Yemet

Irfanic Republic of Yemet Talanzi: ye-Yēmēti Īrifanīki Rīpeblīk የየመን ኢርፋኒክ ሪፐብሊክ Gaullican: République Irfanique de Yemet Weranian: Irfanische Republik Yemet
Flag Emblem
Capital and largest city	Girota
Official languages	Gaullican, Weranian, Talanizi,
Demonym(s)	Yemeti
Government	Unitary Presidential Republic
• President	Retta Iskinder
Legislature	People's Congress of Yemet
Area
• Total	1,032,371.2 km2 (398,600.7 sq mi)
• Water (%)	2%
Population
• 2020 estimate	91,991,000
• Density	89.1/km2 (230.8/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)	estimate
• Total	$98,706,343,000
• Per capita	$1,073
GDP (nominal)	estimate
• Total	$55,853,891,000
• Per capita	$607
Gini (2018)	0.54 low
HDI (2018)	0.494 low
Currency	Yemeti birr (YEB)
Time zone	UTC+3 (Central Bahian Standard Time)
Driving side	right
Calling code	+29
Internet TLD	.ye

Yemet, officially the Irfanic Republic of Yemet (Weranian: Irfanische Republik Yemet) is a is a  unitary presidential republic in Bahia. It is bordered to the east by Masari, to the south by Garambura and Rwizikuru, to the west by xx and to the north by Bamvango, The Magadi and xx. It has a population of 91,991,000, making it the largest country in Bahia by population, and a nominal GDP of $55,853,891,000 and a nominal GDP per capita of $607, making it one of the poorest countries in Kylaris. Yemet is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse nations in Kylaris, having around 200 distinct ethnic and linguistic groups.

Believed to be the origin of humanity, Yemet was home to a diverse array of pre-colonial civilisations along the Gonda River and Lake Hayik that flourished from the 9th century AD to the 15th Century AD under the development of the Hourege system of government and with the growth of Trans-Hamadan Trade to Rahelia and Euclea in salt and gold. The settlement of Euclean trading posts along the coast started in the mid 1600s, with St. Mark, modern Lehir, being settled in 1643 by Gaullican traders under the protection of local leaders. The Kamwengan Empire, which dominated the central portions of Yemet from the 1400s to the 1700s, declined in the 1700s following several wars against Euclean-backed coastal states. The successor states to the Kamwengan Empire were gradually annexed into the Gaullican colony of Haute-Gond during the early 1700s and Yemet's large agricultural lands and mineral wealth saw much development as part of the Gaullican Empire, culminating in the Adunis to Mambiza Railway being constructed through the country to better transport its produce to the Gaullican metropole.

With Gaullica's defeat in the Great War, the colony of Haut-Gond was transferred over to Werania and incorporated the Kulo region of the colony of Baséland. Renamed Obergond, the colony saw an influx of Weranian settlers, the seizure of commonly owned tribal lands and the forced resettlement of the native population, eventually sparking the Yemeti Bush War, sometimes also known as the Yemeti War of Indepencence, which lasted from 1946 until Yemet was granted independence as the Federation of Obergond in 1953.

Ruled by the Weranian settler minority, and backed by the Weranian government, the Federation of Obergond, and later the First Federation of Yemet after the drafting of a new constitution allowing limited voting rights to the native populace continued the Yemeti Bush War, which ended in 1964 with the CN-brokered Treaty of Girota that laid the foundations for the Second Federation of Yemet and Yemet's first elections with universal franchise under CN observation. The new Yemeti government, led by President Anwar Motuma undertook the nationalisation of many industries and the collectivisation of agriculture, which proved unpopular among many communities, resulting in its defeat in 1968 although many allege that the election was fraudulent.

His successor, President Assi Tamrat, embarked on a reversal of Motuma's socialist economic policies and invaded Ibabochia in the War of the Ibabochian Panhandle in 1969, claiming it was Yemeti territory under the borders of the Gaullican colony of Haute-Gond. Although a quick Yemeti victory was expected by the Yemeti government, foreign intervention in support of Masari led to a Yemeti defeat. After the defeat, the Yemeti military launched a military coup and started the Yemeti Civil War which would last until a CN-brokered peace treaty in 1997, although the conflict with the Kulo State remains ongoing.

Since 1997, the Yemeti government has struggled to rebuild the ethnically and religiously divided country and defeat the Kulo State, while gradually backsliding towards authoritarianism under President Retta Iskinder.

Etymology

The name Yemet is derived from the phrase Yemeto Negedi Merēti, meaning Land of the Hundred Tribes, the traditional name of the Talanzi people for the region. In the colonial period Yemet was more often known as 'Haute-Gond' under Gaullican colonial rule and then 'Obergond' under Weranian colonial rule, both derived from the river Gonda that flows through the country. The government of Yemet rejects both names, but they are still used in both countries, and more rarely across Euclea, usually by older generations.

History

Prehistoric Yemet

-Probable origin of homo sapiens
-Inhabited for thousands of years, wealth of archaeological sites

Ancient Yemet (c. 3000 BC - c. 650 AD)

-Proto-sare system of rule by priests
-Confederal system organised based on interpretation on will of spirits, augury

Haute-Gond (1863 - 1934)

Flag of the Gaullican colony of Haute-Gond.

Main article: Haute-Gond

-Conquered by 1863, allied Sotirian and Irfanic rulers made into protectorates, coastal regions directly ruled by colonial administration
-Abolishment of caste system, establishment of large rubber plantations under Gaullican ownership, seizure of lands from Irfanic rulers, transfer of mines to Companie Royale de Haute-Gond, formation of large numbers of Tirailleurs Bahiens units from the former Irfanic warrior caste, abolishment of slavery
-Major revolts in Sougoulie, Irfanic traditional rulers + largely Irfanic Tirailleurs Bahiens manage to win a few battles initially against native Sotirian forces + Gaullican-loyal Irfanics, crushed upon the arrival of reinforcements from elsewhere in Bahia by 1884 in Gondan Expedition. Final part of revolt to be crushed. Survivors flee into jungles, burn Gaullican rubber plantations irregularly throughout 1880s, meld back into civilian population by 1890s, restricting of recruitment of Tirailleurs Bahiens to Sotirian natives
-Sporadic revolts by individual Irfanic tribal groups from 1890 to 1926, none particularly successful, most crushed within a year with minor Gaullican losses, but large numbers of civilian casualties and rebel casualties
-Re-establishment of Tirailleurs Bahiens during Great War, eager mass volunteering of former Irfanic warrior caste, used in invasions of Estmerish and Weranian colonies
-Colony handed over to Werania in post-war treaties, modern Kulo State split off from Baséland in exchange for The Magadi being split off from Haute-Gond to give to Estmere.

Obergond (1934 - 1953)

Flag of the Weranian colony of Obergond.

Main article: Obergond

Following the end of the Great War, the colony of Haute-Gond was transferred over to Werania as part of the new Weranian colony of Obergond, incorporating the Kulo Region from the former Gaullican colony of Baséland while the Ade Protectorate was ceded to the Estmerish as Adeland and the Ibabochian Panhandle was transferred to the Weranian colony of Silberküste. The Gaullican administration and population were quickly repatriated to Gaullica and a new colonial administration was set up, which immediately faced a problem in the large numbers of Irfanic Tirailleurs Bahiens who refused to disarm without a guarantee of continued military service/

Not wanting to become embroiled in a colonial war against the Gaullican-armed and trained Tirailleurs Bahiens and fearing an anti-colonial revolt, part of the Tirailleurs Bahiens were enlisted into the Schutztruppe Obergond while others were formed into private armies under the traditional rulers, after an agreement was reached in 1935 with the various native rulers that ruled much of the inland area of the colony as protectorates.

The Gaullican-owned mines and Yemet's limited industrial capacity and rail network were divided up between various Weranian companies, while lands owned by Gaullican settlers were sold at cheap prices to Weranian settlers in their place. The small Irfanic urban populace was forcibly resettled to the countryside to make cheap housing available for Weranian colonists, and internal migration was heavily reduced through the introduction of an internal passport system. As the 1930s went on, the native units of the Schutztruppe Obergond were gradually disbanded as the Weranian colonial government saw less need for them as the threat of a colonial revolt gradually diminished. The Schutztruppe fell from a post-transfer height of 30,000 natives under Gaullican-trained native officers to 10,000 serving under white Weranian officers by 1941, with many native officers being discharged from the army rather than demoted and military forces instead being provided on rotation from Werania.

Over the 1930s a racial caste system was formally established, as local democratic government was set up with voting heavily restricted by poll taxes, property requirements and literacy tests, in addition to extremely poor access to polling stations outside of cities to restrict voting solely to Weranian settlers. The Irfanic populace was to be represented by their traditional rulers who were formed into a largely-ignored advisory body, while the Sotirian native populace was unrepresented.

By the early 1940s, having sold all the previously Gaullican-owned land to settlers, the colonial administration had started to seize the traditional lands from the native population of the colony, selling the ownership of the land to Weranian farmers to further encourage migration. Some native groups were forcibly relocated to reserves to open up new areas for settler farms, while other traditionally pastoralist tribes were forcibly moved into villages so that the colonial administration could better control them and their agricultural output.

Many Irfanics, previously engaged in subsistence agriculture, were forced to become wage labourers for Weranian colonists that now owned the land they used to own communally had been transferred to Weranian colonists, or enlist into the Schutztruppe or colonial police as Weranian internal restrictions on the native Irfanic population prevented their migration to growing cities such as Röttgenstadt or Debre Markos which the native Sotirian polulation was allowed to. By 1944 it was estimated by the Obergondan Agricultural Committee that almost 150,000km² of arable land in Obergond was owned by 47,000 Weranians, while 18,000km² was owned by an estimated 3 million natives, with another 7 million owning either owning no land at all or using communally owned land not counted in the land survey.

The combination of political disenfranchisement, racial discrimination, forced relocation, internal restrictions and land seizures, along with extremely poor pay for agricultural labourers led to major growth in underground trade unions, initially formed among agricultural labourers in the late 1930s and focused on individual farms, but quickly grouping together into larger organisations during the early 1940s including mine labourers and other native workers. Initially focusing on attempting to improve working conditions and pay, strikes and protests were normally brutally put down by the Schutztruppe.

By the mid 1940s, the various worker organisations had begun to turn anti-colonial and militant in character, arming themselves with a variety of stolen rifles, machetes, spears and shields, and bows and arrows. Lightly equipped compared to the professionally equipped and trained Schutztruppe, the various anti-colonial groups, including the Gondan National Liberation Army, the Sotirian National Liberation Front, the Irfanic Liberation Forces, the Sotirian Democratic Front, the Liberation Army of the Gonda and others conducted a guerilla war against the Weranian colonial administration in the Yemeti Bush War, which is considered to have started in 1946 with the declaration of a state of emergency by the colonial governor, Jan Schwortz, after the murder of multiple Weranian farmers and foremen by native labourers and the bombing on a Schutztruppe garrison in Röttgenstadt.

Initially the Schutztruppe was quickly bolstered by forces from the Weranian military along with deployments of Schutztruppe from other Weranian colonies. The Weranian army from 1947 was able to gradually re-establish control over the country through an extensive plan of villagization to prevent the native population from providing support and shelter to the various guerrilla organisations, along with frequent detainment in camps of suspected sympathisers and supporters. The Weranian Air Force launched strikes on suspected insurgent camps within Yemet's dense forests. By 1949, the build-up to the Kirenian-Weranian War saw much of the Weranian military presence in the colony withdrawn. The reduction in military pressure from the withdrawal, combined with the increasing resentment among the populace due to the often brutal and punitive counter-insurgency tactics employed by the Weranians, allowed the insurgent groups to resurge in strength.

After Werania's defeat in the Kirenian-Weranian War in 1950 the Weranian chancellor, Viktor Beer-Hofmann, signed a ceasefire with the larger guerrilla groups while the Weranian government, the Obergondan colonial government and native groups negotiated regarding a transition to independence. In reality this was a front to allow the Obergondan colonial government time to build up the Schutztruppe, while the lack of a common enemy caused inter-ethnic tensions to flare up among the various anti-colonial groups, sometimes turning into violent clashes between them. The talks broke down in 1953 after it became clear that the Weranian government and colonial government had no intention to compromise on matters such as land ownership, racial equality and democratic government, and Obergond was granted independence as the Federation of Obergond on 12th August 1953.

Federation of Obergond (1953 - 1960)

Main article: Federation of Obergond

The Federation of Obergond obtained independence on 12th August 1953, with the former Governor of Obergond, Oscar Weber, being elected by the Weranian settler population as the first President of Obergond.

The declaration of independence without universal voting sparked mass outrage among the native populace, and the various anti-colonial movements that had fought against Werania continued the fight against the white settler government. The Obergond Schutztruppe, having bolstered its strength during the ceasefire, repeated the same counter-insurgency tactics that had proved successful during the late 1940s of airstrikes and villagization, supported by Werania.

The various anti-colonial movements began to receive foreign backing from other newly-independent Bahian states, and focused mainly on attacks on targets such as Schutztruppe barracks, police stations, government buildings as well as ambushes of Schutztruppe patrols. The Schutztruppe, although experienced, lacked the numbers to effectively defend everywhere and were gradually forced to consolidate the number of locations they could effectively defend against the night raids. The assassination of President Oscar Weber in 1956 led to his Vice-President, Viktor Blumberg, assuming the office and declaring martial law, suspending the Parliament of Obergond and ruling by decree.

Under Blumburg the counter-insurgency campaign increased in intensity as the Obergondan Schutztruppe began to use napalm against suspected anti-colonial strongholds in the jungles and on villages. The Weranian settler population formed paramilitary organisations to support the Schutztruppe which often engaged in mob violence against the native population, such as executions of those suspected to be members of or spies for anti-colonial groups. To further bolster the numbers of the Schutztruppe, the Obergondan government hired large numbers of Euclean soldiers as mercenaries, primarily from Etrurian veterans of the Solarian War, to serve as officers and instructors and increases in pay for native enlistees and promised payment in lands abandoned by Weranian settlers to discourage desertion.

The Obergondan government purchased large quantities of surplus military equipment from Euclea to arm its growing army, funded by raw material exports to Euclea. As the brutality of the war increased, international condemnation of the Obergondan regime did as well, and the Obergondan regime found itself gradually being cut off as many countries imposed sanctions on its raw material exports, its main source of funding.

The unification of Irfanic guerrilla movements into the People's National Liberation Army of Yemet (የዬሜት ህዝባዊ ሃገራዊ ሓርነት ሰራዊ, ye'Yemet Hizibawī Hagerawī Harineti Serawīti) in 1958 marked the final turning point for the white settler regime as it, under pressure from the Weranian government and corporations, entered into negotiations with the Sotirian militias as the Weranian government and corporations realised the Obergondan government would not be able to protect their economic interests in the region in the long-term. Abner Oronge, leader of the Sotirian National Liberation Front, the largest moderate Sotirian anti-colonial group, and President Blumburg formally signed the 1960 Constitution of Yemet on May 22nd 1960, ending the Federation of Obergond and establishing the First Federation of Yemet, with Oronge as President and Blumburg as Vice-President.

First Federation of Yemet (1960 - 1964)

President Oronge faced the same problems as his predecessor, as the PNLAY continued to grow in strength in the early 1960s, supported by the United Bahian Republic, while the Weranian settler farmers continued to flee the increasingly unstable country, fearing violence and not trusting the ability of the native Schutztruppe to protect them. Some moderate Sotirian militias, primarily those of Oronge's Adioro were incorporated into the Schutztruppe, but others continued to fight both the Schutztruppe and the PNLAY, considering Oronge to be a Weranian puppet.

The war further intensified in 1962 following a series of massacres against the Talanzini population by the Adioro Schutztruppe and the remaining Weranian settlers fled the country, selling their property to the native population or simply leaving it to be reclaimed, causing Weranian support for Oronge's government to sharply decline. By 1964 the course of the war had firmly turned against Oronge's government, and Oronge turned to the Community of Nations, headed by Hailu Kayin, a Gaullican-educated Irfanic Talanzini Yemeti to negotiate a ceasefire in 1964 to draft a new constitution with the leaders of the PNLAY and other Sotirian militia groups.

Second Federation of Yemet (1964 - 1970)

Anwar Motuma, a former leader of the PNLAY and the founder of the Yemeti National Unity Party, was elected with a clear popular majority following the extension of voting to Irfanic and rural areas. Despite his anti-colonial credentials, Motuma as President demonstrated an instinct to compromise while the fragile Second Federation was in its infancy, limiting the collectivisation and nationalisation plans to those agreed on in the negotiations to form the Second Federation rather than more radical reforms advocated by the PNLAY's more radical ring.

By 1966 the PNLAY had been largely transformed from a militia force into a semi-professional army and oversaw the peaceful disarmament of other militia groups with Community of Nations peacekeeper assistance. Some hardline groups on both sides refused to disarm and continued to fight a low intensity guerrilla conflict against the new government.

The PNLAY was unsuccessful in its attempts to crack down on such groups as CN peacekeepers left Yemet in 1967, while Motuma's economic policies were subject to corruption and nepotism, with much of the nationalised property being sold off to the same ethnic groups as the ministers responsible for distributing it. The redistribution of agricultural land to collective ownership on a village by village basis was welcomed in Irfanic parts of the country, while many Sotirian farmers, who had purchased the land under the First Federation, viewed the collectivisation as unfair and directed against them, as much of the land seized was granted to Motuma's supporter base which was primarily Irfanic.

Anwar Motuma was defeated in the 1968 general election by Assi Tamrat, the leader of the Sotirian National Liberation Front which had transitioned into a political party on a nationalistic platform calling for the annexation of the disputed Ibabochian Panhandle region, which had previously been part of the Gaullican colony of Haute-Gond but transferred to the then Weranian colony of Silberkuste, now Masari, which had resulted in many Sotirian tribes being split between the two newly independent nations, as well as the reversal of some of Motuma's economic policies. Although urged by many within the PNLAY to dispute the election result, Anwar Motuma stepped down peacefully.

Tamrat's term as president began well, ending the war against many of the remaining, mostly Sotirian, militias through the offering of amnesties and salaried positions within the PNLAY, seeking to build up his own core of supporters within the army and displace those of Motuma. With this new, enlarged army, and the purchases of large quantities of arms from Soravia, Yemet invaded Masari in the Ibabochian War in February 1969.

The war lasted eight months, and despite Yemet's large military advantage on paper and early military successes, taking [xx] and [yy] by the end of March and [zz] by April, but the PNLAY was stalled at the Battle of Inquaba in early August, being too exhausted to continue the offensive, although Yemet had taken 90% of the territory claimed. Foreign support for Masari in the form of air support, equipment and advisors enabled Masari to counter-attack in November, routing the PNLAY and leading to a status quo ante bellum peace being signed in December. The Irfanic leaders of the PNLAY, which had lost almost a quarter of its tanks, a third of its regular soldiers and half of the People's Liberation Army of Yemet Air Force, mostly of the Irfanic elements that had not been given most of the more modern equipment purchased by Tamrat which had instead been given to Sotirian units kept from the worst of the fighting, staged a military coup on the 4th January 1970, declaring the National Salvation Government of Yemet under General Ezera Biruh.

National Salvation Government of Yemet (1969 - 1997)

Yemet under Gen. Ezera Biruh (1969 - 1997)

-Commander of People's National Liberation Army of Yemet during Ibabochian War

Republic of Yemet (1997 - Present)

Yemet under President Chirkos Assefa (1997 - 2009)

-National unity candidate, preached method of unity and rebuilding
-With CN observers, drew up new constitution
-Ran as independent
-Included members from all political parties in cabinet
-Competent, quiet, aloof technocrat
-Dedicated first term to rebuilding Yemeti infrastructure, large government cuts, disbanding of superfluous ministries, introduction of free education, rebuilding of schools
-Military funding remained high to combat militia groups that refused to comply with ceasefire
-Revival of state corporations
-Re-elected to second term in 2003 in free and fair election, opposition
-Cut rampant military expenditure, massive downsizing of armed forces
-Massive upsurge in militia violence and membership
-Army unable to control violence
-Forced to call in CN mission for assistance
-Viewed as weak, ineffectual, out of touch
-Stepped down in 2009

Yemet under President Retta Iskinder (2009 - Present)

-Ran on nationalistic, Irfanic platform
-