wars were extremely damaging and Mabifia has not fully recovered.

A Bahoungana subsistence farmer in southern Bouïzou

The petrochemical industry is the largest earning and most developed economic sector in Mabifia, thanks to copious petroleum reserves within the region of Makania. This petrol is a source of conflict in the region. Crude petroleum accounts for roughly 50% of state revenues, and with NUMBER barrels of crude oil exported each year Mabifia is the largest producer and exporter of oil in Bahia. This oil is transferred by pipeline to the Banfuran coast, from where it is exported to overseas markets. Other important sectors include gold and other precious minerals, and crops such as cocoa, sugar and coffee. Subsistence farming is widespread and emplys the largest number of workers of any economic activity. Mabifia maintains close economic ties with its neighbours as part of the Congress of Bahian States, based on both ideological and practical considerations.

The main issues that face the Mabifian economy stem from its political situation. A major problem is corruption, which is ever-present at almost every level of Mabifian society. This has led to a form of crony capitalism which some observers have labelled as neo-Hourege due to the predominance of family-based control and integration within local power structures. Another issue is internal instability, as the Makania region which accounts for 85% of Mabifia's oil reserves is the location of an insurgency which aims for independence for the Machaï people. Much of the nation's industry was completely destroyed during the five years of civil war that raged between 1973 and 1978. These factors have resulted in Mabifia's GDPPC being the lowest in the Bahian region and one of the lowest in the world.





Transport in Mabifia is generally difficult, thanks to a general lack of developed infrastructure. Rail transport in Mabifia is highly limited. The country has two railway lines, the Adunis to Mambiza Railway and a connection between this line and Ainde. The country's rail infrastructure is largely based upon colonial construction and was decimated during the civil war with little reconstruction. There are plans to construct more railway lines in conjunction with neighbouring states, however, these plans are fraught due to the high costs of construction which are not affordable for the state. Construction of a Banfuran Coast Railway was started in 2014 but thanks to embezzlement of funds by project managers the project has stagnated.

Marché Centrale of Ainde's large mabaranou park.

The Mabifian road network suffers from many of the same problems as the rail network, with poor infrastructure rife. Aside from a network of toll roads constructed with the help of Gaullica which connects major cities and the roads that service the Zorasani border, roads in Mabifia are of a generally low quality. Only 10% of the total road surface is tarred, leading to issues particularly in the wet season when roads can be washed away. Banditry is a major problem in rural areas particularly the north, while police roadblocks often serve as collection points for bribes and do not help with security. Banditry is especially a problem within the unstable Makania region, with most nations issuing travel warnings for travel here. Intercity bus companies connect all major cities, but the most widespread method of long-distance travel is the Mabaranou. These are privately owned minibuses which run itinerant journeys between different cities.

The domestic aviation market in Mabifia is almost nonexistent, with limited amounts of charter flights linking the larger cities. These primarily serve foreign tourist groups who wish to avoid the dangers of overland travel and are highly irregular. The sole airline company based in Mabifia is Mabifian Airways, which serves as the flag carrier. There are flights between Ainde and other major Bahian and Coian airports, as well as connections with Verlois. Ainde is the largest port in Mabifia, handling 56% of the nations exports.


Ethnic Groups

Ndjarendie cattle farmers in the Boual ka Bifie region.

Mabifia is a highly diverse nation ethnically, with 35 ethnic groups officially recognised by the government. These groups are primarily divided into four larger groups, these being the Ndjarendie, Machaï, Bélé and Ouloume. The Ndjarendie are the largest ethnic group in Mabifia, making up 45% of the population as of the 2018 census. The Ndjarendie are concentrated in the Boual ka Bifie, which is the site of historical cities such as Kambou and Kangesare, though they also form a majority in the capital city of Ainde. The Ndjarendie were historically the dominant group, and in the modern day still hold much more land than other groups. The majority of the hereditary Karanates are held by Ndjarendies, as are most government positions. The second largest group are the Machaï peoples, who are further divided into several groups including the Mirites. The Machaï peoples form 23% of the population and are concentrated in the region of Makania, where they constitute a majority. Of the Machaï population, Mirites make up roughly 30%. The next largest ethnic grouping are the Bélé peoples, who constitute 20% of the population. The Bélé are constituted of several different ethnolinguistic groups, and form the majority in only two subdivisions despite their size. Included in this is the city of Urafaada, one of the largest in Mabifia. The last of the major ethnic groups are the Ouloume peoples at 12% of the population. The Ouloume are divided into several major groups, such as the Barobyi who make up 60% of the Ouloume in Mabifia. Other notable groups include the Bahoungana, who make up 20%, and the Ekole at 12%.



Religion in Mabifia
Traditional or other

Mabifia is a relatively religiously homogenous nation. The dominant religion is Irfan which is practiced by four-fifths of the population, with the rest of the population either adhering to Sotirianity (16%) or to traditional Bahian fetishism. Irfan plays a dominant cultural and political role in the nation, with religious freedom being restricted. This is more prevalent in rural areas, where Irfanic elders and officials enforce the practice of the faith. Irfan is the majority religion in all areas of the country save for several Ouloume-majority coastal departments where the Sotirian population is concentrated. Sectarian violence is common in Mabifia. This has manifested itself in the many atrocities committed during the First and Second Mabifian Civil War against the Sotirian and Fetishist minorities.

The Grand Beytol of Kambou, one of the most important Irfanic sites in Bahia.

Mabifia was originally dominated by Bahian fetishism, a loosely associated group of religions based around nature gods and idolatry. Sotirianity arrived in the 300s from Makania, with the exodus of the Mirites bringing the fouth southwards. Irfan was first brought to Mabifia in the 800s with the rise of the Fouanagé Dominion of Heaven. Over the next centuries numerous Ndjarendie states invaded across Bahia, triggering the Bahian Consolidation and bringing the Irfanic faith with them. Irfan has remained dominant ever since, adopting elements of local traditions and syncretic elements which differentiate it from traditional Badawiyan Irfan. During Toubacterie Solarian Catholicism was introduced, attracting conversions primarily from the Ouloume minorities. These demographics were further changed at the end of the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War which saw massive population exchanges of Irfanics and Sotirians between the two states.

The Irfanic population are primarily followers of the Laoulïabe sect. Laoulïabe Irfan is related to the traditional Asha school, which it emerged from, but its separation from the traditional Irfanic heartland in Zorasan and influence of local traditions resulted in several theological differences. There are also significant numbers of practitioners of traditional Irfan, and several revivalist groups have a presence in the country. Despite Orthodox Sotirianity's historical roots in the region, the majority of the Sotirians in Mabifia follow Solarian Catholicism which was introduced during the colonial period. In recent years several Amendist groups have started missionary work, however these groups are very unpopular. The Fetishist community are often accused of witchcraft, which is widely believed in in Mabifia and criminally prohibited.


Music and Art


A street vendor selling fried meats and yam in Kangesare.

Mabifian cuisine is highly varied depending on the geographic region, as the availability of foodstuffs can differ wildly. Mabifians commonly eat two meals a day, a small breakfast before sunrise and a large meal in the evening after sunset. This is due in part to religious practicality, following the sunrise and sunset, but also due to the need to work during the daylight hours as much of the workforce works in subsistence agriculture which is done primarily by hand. A typical meal consists of foufou, a doughlike substance made by grinding cocoyam, manioc, plantain and other fibrous foodstuffs such as flour with water, and soups made with groundnut, vegetables and palm oil. Meat and fish are rarer but still play an important role in Mabifian cuisine.

Cutlery is not widely used, especially in rural areas. Instead, Mabifians eat using foufou or with flatbreads. The right hand is customarily prefered. Snacking is widespread during the day, with streetside vendors selling brochettes and fried dough for very low prices. The widespread practice of Irfan has resulted in a very low consumption of alcoholic beverages, with drinks such as hibiscus tea being preferred instead. Despite this, palm wine and other homemade alcoholic beverages are common in the Ouloume majority coastal areas where Irfan is less dominant.