West Arucian Section of the Workers' International

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West Arucian Section of the Workers' Internationale
First SecretaryTembi Miliusis
Founded1 May, 1899
HeadquartersCuanstad, Imagua and the Assimas
IdeologyCouncil communism
Political positionFar left
Colors  Red
Senate
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Lesser House
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The West Arucian of the Workers' Internationale (Vespasian: Sezione imaguana del lavoratore internazionale, Western Imaguan Creole: Imakua kuwa a walabeti), commonly referred to as WASWI (SILAO, WAKW), is a political party in Imagua and the Assimas that advocates the implementation of far-left politics. Established in 1899, it was the primary left-wing party of the Colony of Imagua from 1900 until 1909 when the Labour Party won a seat in the legislature, and quickly became the main left-wing political party in the country.

It had seats in the Legislative Council of Imagua from 1900 until 1913, and then in the Imaguan Parliament from 1936 until 1948. While it has not been represented since 1948, it has gained a reputation as being the political party of the indigenous Imaguan population.

History

Establishment and early years

The Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale was established in 1899 by trade union organiser Ethel Cropper, as he believed that the colonial government as existed on the island of Imagua at that time only benefited the "Estmerish bourgeoise," and felt that the only way that all Imaguans could achieve equal rights would be for Estmere to become a socialist state. Thus, on 1 May, 1899, Cropper convened the first party congress, with Cropper being unanimously elected as the First Secretary of the party.

The party's main agenda was to nominate candidates for the Legislative Council: thus, they spent much of the year organising local chapters of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, with Ethel Cooper to stand election for the Dockside constituency for the 1900 general elections. Despite only managing to secure ten candidates, Ethel Cropper won the Dockside constituency, allowing the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale to enter the Legislative Council.

During the next four years, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale gained support from many trade unions, especially the Dockworkers' Union which only helped boost their position in Imaguan politics.

In the 1904 general elections, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale nominated sixty-seven candidates, with First Secretary Ethel Cropper standing for re-election. During the 1904 general election campaign, they viciously attacked both the Conservatives, and the Democrats for being too capitalistic, while attacking the Labour Party for not being sufficiently socialist enough.

Despite a vicious campaign, Cropper secured re-election, and was joined by Harlan Alardice, who was elected as representative from the constituency of Lundholm. That year, at the Second Party Congress, Ethel Cropper was re-elected First Secretary, and the party platform was further refined.

During the next four years, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale gained substantial popularity, particularly among members of trade unions and feminist organisations, while their staunch support of labour rights and women's suffrage made them relatively unpopular in much of the rest of the Colony of Imagua.

Regardless, in the 1908 general elections, both Cropper and Alardice were re-elected, and were joined by Rudolph Ekbom. While all three legislators represented Cuanstad, they had established a presence in all seventy constituencies of the Legislative Council. However, after the death of Premier Harmon Lambourne in December 1908, the 1909 general by-election saw the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale lose two of their seats, with only Rudolph Ekbom remaining a member of the Legislative Council.

At the Third Party Congress in 1909, Ekbom demanded that Ethel Cropper resign for his "sheer incompetence" in losing two of the party's three seats in the 1909 general election. Cropper refused, and after heated debates between supporters of Ethel Cropper and Rudolph Ekbom, Ethel Cropper remained the First Secretary.

Thus, during this period, although Cropper was still the party leader, Ekbom's position as the only member of the Legislative Council from the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale meant that Ekbom was by far the most important member of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale. Despite Ekbom's "official loyalty," in 1911, he was accused by Cropper of attempting to stage an internal party coup to remove Cropper as party leader. While Ekbom was ultimately allowed to stay in the party, the severe infighting within the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale meant that in the 1913 general elections, Ekbom lost his seat to Democratic challenger James Olofson.

First stint in the political wilderness

At the Fourth Party Congress in 1914, Rudolph Ekbom and his supporters were purged from the party, as Ekbom's loss of a seat in the Legislative Council effectively neutralised his strength within the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale. First Secretary Ethel Cropper was again confirmed to be the First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale.

The main priority of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale was to regain a seat in the Legislative Council of Imagua, as the infighting between Cropper and Ekbom was perceived to have severely weakened the party. Thus, during this period, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale sought to present an image of unity, while maintaining their strong positions in favour of labour rights, womens' rights, and the independence of Imagua from Estmere as a socialist state. It also sought to try and attract voters from the Labour Party, as the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale doubted that the Labour Party would "genuinely commit" to the implementation of socialist policies.

However, in the 1917 general elections, despite the best efforts of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, they did not gain any seats in the Legislative Council, and to make matters worse, their ideological rivals managed to form a coalition government with the Democratic Party of Imagua.

Despite this setback, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale continued to build their strength: by 1918, it had around 4,500 members across the Colony of Imagua. At the Fifth Party Congress in 1919, while Ethel Cropper was re-elected as First Secretary, he expressed his intention that if he cannot win a seat in the next general election, he will "tender his resignation" and have the party select a new leader.

This came a year later, when after the death of Premier Peter Hansson, a snap general election was called by new Premier Nelson Egnell. In that election, while the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale came close to gaining a seat, with Cropper nearly unseating Conservative incumbent Burt Moynihan, they were unable to achieve it. Thus, shortly after the results were released, Ethel Cropper called an extraordinary Party Congress to select his successor.

At the 1920 Extraordinary Party Congress, two main frontrunners emerged to succeed Ethel Cropper: Douglas Coulston and Waverly Palmcrantz. Both promised to try and build up the party's strength for the 1924 general elections, and to ensure that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale would help achieve a socialist revolution on the island of Imagua. However, after heated discussions and debates by factions within the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, Palmcrantz was elected First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale.

During the next four years, Waverly Palmcrantz continued to build up the party's strength, while upholding the party's traditional policies. When the Sunrosian monarchy was overthrown in the Winter Revolution of 1922, and replaced by the Kirenian Council Republic, Palmcrantz expressed his congratulations, and expressed hope that "some day, the working class shall rise up in the Asterias just as they have done in Sunrosia." While this position was popular within the party, as well as in certain sections of the Labour Party, many expressed concern that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale would attempt to overthrow the colonial government much like how the Sunrosian government was overthrown.

Despite efforts to ban the party in 1923 and 1924, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale ran candidates in the 1924 elections, but due to the Conservatives promoting fears that they would bring about a Kirenian-style government, they were unable to win any seats. Nonetheless, at the Sixth Party Congress in 1924, Palmcrantz was again confirmed to be the First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale.

Great War

Partisans, 1931

Shortly after the Great War began in 1926, the Colony of Imagua, as well as the neighbouring Assimas Islands (then under Etrurian control) were occupied by Gaullica. First Secretary Waverly Palmcrantz condemned the invasion, as he believed that "while Estmerish rule over Imagua is fundamentally illegitimate," it was better to "deal with the devil we knew," and that Gaullican rule over Imagua would only subject "the working class to untold horrors that would make Estmerish oppression seem preferable."

Thus, shortly after the occupation, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale went underground, with the intention of taking advantage of the Gaullican occupation to launch partisan attacks against the Gaullican occupiers so that over time, they would be weakened, so that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale can liberate the island and establish a council republic modelled on Kirenian lines. Beginning in 1927, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale began to wage a liberation war to liberate the "Imaguan proletarian" from bourgeois oppression.

While these attacks against Gaullica did raise the profile of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, especially as many Imaguans were beginning to resist Gaullican rule, these attacks drew the attention of the occupying authorities. In 1929, during the Seventh Party Congress, Gaullican officers stormed the house where they were holding the conference, rounded all the delegates up, and then would execute them for treason.

Although it was meant to cripple the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, Willie Douglas, who was supposed to attend the party congress but was holed up near Nua Taois assumed command of the partisans affiliated with the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, and thus became the de-facto First Secretary. Under Douglas' leadership, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale continued to wage hit and run attacks against the Gaullicans. However, due to the Gaullican control of the Arucian Sea, they did not have as much of an effect as was hoped by the members of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale.

However, in early 1933, with the start of the Maracan liberation war, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale began to consider a revolutionary war like what was going on in Maracao. However, the Gaullican strength meant that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale decided to continue committing hit and run attacks against the Gaullican occupiers.

Yet, as the Gaullican strength weakened, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale began waging more daring attacks in early 1934. Over the next few months, as Gaullica's position became more untenable, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale won more and more victories, allowing them to carve out a "liberated zone" in parts of Saint Isidore's. However, while some in the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, including Willie Douglas, sought to establish an Imaguan Democratic Republic, most of the party felt that they should restore the pre-war government, and instead reform the system via "democratic means."

After Gaullica surrendered, and Imagua liberated, the partisans were disbanded, and the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale began to rebuild their organisation: at an Extraordinary Party Congress in 1935, Willie Douglas was confirmed to be the de-jure First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale.

Return to Parliament

In the 1936 general elections, Willie Douglas ran an extensive campaign, saying that as the leader of the partisans during the Great War and the Gaullican occupation of Imagua, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale should form government as opposed to the "bourgeois parties" (i.e. the Conservatives, Democrats, and Labour) who "stood by and did nothing for the liberation of Imagua until the war ended." While he had the highest number of votes in that year's elections, it was not concentrated in enough constituencies to gain more than two seats, with Douglas and Isaac Brading being elected to Parliament.

Nonetheless, during this period, Willie Douglas advocated for the "quick independence of Imagua" from Estmere, advocated closer ties with socialist states like Kirenia, and Maracao, "equality for all dispossessed groups," and nationalisation of the banks. Douglas also criticised the demobilisation of the colonial militia, with the party insisting that a militia be maintained to "defend the island from imperialists who dare to try and recolonise our island." This allowed Douglas to be re-elected First Secretary at the Eighth Party Congress in 1939.

While his fiery rhetoric was popular among much of the working class, and Willie Douglas was convinced that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale would increase their seat count in the next general election, in the 1940 general election, his support decreased, and Isaac Brading lost his seat to Labour challenger Wilbur Smith. However, Willie Douglas kept his seat in the Lesser House in both 1940, and 1944: that year, Willie Douglas was soundly re-elected at the Ninth Party Congress.

This political revival would be short-lived, because in 1945, Maracao occupied Dunhelm Island. While the leadership of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale criticised the move, many party members were sympathetic to Maracao's seizure of the island, with some members expressing hope that they would set up a "revolutionary Imaguan government" on the island. After the failed attempt by Imagua to retake the island, more and more members became convinced that Maracao had the right to control Dunhelm Island.

The seizure of Dunhelm Island destroyed the popularity of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, as despite their criticism of the seizure of the island, the general public felt that the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale was too sympathetic to the Maracan government, and in the 1948 general election, Willie Douglas lost his seat, while the party only garnered 13,795 votes nationwide.

Indigenisation

A meeting of the Topuland branch of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, 2003

At the Tenth Party Congress in 1949, shortly after the passage of the Native Integration Act, Willie Douglas was again re-elected as First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale. The main agenda for the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale was to try and win the support of Native Imaguans, as well as regain a seat in the Lesser House of Parliament.

Willie Douglas thus paid a visit to Topuland, to help recruit indigenous members for the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale. In Topuland, he printed materials in both Estmerish and Imaguan, and sought the endorsement of Mayor Malcolm Shelvey, which was granted.

Thus, as part of the party's indigenisation programme, the party advocated for the restoration of traditional Native Imaguan ownership and rights, while maintaining their citizenship, advocated for the adoption of Western Imaguan Creole as an official language (albeit primarily to help unite Imagua and the Assimas Islands), and sought to nominate an indigenous candidate for the constituency of Saint Fiacre's.

In the 1952 general election, while the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale lost much of its traditional vote from trade unions and the working class, 71% of voters residing in Topuland voted for the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale (and their candidate, Lloyd Hemeni, the first Native Imaguan to be nominated by a political party to run for office), of which most of them were Native Imaguans. However, the party failed to win any seats.

At the Eleventh Party Congress in 1954, Willie Douglas was once again confirmed to serve as First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale. During this period, as Estmere expressed its intention to close down Thorebourne Naval Base, Willie Douglas urged Imagua to "seize the land back," and give Thorebourne back to the native population.

In the 1956 general election, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale did poorly, with only 379 votes outside of Saint Fiacre's, and of those, only 12 were not in any of the Nua Taois constituencies. That year, when the Tripartite Agreement was signed between Estmere, Imagua, and Tacunia to transfer the base to Tacunia, Douglas condemned the move, saying that "it undermined the sovereignty of the Imaguan nation and continues to rob the dispossessed Native Imaguans of their dignity."

By the Twelfth Party Congress in 1959, although Willie Douglas was once more confirmed to be the First Secretary of the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, he created the position of Second Secretary, appointing Lloyd Hemeni to serve as the Second Secretary. This move was perceived by many long time members as a definitive shift away from the traditional working class background in favour of a more indigenous political party.

In the 1960 general election, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale began losing votes in constituencies, as indigenous migration meant that there was no longer as many people living in Topuland as there were prior to 1949. Combined with the party no longer having much support outside of the Native Imaguan population, it meant that the party was no longer as relevant in Imaguan politics as it had been for the past half-century. This trend only continued in 1964.

Nonetheless, at the Thirteenth Party Congress in 1964, Willie Douglas was again confirmed to be the First Secretary, but by this point, his health was beginning to deteriorate. This meant that Willie Douglas, who had been so active within the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale delegated most of his duties to Second Secretary Lloyd Hemeni.

Decline

In March 1966, Willie Douglas died, and as was anticipated, was succeeded by Lloyd Hemeni, making him the first Native Imaguan person to be the leader of a political party in Imagua and the Assimas. At an extraordinary party congress held later that year, Hemeni was confirmed as First Secretary, with no Second Secretary being appointed.

Under Lloyd Hemeni's tenure as First Secretary, his main priority was to try and appeal to the working class, as Willie Douglas had managed to effectively secure the support of the native Imaguans. To this end, he focused on fierce criticism of the "bourgeois government" of Efrem Lacovara, accusing the Democratic Labour Party of selling out the Imaguan working class by allowing manufacturers to close factories and outsource their jobs to other countries. He also sought to align Imagua "not with Tacunia nor Satucin, but with Chistovodia and Maracao."

However, Hemeni was unable to secure any seats during his tenure: although he was confirmed as First Secretary in 1969, 1974, and 1979. As well, the party lost constituency associations, as many constituencies were no longer seen as viable strongholds for the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale, falling from seventy constituency associations in 1964, to sixty-five by 1980. After the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale failed to gain any seats, he resigned the party leadership, and at an extraordinary party congress in 1981, Eilane Brown became the first female First Secretary.

Despite her efforts at halting and reversing the party's decline, and despite her confirmation as First Secretary in 1984 and in 1989, the number of constituency associations fell to fifty-nine by 1992. In 1993, she died in office, and after an extraordinary party congress, was succeeded by Jack Singleton, making him the first Bahio-Imaguan to ever be First Secretary.

In the 1995 general election, Jack Singleton only fielded fifty-eight candidates for the parliamentary elections. However, while the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale did not gain a seat in the Lesser House during his tenure as First Secretary, he was able to reverse the decline in number of constituency associations, and by 2012 had the number constituency associations rise to sixty-seven. This recovery allowed him to be confirmed as First Secretary in 1999, 2004, and 2009.

Contemporary era

After the 2012 general elections, Jack Singleton announced his retirement effective at the Twenty-Third Party Congress in 2014. This allowed the party ample time to decide on a successor: over the next two years, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale debated, with several candidates seeking to make a bid for the position of First Secretary.

At the Twenty-Third Party Congress, Tembi Miliusis was elected First Secretary, succeeding Jack Singleton as First Secretary. Under her tenure, her main priority was to re-establish constituency associations: while she was only able to re-establish one additional constituency association in time for the 2016 general election, and despite low numbers of voters for the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale (their best result being fourth place in Saint Fiacre's), Miliusis was confirmed at the Twenty-Fourth Party Congress in 2019 to be the First Secretary for another five year term.

In the 2020 general election, for the first time in fifty-six years, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale fielded candidates in all seventy constituencies for the Lesser House of Parliament. Despite this accomplishment, the Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale failed to gain a seat, with their best result being third place in the constituency of Saint Fiacre's.

Political positions

The Imaguan Section of the Workers' Internationale advocates for far-left politics. To this end, it seeks to expel all foreign military bases, recognise Maracanese sovereignty over Dunhelm Island, nationalise all major industries, and adopt worker's self management.

With regards to Native Imaguans, it seeks to recognise the Imaguan language as an official language, and to restore the "traditional rights" that were removed with the passage of the Native Integration Act of 1949, while upholding indigenous citizenship.

It has consistently opposed the Asterian Forum for Development and Cooperation, and by extension, Imagua's membership within it due to the AFDC's "furtherment of capitalism and imperialism."

Electoral history

Election Leader Candidates Seats +/- Position
1900 Ethel Cropper 10/70
1 / 70
Increase 1 Third party
1904 67/70
2 / 70
Increase 1 Third party
1908 70/70
3 / 70
Increase 1 Third party
1909 70/70
1 / 70
Decrease 2 Third party
1913 70/70
0 / 70
Decrease 1 Extra-parliamentary opposition
1917 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1920 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1924 Waverly Palmcrantz 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1936 Willie Douglas 70/70
2 / 70
Increase 2 Fourth party
1940 70/70
1 / 70
Decrease 1 Fourth party
1944 70/70
1 / 70
Steady Fourth party
1948 70/70
0 / 70
Decrease 1 Extra-parliamentary opposition
1952 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1956 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1960 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1964 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1968 Lloyd Hemeni 69/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1972 68/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1976 66/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1980 65/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1984 Eilane Brown 63/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1988 61/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1992 59/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1995 Jack Singleton 58/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
1997 59/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2001 65/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2004 66/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2008 67/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2012 67/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2016 Tembi Miliusis 68/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition
2020 70/70
0 / 70
Steady Extra-parliamentary opposition