History of Rajyaghar

The history of Rajyaghar began around 65,000 BC, when humans were first believed to inhabit what is now the Kingdom of Rajyaghar. Modern day Rajyaghar first came into being in 1946 when the Satria Etruriana and the Dominion of Belasaria were granted independence by Etruria.

Rajyaghar is home to a diverse range of ethnic groups, languages and beliefs and this diversity is a result of Rajyaghar's history. The history of Rajyaghar has also played a significant role in the development of its culture post-independence with aspects of modern Rajyani culture taken from different aspects of the cultures of the Kingdoms, Empires and Confederacies that came before it.

Ancient Rajyani Civilisations

The earliest known records of humans in Rajyaghar was around 65,000 BC with historical records of this era being minimal at best. From 6,000 BC, historical records begin to show evidence of basic structures for residence, the rearing of animals and use of crops for food along the coastline and along major rivers which progressed inland. These areas developed into the ancient rajyani civilisaitons. Due to their relative isolation from one another, the settlements developed independently for thousands of years until around 2,000 BC when there was increased communication between them and trade began to emerge.

From 2000 to 300 BC, the development of the ancient language of matrabashi began to develop and flourish amongst the ancient rajyani civilisations, predominantly within the Naratha river basin. Around 1800 BCE, there was significant Sattaro-Euclean migration to the region which further led to the development of the matrabashi language. Some of this migration also led to small tribes and communities developing deeper inland in the central mountain ranges and the southern forests. These distant tribes and communities quickly lost contact with those along the coast and rivers. Between 700 and 500 BCE, a period known as the Mahakusumita, the ashram faith emerged and soon after quickly spread across the ancient rajyani civilisations.

These Davedara Pillars would be erected in any settlement that belonged to the Jhanda Empire

Dolarbur was an ancient rajyani civilisation which had artificial reservoirs to provide for the locals

It was also during this period that the development of the clan system emerged within the bashurat basin with various tribes and communities developing unique practices, traditions and rituals and with clear leadership structures. This system would slowly spread across Satria before finally reaching Rajyaghar. During this time, a caste system appeared to have developed alongside the clan system. On buildings and tools there appear to be symbols which denote an individual or structure's role in society. For example, there is the symbol of the trident which can be found, in one artistic form or another, on the walls of the chieftains homes.

One of the largest areas of development was along the Naratha river, the largest of the Rajyani rivers. The rapid development in this areas was due to the increasing trade occuring between the communities and tribes along the river and the prosperity of their agricultural practices which flourished on the fertile riverbanks. These communities would further develop into what would become known as the Naratha River Civilisations

Naratha River Civilisations

Ashram cave temple in northern Rajyaghar, constructed in 320 CE. Similar temples are found as far inland as the Pavitra Valley.

One of the Naratha River Civilisations, the Jhanda Clan, swiftly rose to power in the early 500s BCE after several closely situated clans amalgamated into a single entity under Chieftan Rajaram Jhanda. Over the next few centuries, the Jhanda Empire would rapidly expand from its seat on the banks of the Naratha River, to dominate much of the northern coast of modern-Rajyaghar and even extend as far south to the source of the Naratha River in the Pavitra Mountain Range in southern Rajyaghar. The Jhanda Empire's lasting legacy is its spread of the matrabashi language and Ashram faith as well as the construction of the "Pathica Rasta" (literally translated as 'spine road'), a major road which stretched from the northernmost tip of the Jhanda Empire to the base of Pavitra Mountain Range. The Pathica Rasta served as a major connector for the smaller clans that fell under the Jhanda Empire and would greatly increase trade, agricultural development and use of the shared matrabasha language and of ashram faith.

In 800 CE, the Adhenata Kayud (transl. War of Subjugation) saw the Sangma subjugate the Jhanda Empire. The ruling Jhanda Dynasty were slaughtered by the Sangma during the looting of Kismat, the Empire's capital. Only Prince Prashant, aged 7 and distant nephew of the reigning Emperor, survived. Prashant was evacuated from the city by one of the Jhandan Generals; Sunder Sirasikar. Sirasikar would flee with the young Prince to Kinadica. From Kinadica, the young Prince would sign a treaty of suzreinaty with the Sangma, officially making the Empire a subsidiary state within the Sangma. Believing the Jhanda name to be cursed, Prashant would found a new Dynasty and Clan named after the Jhanda Empire's founder, Rajaram I; the Rajana Dynasty.

Sangma Period

Following its capitulation to the High Sangma in 800 CE following the Adhenata Kayud, the Jhanda Empire began to fracture into numerous factions. The looting and fall of Kismat in 800 CE, which had led to the treaty of suzerainty, had decimated the centralised government of the Empire, annihilating most of the civilian and military leadership of the Empire. The only senior military commander remaining was General Sunder Sirasikar who used his influence to ensure the continuity of the royal family through the young prince Prashant.

Despite the support of Sirasikar, the young prince was unable to command authority following the Treaty of Suzerainty and lost the support of many of the noble families and military commanders of the now subjugated empire. This resulted in the formation of several polities within the empire which gained quick recognition from the High Sangma which saw a fractured Jhanda Empire as more manageable on the periphery of the Sangma. In 802, the Jhanda Empire formally ceased to exist when Emperor Prashant disbanded the Empire and formed a new realm within the High Sangma; the Sanyukti Raj. The Raj was centred around its new capital of Kinadica, the former seat of the Sirasikar dynasty which had been gifted by General Sirasikar to the young Prashant. Over the course of the next 300 years, these small polities would grow more and more independent of one another to become distinct Madhyarajyas (middle kingdoms).

Vikasan Era

In the late 1000s, the Sangma began to fracture due to the increasing autonomy of its peripheral states and the loss of power of the centralised Sangma. The Madhyarajyas, being on the periphery of the Sangma, were able to fracture away from the vast confederacy with relative ease. By 1100, the Madhyarajyas of the former Jhanda Empire would all secede from the Sangma to become fully independent nations. This marks the beginning of the Vikasan Era.

Samudra Palace, seat of power for the Rajana Dynasty in Sanyukt

During the Vikasan Era, the Madhyarajyas would cycle through periods of relative peace and war. The Kingdoms of Sanyukt and Rathankot would emerge as the dominant powers across northern Satria. To ensure no single nation could dominate the region, the minor powers would frequently make alliances with either Sanyukt or Rathankot to counter the growing power of either. During this period, the City of Bishnupur would establish itself as the seat of the Ashram faith, becoming a holy site for all Rajyanis.

The Vikasan Era was the glory age for the Middle Kingdoms of Rajyaghar. The Era saw the cementation of the multiple middle kingdoms as sovereign states. The era also ushered in an age of war which saw rival kingdoms clash over territories, ideologies and emerging differences in culture. It was in this era that the relations between Ashram and Irfanic communities broke down and resulted in multiple wars on religious grounds. Due to the balance of power between the Kingdoms, no one kingdom dominated Rajyaghar.

Naratha Confederacy

Throughout the Vikasan Era, the constant threat of invasion from the Togoti Khaganate had been a constant tool in the spread of pan-Rajyani identity. The threat, whilst ever present, was not a serious one to many of the eastern Madhyarajyas until the rise of Gurkhan as head of the Khaganate in 1633. Gurkhan, a war hero of the Khaganate, posed the most significant threat to the Madhyarajyas and his known desire for expansion forced the Madhyarajyas to convene an extraordinary summit in the city of Bishnupur in 1635. At the summit, the Vichalan Accords were signed; forming a military coalition to counter the growing threat of the Togoti Khaganate under Khagan Gurkhan. The coalition, Naratha Confederacy - named after the Naratha River, was led by the Sanyukti Raj as Sanyukt was considered the pre-eminent military power.

The ability of the coalition to effectively counter the growing threat of the Khaganate saw it gain immense popularity among the civilian populations of the Madhyarajyas. Throughout its initial campaign, the Sanyukti Raj began to increase its power over the coalition through the centralisation of power within the coalition’s military. Taxes were also levied across all the Madhyarajyas to pay for the united army and the Sanyukti Raj installed a bureaucratic system which reported to him in order to achieve this new tax system. The tax system generated a surplus of money which the Raj would use to build roads and hospitals all built in the name of the war effort. The new roads and hospitals saw increased support for the Raj from the common people who also used them. By the early 1650s, the Sanyukti Raj had become a war hero. The Raj would use the spoils of war, from raids on Khaganate lands close to the periphery of the Madhyarajyas, to build schools, roads and even monuments to commemorate his victories. In 1662, the Raj summoned the leaders of the Madhyarajyas within the confederacy to the city of Bishnupur. His victories and popular support forced the leaders to swear fealty to the Raj and a new Treaty of Bishnupur was signed, transforming the military coalition into a political one with the Raj as the new Chhatrapati. The Raj was coronated by the High Priest of Bishnupur in a lavish ceremony with the leaders of the Madhyarajyas each pledging their allegiance to the new Chhatrapati of the Naratha Confederacy. Despite the transformation into a political confederacy, the Madhyarajyas still maintained a high degree of autonomy from the Chhatrapati.

1675 saw the death of the Chhatrapati, with his eldest son succeeding him to become the new Chhatrapati of the Confederacy. In 1684, the Confederacy turned its attention away from the now lesser threat of the Khaganate to the southern Madhyarajyas which had not joined the confederacy. Chhatrapati XX would begin the Southern Conquest and over the next 4 years would dominate and subjugate the southern Madhyarajyas. The newly annexed southern Madhyarajyas would be transformed from multiple smaller states into larger ones with governance directly exercised by the Chhatrapati and appointed governors. Over the course of the next few decades, centralisation of power within the hands of the Chhatrapati and his ministers continued to grow. The levying of new taxes, replacement of individual bureaucratic systems within the Madhyarajyas with a single confederate one, and the further unification of the military all assisted in the consolidation of power of the Chhatrapati. Despite opposition from the leaders of the Madhyarajyas, the Chhatrapati retained significant support from the common people, through military victories, agricultural advancements such as the implementation of new irrigation methods, and improved infrastructure including new roads and a canal system. Over the course of the next 100 years, the confederacy would see continued expansion southward and increased economic prosperity and political stability.

In the 1770s, the Confederacy faced its greatest threat since the Togoti Khaganate; the Zemani Empire from the north-east. The Zemani Empire had been successful in consolidating its territories to the north-east of the Naratha Confederacy and its united and centralised power structure had seen its rice greatly accelerated. In 1776, a surprise invasion saw the fall of Zulmat, a Madhyarajya within the Confederacy, to the Zemani Empire. The loss of Zulmat shocked the Confederacy which had developed a false sense of security and military dominance over northern Satria. The Zemani Empire did present as a gift to further political unification as it presented as a new threat that only a united confederacy could oppose. Over the course of the next few decades, the Confederacy and Empire would wage a series of war over Zulmat and the eastern Madhyarajyas with the border between the two constantly shifting over the territory of Zulmat.

The failure to regain all of the lost territory in the Confederate-Zemani wars and growing political discontent amongst the leaders of the Madhyarajyas against the centralised government of the Confederacy, resulted in the Great Betrayal of 1816. The Raja of Rathankot staged a Palace Coup against the Chhatrapati in the confederate capital of Bishnupur, slaughtering the royal court and executing numerous high-ranking generals loyal to the Chhatrapati. The Raja proclaimed himself as the new Chhatrapati but several members of the Sanyukti royal family had managed to flee and returned to their ancestral home of Kinadica. From there, they refused to recognise the Rathani Raja. Over the next few weeks, senior nobles and military leaders would choose sides resulting in the start of the Confederate Civil War.

Signing of treaties of suzerainty

The Civil War would severely weaken the Confederacy and Madhyarajyas. In 1836, the first Euclean invaders landed in northern confederate territory and due to the weakened state of the Madhyarajyas, they were able to easily expand into confederate lands. The United Kingdom of Etruria dominated much of the Naratha Confederacy whilst the Empire of Gaullicia sought to neutralise the larger Sanyukti threat. By 1845, all of the Madhyarajyas with the exception of Sanyukt had fallen to the Etrurian Colonial Empire either the conquest, annexation or treaties of suzerainty. In 1847, after the annihilation of the great Sanyukti navy at the hands of the Gaullician Empire, Sanyukt capitulated. The Sanyukti peninsula was annexed by Gaullicia whilst the remainder of Sanyukt became part of Satria Etruriana.

Colonial Era

Extent of the Etrurian Colonial Empire in 1900

Due to the complex nature and divide and conquer tactics of the Etrurian Colonial Empire in their invasion of the rajyani kingdoms, the organisation and governance of the territories was incredibly complex. After a series of riots and protests against Etrurian control throughout 1842-1845, the Etrurian Crown stepped in and ordered the colonial authorities to reorganise the colonies, which operated separately from one another, into a single colony which would become the Satria Etruriana, Etruria’s first colonial possession and becoming known throughout the Etrurian Colonial Empire as the “Colonia Primigenia” (transl. Firstborn colony).

In 1847, new measures were brought into place to create Satria Etruriana, in which a single Governor General, appointed by the Etrurian Crown, would administer the colony. The existing treaties of suzerainty were renegotiated with the rajyani kings and sultans, who were unable to protest due to the military strength of the Etrurian Colonial Empire that had continued to increase since 1842. By 1851, the Rajyani kings and sultans had lost all significant powers as any powers they did retain were simply rubber stamp duties for colonial administrators who were appointed by the Governor-General to oversee the workings of each of the Kings and Sultans. Additionally, the Kings and Sultans were stripped of their titles and instead given the uniform title of 'Prince of the Princely State of [state]'.

The colonial era saw the birth of the 'rajyani' identity as prior to colonisation, there had never been a unified sense of a 'Rajyaghar' land or identity. It was also under the colonial regime that education became more common place with the colonial administration setting up the predecessor to the modern-rayjani education system, namely the mass construction of primary education schools and the establishment of colleges and universities in major cities, not just princely state capitals. Under the colonial regime, the infrastructure within Rajyaghar was vastly enhanced with thousands of miles of rail tracks being laid down throughout the colonial era. The ports were also improved to meet with euclean standards which further enhanced the trade prosperity of the colony. In a short period of time, the colonial economy was transformed, and society had changed from a rural dominated one to a more suburban and urban one. Additionally, under Etrurian rule, vespasian was introduced into the educational curriculum with it becoming the official language of Satria Etruriana. To this day, over 70% of the Rajyani population speak vespasian at a basic level.

Many historians now question the benefits of the infrastructure improvements with some arguing that it was overall beneficial to Rajyaghar and others arguing that it was only created to increase the speed at which natural resources could be taken out of Rajyaghar back to Euclea and to increase the profits of Etrurian companies operating in the territory, not to further the economic growth of the local population.

Path to Independence

The 1900s saw Etrurian dominance over Satria Etruriana face its biggest threat. In 1912, the Khordad Rebellion in Pardaran gave inspiration to independence leaders in Satria Etruriana who sought to overthrow the colonial regime by any means necessary. Since the establishment of the colony in 1847, resentment had continued to foster towards the colonial authorities. This resentment had boiled over in several riots and rebellions in the 1800s, but swift responses from Etruria, coupled with the supposed support of the regime by local rulers due to treaties of suzerainty, had allowed the Etrurian Colonial Empire to maintain dominance. The ever-growing presence of colonial troops on the streets of the major cities had also acted as a deterrent to open hostility towards Etrurian control in Satria Etruriana. However, the Khordad Rebellion changed the perception of many, and open violence erupted out onto the streets of Satria Etruriana.

Alessandro Corazza had been the Governor General of Satria Etruriana since 1905 and had developed a reputation for having an iron fist and not tolerating any dissent within the native population or from its ceremonial princes. Shortly after the Khordad Rebellion in 1912, a similar rebellion was organised by independence leaders in the Colonial Princely State of Chanak. When news reached Corazza that the native Prince, Karansingh III, was secretly diverting funds to the rebel leaders, Corazza had the Prince imprisoned and forced him from the throne. The Prince’s son assumed the throne but was separated from his family and kept under constant supervision by Etrurian officials. The family were also fined millions and almost became bankrupt with the newly installed young prince having to sign a new contract with Corazza which resulted in the Chanak Princely Family being indebted to the Etrurian regime, rendering their capacity to fund rebel groups obsolete as they could now not even afford to maintain their residences. In 1914, Corazza had Karansingh III exiled from Chanak and no further updates were ever given about Karansingh. It is widely believed that Corazza had the former prince executed. To prevent a total collapse of relations between the Etrurian Colonial Empire and the Princes, which was necessary in order to keep the large colony together and remain under Etrurian control, Corazza created the “Consular Senate” in which Princes of the Colonial Princely States would provide an advisory function for the Governor-General.

With hostilities in Euclea growing, the 1920s saw Etruria purge its army of its pro-gaullucian officers to colonial postings in Satria Etruriana. The move de-stablised the colonial army which had been making inroads with Yodha Clans as these clans had provided thousands of men to join colonial regiments in the Etrurian Army, the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani. Many of the Yodhi soldiers feared for their futures in the army under the new leadership of these previously unknown to them officers. In 1926, the Great War broke out across Kylaris and with pro-gaullucian officers stationed in Satria Etruriana, the newly installed Governor-General, Gianluca Catalino, feared that the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani might soon mutiny against the colonial government and align itself with Gaullica. In a bid to prevent this, at a routine meeting of the Consular Senate, Catalino made a secret agreement with the tulyatan-Princes in which they would ensure the yodhi soldiers would remain loyal to Etruria in return for the assurance that Etruria would allow the establishment of a legislature for Satria Etruria made up of natives on the conclusion of the Great War. To further cement the influence of the Princes over the yodhi troops in the colonial regiments, Catalino made the Prince of Sanyukt, Krishan VI, an Honorary Colonel of the Sanyukti Colonial Mounted Regiment. Catalino haad attempted to reach out to the irfanic-Princes but was deterred from this after discovering intelligence which had found the Princes of Zulmat and Parsa to be in communication with the Gaullucian Government discussing the possible formation of an irfanic colony of Gaullucia. This began to sow distrust between the Etrurian regime and the irfanic communities of Satria Etruriana.

Following Etruria’s entering of the Great War on the side of the Grand Alliance in 1928, the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani began its fight in Coius. Tensions continued to escalate between Ajahadya, which had managed to retain independence, and Etruria leading to skirmishes between Ajahadya and Colonial regiments across the border throughout the war. Over the course of the war, Etruria would begin to recall progressively more units from the colonies to mainland Etruria resulting in native Rajyanis filling the gaps in order to defend the colony from Ajahadyan and other Entente threats. At the conclusion of the war in 1935, following the Grand Alliance’s victory, the leadership of several native rajyaanis throughout the war, and the ultimate sacrifice paid by over 800,000 rajyani servicemen wwas honoured by the Etrurian government. Krishan VI, who led several offensives during the war, was bestowed honours and decorations by several Euclean Grand Alliance nations. In 1937, the Etrurian government honoured its pledge to establish a legislative assembly for Satria Etruria, however, the assembly was given nominal powers which began to sow seeds of distrust and resentment amongst the native population.

6 years later, Etruria dragged Kylaris into the Solarian War which saw the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani drastically increase in size with edicts coming directly from the newly installed Chief Minister, Field Marshal Maurizio Adriano Galtieri. The edicts involved the force conscription of all males above the age of 18 to enlist in the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani. Unlike the Great War, which many native Rajyanis feared would lead to the establishment of irfanic states if the Grand Alliance failed, there was no overwhelming threat against the integrity of the princely colonial states and so support for the war was minimal. With the forced conscription of troops, the native Rajyani population began to openly protest the war leading to swift action from the newly installed Baldassarre Mason, Governor-General of Satria Etruriana. Over the course of the war, thousands of civilians would be executed for their protests against the war and the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani would lose hundreds of thousands of Rajyani soldiers on the battlefield. Unlike in the Great War, no promises were made to the Consular Senate in regard to autonomy for Satria Etruriana following the war and many Rajyanis could not justify fighting for Etruria in order to not gain any additional freedom or self-governance. In August 1944, rebellion broke out across Satria Etruriana with many demanding complete autonomy and independence from Etruria. The rebellion was one of many factors that resulted in the collapse of the Etrurian offensive in Satria. However, the rebellion was also met by opposition from some native Rajyanis who had grown up under the colonial regime and had known no other authority than Etruria. Many Rajyanis within the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani were also against the rebellion, having benefited greatly from their service and having formed a brotherhood with Etrurian soldiers during the Great War.

By October 1944, Satria Etruriana had collapsed into itself due to the rebellion with Rajyanis fighting amongst themselves. Fearing complete annihilation at the hands of Ajahadya, the Consular Senate held an emergency meeting in Kinadica where the Kinadica Accords were signed. The accords were a compromise between the independence movement and etrurian loyalists, with the accords having four basic principles:

1. Satria Etruriana would continue to fight for Etruria on the condition of independence, as a new nation called Rajyaghar, being granted after the war following a period of Etrurian governance,
2. Satria Etruriana’s borders would revert to the 1847 borders (similar to modern day borders) on the conclusion of the war,
3. The rajyani regiments of the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani would be re-organised into the Satria Etruriana Army Group led by Krishan VI immediately,
4. The newly independent Rajyaghar would retain its cultural, economic and military ties with Etruria following independence,

The Accords were agreed to by Governor-General Mason who was facing the prospect of the complete collapse of Satria Etruriana, Etruria’s first-born colony. The approval of the accords quickly saw the rebellion put down with Krishan VI’s popularity, influence and universal respect helping unify the Rajyani establishment with the lower classes shortly following. The new Satria Etruriana Army Group managed to put up significant opposition to the advancing forces of Ajahadya and the Community of Nations Intervention force, however, by May 1946, the army group was being forced back to the coast.

Fearing Ajahadyan dominance over Satria Etruriana, the Consular Senate met again in July 1946 and agreed to seek peace with Community of Nations in return for assured independence from Ajahadya following the war. Etrurian loyalists, angry by what they perceived to be a betrayal of the Consular Senate against the Etrurian motherland, were persuaded that without peace, Satria Etruriana would be overrun and become the possession of Ajahadya. In order to prevent against Ajahadyan influence through politics, to prevent against an irfanic revolution and to ensure preservation of some links with Etruria, the Consular Senate voted to ensure that the newly independent Satria Etruriana would become a constitutional monarchy with Krishan VI as Maharaja of a new “Rajyaghar”.

The devastation and bloodshed inflicted on both sides of the war in Satria led to a speedy conclusion of the peace talks with Rajyani independence being guaranteed. The agreement was the final blow to Etruria in Satria and resulted in the collapse of its Etrurian colonial possessions as Satria Etruriana was the last remaining colonial possession standing in Satria. In October 1946, the Solarian War came to an end with the unconditional surrender of the Etrurian regime and with it, independence was granted to the newly created Kingdom of Rajyaghar.

Post-Independence

Baiju Pahir Kapadia, Rajyaghar's first Premier

The People's Party dominated politics throughout the path to independence and immediately following independence. A combination of centrist ideals coupled with its establishment leadership consisting of Princes and independence leaders, the People's Party was able to establish itself as the legitimate government in waiting during the waning years of Satria Etruriana. Following independence, the party contested the first Shahee Sansad general election and won an overwhelming majority. It's leader and famed independence leader Baiju Pahir Kapadia was subsequently appointed Premier and led the country through its first five years following independence.

1940s

Kapadia entered office as Premier on the day that Rajyaghar gained independence. Within the first few weeks of independence, to ensure the integrity of the state and prevent against the formation of a pan-satrian state led by Ajahadya, Kapadia's government banned pan-satrian parties across Rajyaghar and arrested several of its leaders on charges of sedition and treason. Within weeks, the ongoing tensions between Rajyaghar and Ajahadya would boil over and the First Satrian War would begin.

The break out of war led many to argue that the key resources needing to lay the foundations for an independent Rajyaghar would need to be diverted to the military. Kapadia agreed to divert huge amounts of resources to the war effort but stopped short of a complete dedication of national funds to the military. Kapadia would instead press ahead with infrastructure plans, the development of major factories and the establishment of a national health service.

First Satrian War (1946-1948)

Ajahadya was succesful in its invasion of southern Rajyaghar, but its advance was halted by the Pavitra Mountain Range which acted as a barrier between the rural southern states and the more urban and populated northern and coastal states. The Rajyani Armed Forces had also dug in along the mountain range and centuries of warfare in the mountains gave the rajyani armed forces an advantage over the ajahadyan invaders. The winter lasted much longer than had been expected and the Ajahadyan forces were defeated in a war of attrition, unable to progress further into Rajyaghar and finding themselves being seperated into smaller units which were picked off by the Rajyani forces.

During 1947, Kapadia would turn his attention to the world outside of Satria. In October 1946, Kapadia took Rajyaghar into the Community of Nations but now wanted to further expand Rajyaghar's diplomatic network. Kapadia's government would create over 20 embassies in 1947 alone, securing ties with Euclean and Satrian nations alike. The most important of these ties would come in June 1947 when Rajyaghar and Senria signed a series of agreements, increasing trade, establishing diplomatic links and promoting cooperation between the two governments. These agreements would be mirrored with Baekjeong. With its direct neighbour to the south-west, Rajyaghar would sign a treaty of mutual defence in October 1947 which lay the foundation for the beginning of the special relationship between Rajyaghar and Arthakhand. By 1948, the Rajyani forces were able to push back the Ajahadyan invaders almost all the way back to post-independence borders, however, the eastern half of the Union State of Pinjar would be lost. Retaking eastern Pinjar remains an objective of the Rajyani Government to this day.

Throughout the war, Kapadia's popularity would soar but his party and government quickly became consumed by infighting between the centrist faction and the centre-left faction. The internal power struggles would result in massive delays and setbacks for the war machine with historians believing it to be a major reason as to why Rajyaghar was unable to retake eastern Pinjar. Kapadia was able to keep the party together throughout the war on the basis that a split party would cripple the government and result in Rajyaghar losing the war. When peace was achieved in 1948, nothing was able to hold the party together and it would descend into chaos. In 1949, the party split into the Liberal Party (centrist) and Cooperative Party (leftist). Due to his influence and popularity, Kapadia was able to govern for the duration of the term up until the 1950 election. His refusal to side with either of the new two parties resulted in him being unable to contest the 1950 election as a Premieral candidate and he ultimately decided to retire.

1950s

In the 1950 election, the liberal party, under Anand Mahanti, won a narrow majority in the Shahee Sansad and, with the support of the Irfanic Coalition on a confidence and supply basis, was able to form a Government. The initial years of the cooperative government saw a rapid increase in the size of the economy, owing to a post-war boom and the infrastructure created under the Kapadia government. The CP government capitalised on this and further expanded the infrastructure programme, established the National Health Service and significantly reduced the military budget to pay for radical spending projects. With the First Satrian War and Solarian War over, the prospect of another catastrophic war seemed minimal and there was little opposition to the decrease in military spending with Mahanti pursuing a diplomatic policy towards Ajahadya. The projects under Anand Mahanti and the CP would lay the welfare state and would see continued economic growth, but by 1954, the country was beginning to be divided over religious, ethnic and geographical divisions. The mountain states were demanding more autonomy, fearing that urbanisation would destroy their culture and way of life, and the southern states demanding more autonomy to govern themselves with the state of Tarkhana launching a nationalist party in an attempt to secede from the Kingdom as an independent state. During independence, the colonial states were unified in their opposition to an etrurian administration and in their fear of an ajahadyan take over. With Rajyaghar now an independent nation and with the propaganda from the national government declaring that there was now peace in Satria (in order to push for their military cuts), the nation was losing the ties that held it together and the argument for a strong federal government of the union was weakening.

The Rajyani Rashtriya Party, which labelled itself as a tulyatan party, was able to provide the nation with a unifying theme; religion. Compared to the Co-op party which was strictly secular, the RRP capitalised on the strong religious beliefs of the people and helped rally support in the coastal states. However, it was not a unifying theme for the south-eastern states with the RRP labelling those wanting more autonomy as seperatists and terrorists who wanted to bring down the country. The RRP was the successor to the more aggressive groups during the independence struggle and under the leadership of Chanda Adwani, they were able to rally support across the country. The fiery rhetoric employed by the RRP would be a refreshing change to many in the country who were fatigued and tired following decades of war and now facing insecurity over the stability of the nation. The tempered and timid style of incumbent Premier Mahanti would also be a contributing factor. In the 1955 elections, Mahanti would be voted out of office, however, the Liberal Party would emerge as the largest party and it would go onto form a full coalition government with the Irfanic coalition who turned against the CP for their failure to react to the RRP.

Following the 1995 election, the RRP pivoted from its overtly religious identity and was now portraying itself as a conservative, anti-tax, pro-union party. The RRP was also able to articulate its economic arguments better than the liberals and by 1957, the party was now the second largest party in the Shahee Sansad. During the late 50s, tensions would rise again across Satria with a more aggressive Ajahadya flexing its military might. Fear of another war gripped the nation and the mismanagement of the military first by the CP and now by the Liberals played into the hands of the RRP which had been campaigning against the military cuts since 1952.

In 1959, the Second Satrian War began as a result of Ajahadya's invasion and subsequent annexation of the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam. Whilst this was occuring, the ongoing religious tensions that plagued the country continue to grow with increasing tensions between the tulyatan and irfanic communities. Incumbent Premier, Onkar Jariwala, had lost the support of his Liberal Party following the disastorous invasion by Ajahadya and the disarray of the armed forces. Since the end of the First Satrian War in 1948, the CP and subsequent LP had been in power and had both pursued a commitment to diplomacy and de-escalation which resulted in the armed forces lacking the funding it needed to recover and rebuild following the first satrian war.

1960s

Amidst this chaos and uncertainty Jariwala called an early election in 1959 and lost. His Cooperative Party would still manage to be the largest party but lost the support of all its allies and would be forced to govern as a minority party. The RRP would continue to gain seats but it was unsuccessful to secure a majority in part due to its still highly religious leadership. Following the 1959 election defeat for the RRP, its leadership would oust Adwani and the party would go on to elect Abhinav Devdhar Malhotra as party leader. A.D.M., as he was known as, was a devoted opponent to communism, a fierce proponent of increased defence spending and an economic professor who was seen as a safe pair of hands for the economy which was now beginning to waver under the cooperative party. Whilst Malhotra was a devoted follower of the tulyatan faith, he was more private in his religious beliefs which allowed him to gain the support of the secular centre in the country. Throughout his campaign rallies, he would often criticise the failings of the CP's economic policies and would tout the successes of the Union State Governments of Harringhata and Dodhar which were controlled by the RRP, which had been performing well economically.

ADM's charismatic leadership style, coupled with the religious tensions, left vs. right political division and the failings of the CP prior to the second satrian war, resulted in a resounding victory for the RRP at the National Shahee Sansad '60 election. The 1960 election had been called due to the collapse of the Jariwala government. This marked the first time that the party not only won a national election but also won Union State legislative assembly elections in the co-operative party strongold states of Sanyukt and Swarupnagar. Due to his attacks against communism and his tulyatva policies, the Communist Party of Rajyaghar and Irfanic Coalition boycotted the swearing-in-ceremony of the Malhotra Government.

Malhotra Government (1960-1967)

A.D. Malhotra, the RRP's 1st Premier

Throughout his time in office, Abhinav Devdhar Malhotra would face many national crises. From the beginning, ADM would have to deal with the second satrian war in which Rajyaghar was being overrun by Ajahadya following the loss of the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam and with Mondari on the brink. ADM would also have to deal with an economy strangled by regulation, rising religious tensions and the death of Maharaja Krishan VII in 1961, the assasination of his successor, Maharaja Rajaram V in 1964 and the ascension of Maharani Shakti III.

In early 1960 toward the beginning of his first term, ADM began to implement a series of economic reforms which sought to deregulate several industries such as domestic arms production and wider manufacturing, using the war effort as justification. The Malhotra government also reduced corporate tax multiple times over the years from 55% to 32% by 1964. A controversial religious institutions tax (RITax) was introduced in 1962 which sparked widespread outrage. Political pundits widely viewed the RITax as a punitive measure against the irfanic religious institutions as many tulyatan religious institutions were given tax exemptions based on the Mandirs being 'historical sites'. The Divorce Act (1961) also sparked criticism from irfanic communities as the measure resulted in religious divorces no longer being recognised with only secular courts having the right to grant divorce. The Divorce Act (1961) and the RITax led to further tensions with the irfanic minority in Rajyaghar.

In 1965, the country returned to the polls for the general election. With the Communist Party banned and restrictions being placed on the Irfanic Coalition, the RRP was set to return to government. The end of the second satrian war, handling of the emergency and the management of the change in monarch twice had allowed Malhotra to assume the image of a great statesman, despite the loss of the Union States of Sangam and Mondari. His economic policies were also beginning to reap rewards and his harsh stance towards irfanic seperatism had garnered him increased support. Malhotra and the RRP were returned to power with an increased majority with historians now crediting that to his leadership style, influence over major newspaper owners, success in retaking Pinjar and his handling of the succession of the crown. Historians also widely believe that Malhotra had used the emergency to restrict the Co-operative party, with several of its key campaigners being arrested on trumped up charges of sedition for criticising the emergency.

Second Satrian War (1959-1964)

Maneet Sutaria, 1st Chief of the Defence Staff

During his first term in office, ADM's priorities were the war effort and economic reforms. On the war effort, the army and air force leadership were asked to step down and the entire command structure of the armed forces was reformed. Malhotra created the position of a new "Chief of the Defence Staff" who would serve as the day to day operational commander for all branches of the military. Abhinav appointed Maneet Sutaria, a four star general in the army, to serve as the nation's first Chief of Defence Staff and tasked Sutaria with regaining the Union States of Pinjar and Sangam. Coupled with his deregulation of the defence industry, Malhotra used the royal perogative to draft into service all men aged 18 to 30 into the armed forces; the first and only forced conscription ever used by the Rajyani government. These new troops were immediately moved into training and would, in a matter of months, be on the front lines fighting to recapture Pinjar and Sangam. The Premier also nationalised the automobile industry in order to create rapid deployement vehicles, and directed private manufacturing companies to begin construction on munitions and military equipment.

On 7th September 1961, the nation was dealt a major blow when His Majesty Krishan VI passed away. Krishan VI had been the Maharaja to gain Rajyaghar it's independence and many feared that they had lost their greatest King just when the Kingdom was most at risk of collapse. Malhotra, a devoted royalist, would later describe the death of the Maharaja, who wass 86 when he died, as "...expected but nonetheless devastating to a people so devoted to their beloved Maharaja." The following day, Rajaram V, eldest son of the late Krishan VI, addressed the Shahee Sansad in a rousing speech commemorating their fallen independence hero but pledging to fight on in his name. Rajaram's ascension was notably smooth and his regularly broadcast speeches, every week, helped boost morale across the country. Despite the ongoing war effort, Malhotra ensured a coronation ceremony would still occur and in December 1961, the country celebrated the ascension of the new Maharaja at the national mandir. Malhotra's handling of the coronation, ascension and ongoing war effort was met with praise from across the aisle in the Shahee Sansad as well as across the country.

[Failure to retake Sangam 1962]

[Fall of Mondari in December 1963]

[Assasination of Rajaram V in February 1964]

[Retaking Pinjar in August 1964]

The Emergency (1964-1967)

The fall of Mondari in December 1963 was a major defeat for the Government and would see Ajahadya get uncomfortably deep into central Rajyaghar. Religious tensions were also boiling over into open conflict in the streets with the irfanic minority attempting to seize the opportunity to get several eastern states to secede and form an irfanic republic, similar to those being formed in Zorasan. The war machine was also struggling to prevent another push by Ajahadya into Rajyaghar from Sangam and just about holding onto several counties in the State of Pinjar that it had retaken. The government were aware that they would not be able to prevent a revolution in the eastern states by the irfanic minority with the military still engaged on the eastern front.

On 17th February 1964, large oppossing religious protests in Bagru, Raulia turned violent, resulting in a massacre leaving over a thousand people dead. The day would become known as "Red Monday". The horrific events shocked the nation and the government feared that the nation was on the brink of collapse. The next day, Malhotra would deploy reserve troops to Raulia and granted the police additional authority to attempt to quell any more violence. Martial Law was then imposed on Raulia, Zulmat and Parsa to restrict movement. The 23rd February 1964, would see an escalation in the religious tensions marring the country when Rajaram V, Maharaja of Rajyaghar, was assasinated whilst enroute to the eastern front to provide morale support. The Cutantira Cakti, an irfanic independence milita, claimed responsibility for the assasination. Outraged by the assassination, Malhotra recalled the Shahee Sansad for an emergency meeting that evening and demanded a State of Emergency resolution be passed. Opposition parties, with the exception of the Irfanic Coalition, supported the measure and the resolution was approved within 3 hours. That evening, the Premier met with the new Maharani, Shakti III, sister of the late King, and asked that she declare a nation wide state of emergency which she approved.

The Emergency would see the introduction of martial law, national curfews and the dissolution of the Union State Government of Zulmat, Raulia and Parsa. The Maharani appointed a non-partisan Governor to oversee the administration of public duties in these Union States. Across the country, the PM reorganised the police force, increased their powers and deployed them aggressively across the nation to stamp out riots. The education curriculum was also modified to be more pro-tulyatan and pro-monarchist with socialism and communism being demonised. In late 1964, the second satrian war came to an end with Rajyaghar losing the Union States of Sangam and Mondari but retaking Pinjar. With the nation now at peace with her neighbours, attention turned to ensuring domestic stability as religious tensions still continued to plague the nation. In March 1965, the Government announced a constitutional ban on communism which saw the immediate banning of the Satrian Communist Party. Many of these measures were viewed favourably by the population as the riots and protests were quelled and forced to disperse and civic harmony had returned to the streets after almost 15 years of division. The emergency was also used to rebuild the nation following the second satrian war with many policies gaining the support of the population.

However, by late 1966 the Premier had pushed even further with executive orders curtailing the free press, the dissolution of more eastern union state governments and the disbandment of the National Appointments Council resulting in Governor-appointments being nominated by the PM instead of an independent body. These moves had made the PM increasingly unpopular amongst the population, even amongst some of his most ardent supporters who feared that the basic principles of the Constitution were now being infringed upon. In January 1967, the PM unilaterally banned the Irfanic Coalition political party and barred several newspapers from publishing news material. The PM had also refused to lift martial law measures on the eastern states unlike in the western states which had only been under martial law for a maximum of 8 months. Fearing further authoritarian measures and concerned about the drift from centrist politics to the extremes, the PM’s own cabinet, made up of RRP MPs, ousted Malhotra in April 1967. A new RRP PM was appointed and the party continued to govern for another month, quickly securing many of the measures they had supported whilst revoking those they had opposed. In June 1967, the RRP invited the Co-operative Party to join them in government to form a Unity Government and in November 1967, the Unity Government called upon the Maharani to end the State of Emergency.

The Unity Government then restored the governments of the eastern states and called for new elections in September 1968. The Co-op Party won an overwhelming majority in the election due to their handling of the unity government period but mainly due to opposition to the RRP. The RRP suffered their worst defeat with the Liberal Party taking over as the second largest political party. Shortly after the election, the Irfanic Coalition's ban was rescinded. Over the next decade, the RRP would slowly regain the trust of the people before returning to government in 1980.

Modern Era

1980s

In 1985, the Co-op Party returned to power and instituted economic reforms which saw the introduction of an agricultural crop price (ACP) which would guarantee crop prices for farmers which they had been promising prior to the ’85 election. The RRP’s refusal to support the policy saw their core base, rural voters, turn to the Co-op party in the ’85 election. However, the Co-op party’s slim majority collapsed in 1987 as the party became split over de-valuation of the currency. This led to a hung parliament following the 1987 which saw the cooperative party remain in power with a coalition with the Irfanic Coalition. In ’88 election, the RRP returned to power following a campaign focused on the economy led by Kalyani Bajpeyi. Throughout its history, the RRP had become known as a the fiscally responsible party whereas the CP were regarded as being socially responsible and liberal. The RRP managed to boost economic growth which enabled it to return to government in an early election in 1992. In ’95, the government became embroiled by a bribery scandal regarding the allocation of new housing construction contracts to RRP-donors.

1989 National Strike

Kalyani Bajpeyi, Rajyaghar's first female Premier

In 1989, the National Transportation Union (NTU) which represented transit workers and freight drivers, went on a national strike in protest against the Government's refusal to increase wages for their members who were employed by the Government. The early strikes quickly crippled major cities as food deliveries were delayed and people were unable to move in and out as well as within major urban areas. Kinadica itself faced a road blockade due to parked buses blocking major motorways in and out of the capital. 2 weeks into the strikes, the Government met with Union leadership in an attempt to break the strikes but it soon emerged that this was a PR tactic of the Bajpeyi Government as now Kalyani Bajpeyi would try to use the strikes to introduce anti-union legislation. In March 1989, the second month of the strikes, the government introduced its anti-union legislation which barred unions from making political donations and made city-run transport transit workers "essential workers" thereby preventing them from striking unless substitute workers could be found. The timetable for passing this legislation was expediated by the Bajpeyi Government in order to quash the strike as soon as possible but even though Bajpeyi had a majority in the Shahee Sansad, oppossition MPs used procedural levers to slow down the passage of the bills. Ultimately, in mid-April 1989, the bills were passed by the Shahee Sansad and signed into law by Krishan VII.

The introduction of the legislation backfired on the government as public dissaproval of the strikes turned to support as people believed the Unions were being pushed to the brink unnecessarily and that the government were disingenuous with their offers of talks. In late April, unions not associated with transportation joined the national strike. Having gone on for two months, the strike began to turn violent with rioting and looting beginning to take place by early May. In response, Kalyani Bajpeyi ordered the deployment of the army onto the streets of major cities with the capital being placed under martial law. Bajpeyi's use of the army drew criticism as it soon became clear that the army was using excessive force to break up protests. In mid-May 1989, the military engineer corps was deployed to dismantle road blocks set up on the major motorways in and out of Kinadica. Tanks were also moved into the capital with Government Hill placed on lockdown with baracades and 24/7 manned watch stations.

In May 1989, the NTU had run out of funds to pay their membership with during the strikes and without pay from the government due to the strike, the NTU membership became increasingly desperate. Protests would routinely become riots which then became violent with hundreds of buildings in Kinadica alone being set ablaze. Emergency talks between the Government and NTU were demanded by the Maharaja but both sides refused to back down. In June 1989, with violence continuing to erupt on the streets of the capital and in major cities across Rajyaghar, NTU leader Naitik Mulani threatened to withhold support for the Co-operative party at the next election in a bid to get more support from its leadership in the Shahee Sansad to oppose Bajpeyi. The move backfired with public support sharply turning against the unions. The ongoing food shortages as a result of city blockades, disruption to commuter and transit lines and now blatant pressuring of political figures had turned the public against the unions. Up until June 1989, a small handful of NTU members had still continued to work and not joined the strike. In June these workers were given new government contracts to continue working whilst striking NTU workers had their contracts dismissed under the new anti-union legislation. The military was also brought in to run the transit and commuter lines and Bajpeyi ordered a more aggressive approach to dealing with the strikes.

By mid-June, the military in Kinadica had been authorised to use rubber bullets and excessive force on protestors. Tanks were used to crush makeshift road blocks and thousands of protestors were placed under arrest. The overwhelming force used to break the protest in Kinadica was mimicked in cities across Rajyaghar as the military came down on protestors. The NTU had hoped that the excessive force used against them would turn public support back in their favour but by this point the public were fatigued by the ongoing national strike and were hostile towards further union action. At the end of June 1989, the NTU met with the Government once more and agreed to end the national strike and agree to the Government's demands in return for amnesty for the protestors. On 1st July 1989, the national strike officially ended. Decades later, the true brutality of the government in June 1989 would become apparent with modern-estimates of the death toll of protestors in the 400s. At the time, the government down played the death toll with many protestors having 'dissappeared' rather than died.

The anger of farmers towards the NTU, due to their crops not being able to get to stores to be sold, was felt in the 1991 Legislative Assembly Elections in the Union State of Pinjar where the RRP, for the first time in its history, was able to be competitive electorally and entered into a coalition government with the Kissan Party (Farmers Party). Kalyani Bajpeyi's popularity was greatly boosted by her victory over the national strike and made her a hero for the political right in Rajyaghar.

1990s onward

The Co-operative party dominated Rajyani politics from the late 90s to the early 00s and dramatically transformed Rajyani society. Urbanisation dramatically increased alongside increases in the literacy rate and employment, however, much of the economic growth was in part due to the de-regulation era of the late 80s under the RRP. Socially, the country became much more liberal with homosexuality being decriminalised in 2002.

In 2009, the Rajyani stock market crashed and within the space of a few months, over 500,000 Rajyanis became unemployed. At the ’10 election, the Co-op party were heavily criticised for having dramatically increased the national deficit in order to pay for public programmes. The Liberals also blamed the RRP for deregulating the banking sector in the late 80s. The election resulted in a hung parliament which saw the rise of the Liberal Party once again. The Liberals entered into coalition with the RRP in order to form a coalition government. The coalition government were able to turn around the economy and begin to reduce the deficit with strict spending cuts. In the 2015 election, the RRP were rewarded for turning the economy around and became a majority government. In 2020, the RRP increased their majority yet again with their support amongst non-tulyatans growing due to the new leadership of the party since the early 2010s which saw the departure of many right-wingers in favour of more centrist figures.