|Part of Toubacterie
Ndjarendie soldiers under Saïkou Ahmed Bamba clash with Gaullican troops during the Battle of Ourafade
Soubaka Dominion of Heaven
|Commanders and leaders
Saïkou Ahmed Bamba
|Casualties and losses
|Part of a series on
The Sougoulie was a major unsuccessful revolt against Euclean colonisation in Bahia that took place in 1883 and 1884. It began in Meyrout, which was used by the Gaullicans as a garrison point for their Tirailleurs Bahiens, on the 23rd of May 1883 after the local garrison mutinied in revolt against the Act of Bahian Quartering Reform. As news of the revolt spread, other localised revolts broke out across the subcontinent. These revolts aimed to bring back the return of local rule and often resulted in the reformation of previously existing Houregic states, posing a threat to Euclean control over the region. The revolts were eventually defeated in 1884, following the defeat of the Soubaka Dominion of Heaven under Saïkou Ahmed Bamba. The name of the event is contested by historians as while the Bahian name of Sougoulie is widely accepted in Bahia, Euclean scholars disagree on the magnitude of the revolts. As such, the terms Bahian Mutiny, Tirailleur Mutiny and Bahian Rebellion of 1883 are also used. The term Sougoulie somes from a Ndjarendie root word for a meal taken before sunrise, which characterises the revolts as a first taste of freedom before the Kaoule.
While the catalyst cause of the Sougoulie was quartering reform within the Gaullican army, the revolts soon took a broader aspect of resistance against the cultural and religious repression of Bahian society by their Euclean colonisers as well as the economic expropriation of lands and resources by Euclean corporations. While many Bahians, particularly amongst the marginalised Irfanic and Fetishist pupulations, joined the revolts, many Sotirian Bahians instead fought alongside the Eucleans. The Sougoulie was a period of intense violence, particularly against the civilian population. Both sides were reported to have perpetrated massacres, with the Gaullican sack of Kambou being one of the most well-known examples.
In most cases, the revolts constituted a reactionary effort to reinstitute Hourege and the status quo before Toubacterie. There was not any major effort to cooperate between the different rebel groups, who often fought amongst themselves as well as fighting the Euclean forces. This division of resistance essentially doomed the revolts to failure, as they were unable to cross ethnic or religious lines against a common enemy and could therefore be defeated one by one. This failure was a key inspiration in the development of Pan-Bahianism, as the importance of a united struggle against colonialism was demonstrated.
During the Woundic period the Euclean colonisation of Bahia cemented itseld not only as a form of economic hegemony but of direct political control over the subcontinent. One of the key grievances was related to the number of missionaries who were flocking to Bahia in the hopes of spreading Sotirianity to the natives. These missionaries received protection from the Euclean powers, permitting them to evangelise freely and giving them a free pass to any actions related to the spreading of the faith. This blank cheque led to increasingly brazen attacks on traditional Bahian religion, especially fetishism which was targetted due to its pagan nature. Idols were destroyed and priests unmasked during religious ceremonies, which led to a large amount of anger. The fetishist population in Bahia was decimated by these missionaries, leading the remaining believers to resent the colonists and their religious influences. In Irfanic majority areas too, there was widespread persecution against believers. As Bahia was a highly religious area, these encroachments on the strong religious roots of these communities was a major source of conflict and helped to motivate large numbers to join the Sougoulie. There had been several smaller disturbances based upon religion across Bahia before the Sougoulie erupted, but they were swiftly suppressed by the colonial authorities.
Another major cause of anger towards Toubacterie was the economic oppression of the subcontinent's native majority at the hands of the small white minority. Commercial interests had played an enormous part in the Fatougole, with industrialists such as Jean Dumont personally funding colonial expeditions into Bahia to gain access to its natural riches. Resources such as the famous gold mines of the Kambou valley and Gonda river were quickly seized by colonists, with the natives who had owned such riches being pushed aside and driven from their lands. In Riziland, large tracts of arable land were requisitioned and taken by the Murungu, white settlers aiming to establish themselves in the area. These land requisitions most often came at the expense of the former Houregic elite, who lost their influence over society. The Euclean colonisers had abolished the caste system as soon as they came into power, freeing the slaves and destroying the legal authority of the tribal elders and clergy. The freeing of slaves alone destroyed roughly 80% of the economic power of these former elites who became a shadow of themselves. Despite this legal abolition of the caste system, it was highly ingrained into the Bahian mindset and many, especially those of the upper classes, continued to follow it behind closed doors. This meant that the Act of Quartering Reform, whilst from the Euclean perspective being inoffensive and common sense, was highly provocative to the predominantly upper-caste native soldiers who were drawn primarily from the warrior caste and expected the privileges that they had held under Hourege.
While the caste system had been officially abolished by the colonial administration of Gaullican Bahia, this law did not extend to widespread practice. In much of the colonial holdings, the law was simply ignored and the caste system was enforced via extrajudicial means with inter-caste couples being stopped by honour killings ordered by village elders. Much of this went unknown by the colonial governments, who rarely ventured into the rural areas and only saw what happened in the large cities. Because of this, the Act of Quartering Reform was at the base a mere tying up of loose ends, as there was no need to segregate troops quarters based on a system which had disappeared. There was no anticipation of the opposition that this bill could cause, with warnings from rural officials being brushed off as scaremongering which pandered to the radicals. Following the passage of the bill there were minor disturbances in Bertholdsville, but this was not enough to dissuade its implementation across Bahia.
On the 22nd of May 1883, the native infantry battalion of the Gaullican army quartered at Meyrout was called to the parade ground, where they were inspected before informed of the new law's provisions. Writing to the Viceroy of Gaullican East Bahia, Meyrout's Governor Charles Mauron stated:
The troops did not react kindly to the new law. Outcry and jostling. Caution advised on its implementation, seems a delicate matter. More troops requested.
This telegram reached the colonial office at 7 pm but was not judged to be of sufficient relevance to warrant disturbing the Viceroy's supper. Following the meal, he dismissed his secretaries and informed them he was not interested in "minor commotions in the provinces". In the morning, the telegram was read but ignored without a second thought. Following the inspection, the garrison retired to their quarters and discussed the law. Overnight, the soldiers who had previously been of warrior caste or higher decided on a course of action. At 10 am the next day, the soldiers entered into a state of mutiny. They raided the armoury and killed both the Gaullican officers and those who refused to participate in the uprising. Mauron managed to send one telegram to the closest Gaullican garrison of Euclean troops at Kaïbonrou before his death, which read simply: "Mutiny among native troops. Our positions overrun. Avenge us."
Following this act the mutinous soldiers elected Tagofire Karallo, the grandson of the last Karane of Meyrout, to lead them. They marched triumphantly into Meyrout town, where their numbers swelled with Bahians eager to see the downfall of Toubacterie. Karallo was declared the Karane of Meyrout, and missives were sent to the neighbouring villages informing them that Toubacterie was over and calling for them to declare their loyalty to the new Karane. The Colonial Administration in Bertholdsville was not initially informed of this development, as the Gaullican forces at Kaïbonrou were confident that they would be able to crush the uprising and did not wish for the central authorities to hear of an armed uprising under their watch. A company of 200 Gaullican soldiers and five pieces of artillery was soon sent to Meyrout to defeat the rebels, meeting them in battle at Hakotoulde. The Gaullican forces were heavily outnumbered, having underestimated the numbers which the rebels could put into the field at this stage, and were in unknown territory which put them at a disadvantage. The ensuing slaughter was one of the Gaullican army's worst defeats in the history of its presence in Bahia, with the entire detachment either killed or taken prisoner and all cannons seized with minimal losses on the side of the rebels.
Following the defeat at Hakotoulde, the Kaïbonrou garrison who remained were forced to inform the Bertholdsville authorities about the growing rebel threat. The initial reaction of the colonial government was to order the disarmament of all other native contingents in Gaullican territory and forbid large public gatherings, while Verlois was informed of the events. Supplementary forces were not requested, as it was believed that this was still a small mutiny which could easily be crushed. The disarmaments were carried out in much of Gaullican Bahia, with the colonial authorities benefitting from a superior communication network. Word of the uprising was spread by the rebels by word of mouth and the sending of letters, but after the Gaullican media published stories of the uprising news spread. Civil disturbances and riots occurred in many cities, with several other areas entering into open rebellion against the Colonial government.
The problem faced by the rebels was the division of attitudes towards the colonial government amongst the Bahian people. Despite the unpopularity of many of the colonial government's actions, they had the support of several groups within society. Important amongst these groups was the young but now significant |Catholic population, who feared that with the victory of the rebels they would face persecution and forced conversion back to their original faiths. This led to opposition to the Sougoulie in these communities. The Mirites as well opposed the Sougoulie from the outbreak, having benefited in their social status from Toubacterie and hoping to maintain their privileged position of authority. Even within the Irfanic Ulema there was division. While the Hikma movement, an Irfanic revivalist movement centred upon Kangesare in the Ndjarendie heartland, came out in favour of the Sougoulie and its leader, Saïkou Ahmed Bamba, led forces himself, other scholars were not united on the cause. Many held that the caste system ran counter to Irfanic values, and as such an uprising aimed at its defence was not permitted. They also raised concerns about fighting on the same side as the fetishists, who were considered Kafirs. Within the fetishist community itself, support was all but unanimous for the Sougoulie as it was seen as the last chance to defend the faith.
Bahia was also heavily divided on the ethnic level, which weakened the Sougoulie considerably. As the revolt was initially supported by the Ndjarendie, the Machaï were reluctant to participate as they did not wish to see a return to Ndjarendie rule over their lands. Many among the Bélé and Ouloume peoples shared similar concerns about the Sougoulie, although participation among these groups was higher than that of the Machaï. These ethnic distrusts also meant that the rebels did not operate as one group but instead formed their own states and armies. Sougoulic states often fought amongst each other over land and resources, crippling their ability to pose a unified threat to the colonial authorities. These ethnic factors slowed the spread of the Sougoulie and enhanced the Euclean response.
In the northwestern Boual ka Bifie, the Sougoulie was quick to assume a religious nature. While the eastern Ndjarendie were known for their sedentary city-building and empires, the northwestern clans followed a more traditional nomadic-pastoralist lifestyle. These tribal structures encouraged communal worship and more syncretic expression of faith which incorporated several fetishist practices. As such, the nomadic clans faced heavier discrimination at the hands of the colonial authorities who saw the more legalist Irfan of the cities to be easier to control. Their way of life, which revolved around migrating herds of cattle, was also seen as disruptive to the Machaï populations and had led to several clashes. Aiming to remove this potential source of conflict, the Gaullicans intervened on the side of the Machaï who were seen as more civilised and controllable than the Ndjarendie. The region was also home to large populations of Mourâhiline, Badawiyans who had migrated to Bahia during the High Houregic period and lived similar nomadic pastoralist lifestyles. The Makania region had a large garrison in its townships, but the steppe of the Boual ka Bifie was comparitively undermanned due to a lack of interest from the colonial authorities. This meant that the region was beset by armed banditry, fuelled in part by deserters from the colonial Tirailleur regiments who were largely drawn from these populations.
Just days after the news broke of the Meyrout mutiny, disturbances began amongst the Tirailleur regiments within the outer Boual. The colonial authorities received orders to disarm their regiments on the 24th of May, by which time there had already been several fatal incidents. While in some places the disarmament went ahead without too much trouble, many Tirailleurs deserted their posts and stole weapons. As the news of the uprising spread, several clans declared their support and committed their personal forces to battle against the colonists. By the end of May, the Gaullican colonial forces had opted for a tactical retreat to the larger town of Kangesare which had strong fortifications. In doing so they abandoned the Machaï populations to the whims of the rebels, leading to several major massacres in order to gain access to more fertile grazing lands. On the second of June, the Ulama of the Hikma movement met in the central Beytol of Kangesare to discuss the implications of the uprisings. Their leader, a charismatic preacher named Saïkou Ahmed Bamba, was clear in his evaluation. According to him, the Toubacterie was a sign of the end of days and the Sougoulie represented the first front in the eschatological conclusion of time. He declared himself the Balistigan, the leader of humanity during this final conflict, and called upon all Irfanic nations and armies to unite under his banner.
This proclamation was quickly shared across the outer Boual, attracting a diverse group of forces to his banner. To many clan leaders, participation in this holy war was a chance to gain plunder and avenge themselves upon their colonial oppressors. To the deserters and bandits, it offered a chance at an almost-guaranteed salvation and a redemption from the sins they had committed. Led on by these two motivating factors, the Balistiganite army soon swelled to a force of almost 50 thousand soldiers. They soon marched upon the town of Kangesare, which was the economic centre of the region and the only immediate obstacle. It was here that the Gaullican settler population had fled, alongside the colonial forces. A siege began on the 19th of June, cutting Kangesare off from any aid. Disease and starvation became widespread amongst the besieged, but fears of mistreatment after the incident in Kambou led to no attemps at negotiation being made. After four weeks of siege, the situation had deteriorated so badly that there were reports of cannibalism amongst the besieged. The siege would last for five weeks, before the starved and weakened garrison simply surrendered unconditionally. Instead of the expected massacre, the Eucleans were imprisoned but fed and some were even clothed. Alcide de la Bourdonnais, a Gaullican journalist, wrote that "the natives treated us with a dignity that until that point we had not deemed them dignified of. Gone were our ideas of brutal savages, here we saw noble warriors bound by a strict code". Despite this, reports still surfaced of looting within the Euclean quarters.
Their immediate situation secured, the Balistiganite rebels looked to export their jihad to neighbouring lands. While cooperation was organised with Kambou, this would not materialise itself into any major combined offensives. Instead, they looked towards other colonial possessions in the aim of liberating them. In July, the Balistiganite State turned its attention to the Etrurian possessions of Zorasan. A force of 30,000 soldiers under the control of Cheikh Wes crossed the Fersi desert and soon gained the support of several Badawiyan clergymen who saw the Balistiganites as a legitimate chance to gain their freedom even if they doubted the theological claims of Saïkou Ahmed Bamba. The city of Khiyara yielded without much fight and local revolts helped bring most of Ayad under their control. However, as this force advanced, it soon attracted the attention of the Etrurian colonial administration who dispatched a force to the town of Qasr Ali in order to meet the threat. Having not faced any significant resistance up until this point, Cheikh Wes underestimated the resistance of the Etrurian forces and did not maintain discipline in his army. They were subsequently crushed in a pitched battle by the well trained Etrurian forces and quickly pushed back into the Boual.
This defeat effectively marked the beginning of the end for the Balistiganite state. In early 1884, Kambou fell to the Gaullican forces, allowing them to turn their attention to the Balistiganites who had fallen into infighting since their defeat at . While the authority of Saïkou Ahmed Bamba was unquestioned, disparate clan loyalties amongst his soldiers had begun to boil over and resulted in several low level battles. While these were quickly dealt with, they caused casualties and lowered morale and discipline amongst the ranks. When the Gaullican army arrived in March, they faced a highly weakened army. Initial skirmishes at Kaouar and Bilma were won decisively by the Gaullicans, and though the Balistiganites were able to win a skirmish at Yobe even this victory came at a high cost. The Gaullican forces thrust towards Kangesare, eventually meeting the main Balistiganite army in a pitched battle at Maïné. Despite being outnumbered at a proportion of roughly three to one, the Gaullican cannon and machine guns were overpowering and the Balistiganite army disintegrated. Kangesare was recaptured with only token resistance, and Ahmed Bamba was arrested and executed. A Guerilla force under his successor Mo Bamba would continue to wage a low-intensity struggle against colonial forces for several years longer, before his capture and subsequent execution in 1890.
The former centre of Ndjarendie culture during the age of the great Kingdom of Kambou, Kambou remained one of the largest cities in Gaullican controlled Bahia. It had lost much of its economic relevance following the seizure of its large gold mines by Gaullican settlers, but remained a centre of Irfanic scholarship and cultural importance. Much of the population of the city and its surrounding areas felt as though the city had been unjustly sidelined by the Gaullicans in favour of Bertholdsville, which had been built in the seventeenth century by Gaullican settlers and lacked the historical importance commanded by Kambou which at its peak had presided over one of the largest empires in Bahian history. Its inhabitants longed for a return to this age of prestige, in particular, the clergy and nobles who wished for their former wealth and status. There had already been several smaller disturbances against colonial rule in Kambou, but these were comparatively minor and quickly able to be suppressed.
When the uprisings began, Kambou was garrisoned by large numbers of both native and Gaullican soldiers. The native forces were disarmed before news of the mutiny reached them, which delayed the outbreak of violence. Nevertheless, the Gaullican population recognised that they were at risk and many fled the city towards Bertholdsville which was believed to be safer. The Gaullican forces were split, with some going to accompany this civilian convoy and the rest fortifying themselves in the former palace of the Houreges of Kambou. Violence began on the 1st of June when the Imam of the Grand Beytol of Kambou called for the reinstitution of the Kingdom of Kambou. The constabulary's offices were burned to the ground, with several native constables being killed. The Cathedral of Kambou was razed to the ground and several other Sotirian sites were damaged. The Gaullican forces did not leave their fortified positions, leading to anarchy in the city for several days. This was eventually stopped by Fatima Maal, the daughter of the last Hourege of Kambou. She appeared in the market square in full royal dress and addressed the crowd as their queen, attracting a large following. She rallied the native garrison and organised the provision of some weaponry, offering the Gaullican garrison free passage to escape if they surrendered their weapons. This offer was accepted by the commanding officer of the garrison and on the 4th of June, Kambou came under the control of the rebels. This was a major symbolic victory for the mutineers, as Kambou's name still carried respect and importance amongst the population. The victory rallied other villages to the rebel cause, amassing a significant following.
Maal soon proved to be a highly efficient, yet bloodthirsty, leader when she ordered the ambush and massacre of the fleeing Gaullican forces. The entire garrison was killed, apart from three who had their hands removed and were sent back to Bertholdsville as a warning to the Gaullicans. She called for all of the villages which had once been part of the Kingdom of Kambou to swear allegiance to her, demanding a tribute of soldiers to form an army to fight the Gaullicans. But the Kingdom of Kambou was a mere shadow of its old glory, and while many villages declared their support and sent soldiers, several villages saw the opportunity to take more power for themselves and revolted against both the authority of Gaullica and Kambou. The new state was therefore forced to engage in several campaigns against the resistance of other Bahian states to cement its authority, which weakened the fledgeling state. Nevertheless, by the end of August, Kambou had managed to crush any internal resistance and prepared to face the Gaullican armies. Kambou boasted almost 50,000 soldiers, of which a core 10,000 were trained and armed with muskets. They also possessed 20 cannons, which had been taken from the Kambou garrison. The forces were commanded by Maal herself, who ordered a march towards the city of Bertholdsville in the hopes that by liberating it she would be able to crush the Gaullican forces at their core and end their occupation.
Having realised the scale of the threat, the Gaullican response was large. An army of 7,000 highly trained soldiers, complete with machine guns and other pieces of artillery. They were joined by 15,000 native soldiers, composed of Mirite, Yebase and native converts who could be trusted to fight against the mutineer army. The two forces met at the small village of Kalise at the southern extremities of the Boual ka Bifie on the twelfth of September 1883. The battle lasted for seven hours, as Maal led her numerically superior forces in a frontal assault on the Gaullican positions. Despite their bravery and numbers, the superior discipline and firepower of the Gaullican army was too strong and the Kambou army was broken. Fatima Maal herself died on the battlefield, hit by a stray bullet while directing an assault. Her death proved the final straw and resulted in a rout. A small force of 11,000 managed to escape the battle and return to Kambou, but without Maal's leadership Kambou was no longer able to maintain the support of the local villages. While Kambou proper would remain in rebel hands until the start of 1884, the defeat at Kalise marked the end of Kambou's status. The town lost importance, becoming little more than a provincial town by the time Mabifia gained independence in 1942.
While the northern parts of Mabifia had been thoroughly Irfanised, the Ouloume-majority southern forest regions succeeded in remaining more or less faithful to the traditional fetishist faith. These fetishists were heavily persecuted by the Catholic Euclean powers, who saw their religious practices as anathema to Sotirianity. Idols were destroyed and believers forced to convert, sometimes at gunpoint. While these persecutions were highly effective in suppressing the public practice of fetishism in the coastal areas of Bahia, they resulted in disturbances and anti-Euclean sentiments among the remaining fetishists. Many continued to practice their traditional faiths in secret, while outwardly professing to Sotirian faith. The region of Masamongo, which was dominated by the Template:Kikongo people people, was the centre of the surviving fetishist community. When word of the Sougoulie reached Masamongo, it was quick to rise up against the Gaullican regime.
The uprising started in a highly disorganised way, with individual villages meting out their vengeance on colonial authorities without any long term plans of establishing a new state. Missionaries were massacred and churches burnt, with mutilations and mass killings on a scale not seen in the other areas which came under rebel control. After several weeks of bloodletting, tribal councils where assembled in which the tribal elders decided who would take the position of Hourege. Several claimants arose, resulting in a new round of violence as the rebels fought amongst themselves for domination. Eventually, the Masamongo region would come under the control of a relatively unknown warrior named Djoka. The Gaullican forces in Masamongo were far smaller than those the comparatively more restive Boual ka Bifie, which gave initial advantages to the rebels. Even Zandou, the regions primary city, did not have a local garrison and came under Djoka's control in early June 1883. He was quick to declare the Kingdom of Zandou, and in his first act as leader called for the execution of all Sotirians in his domain. An alliance was saught with the Verizi Empire, however this was never ratified and it is believed the communication never reached Kambou.
Given its location close to the coast, Zandou was the first of the Sougoulic rebellions to face proper resistance. Djoka wished to drive the Eucleans from Bahia, and had therefore organised an advance towards the larger Euclean settler towns. This meant fighting against the mainly Sotirianized Barobyi, who feared the fetishist rebels and fought against them. At the battle of Ichïamba, the Zandou army was able to defeat a force of Barobyi who had taken up arms to fight them. However, their army was highly weakened as they did not have a core of mutineers. This lack of modern weaponry and military training led to the defeat of the Zandou, as their forces were unable to combat the machine guns and volley fire of the Gaullican army. Instead of military tactics, the Zandou relied on frontal charges and believed that their warpaint, which was white like the skin of the Gaullicans, would protect them from their weapons. They were therefore slaughtered in each battle, and by the end of August 1883 Masamongo was deemed to be entirely pacified. With the fall of Zandou, Fetishism in Mabifia was effectively ended as there was to be no more resistance against the conversion campaigns.
As Estmerish forces continued advancing into the Plateau, the native villages in the Plateau realised that continuing the village system would inevitably mean that each village could be annexed into the Estmerish colony of Riziland. Thus, in 1881, the chieftains of the villages met in the former veRwizi capital of Munzwa to establish a neo-veRwizi Empire, known as the Verizi Empire, with the chieftain of Munzwa, Tamutswa being named Mambo of the Verizi Empire.
In May 1882, Tamutswa called for all veRwizi chieftains to "expel the Murungu" from Rwizikuru, and restore the veRwizi Empire under Tamutswa. At the same time, the Estmerish forces were starting to continue their advance in the Plateau, having established a fort in Crogan, with an eye to conquer Munzwa.
Tamutswa proved himself to be an excellent military commander, as he used his knowledge of the Plateau to inflict losses against the Estmerish colonizers. By November of that year, he was able to besiege Crogan: despite the efforts of the Estmerish defenders, by February 1883, the defenders of Crogan surrendered.
The forces of Tamutswa engaged in a brutal campaign against Crogan, enslaving the women and children, killing the men, and looting Crogan, especially weapons.
When word of the sack of Crogan reached the coast, outrage among the colonial authorities spread, and militias were raised to help deal with the threat. At the same time, troops from Estmere were deployed to help quell Tamutswa's forces, as it was feared that the Verizi Empire would continue their brutal campaign until they reached the coast.
Thus, while Tamutswa's forces continued their advance out of the Plateau and towards the Plains, Estmerish forces started to inflict victories against Tamutswa's forces, as many chiefs in the Plains were hesitant to join the rebellion, as they feared that they would lose their positions should they lose.
While a major revolt that could be categorised as part of the Sougoulie never occurred in the colony of Baséland (now Garambura), many underground resistance groups secretly pledged their allegiance to those fighting in the Sougoulie, particularly the resurgent Verizi Empire, and arranged for their undocumented transportation into Sainte-Germaine's outer bounds, where population documentation was rare. As the population in Baséland was so heavily concentrated around the coastal city, owing mainly to the Adunis to Mambiza Railway, a revolt at the level of the Sougoulie was unfeasible, with dissidents of the Eucleans realising the fact quickly.
While some chose to travel to Mabifia and Riziland to fight alongside the Sougoulie rebels, most stayed in the colony, fearing for their lives and the lives of their families. Some still chose to show their solidarity by assisting the rebels in a logistical sense, with supplies often being stolen at the port of Sainte-Germaine and sent along a network of rebel-organised transporters until they reached rebel hotspots. Perhaps the most well-known and largest sign of resistance from Garambura was Yebase ship commander Alphonse Amsalu's sinking of the NSM Insulaire in November 1883, a Gaullican supply ship carrying military supplies to fighting soldiers in Mabifia. Amsalu fired on the unexpecting ship, sinking the ship itself, its 105 crew and all of its supplies, he was sentenced to death for 105 counts of murder and treason in Sainte-Germaine in 1884, but is a well-known folk story in Garambura detailing heroism and resistance against opression.
The aftermath of the Sougoulie was especially brutal for Bahia. The Toubacteric administrations, highly shaken by the scope of this challenge to their authority, were heavy handed in their reprisals. Prisoners of war were tried en masse for treason, banditry and mutiny, each of these crimes carrying the penalty of death. While some ordinary footsoldiers were permitted to return back to their lands unharmed, the nobles and clerics involved in the uprisings were executed publicly in order to discourage any further unrest. One preferred method was that of blowing from a gun, where the condemned was tied to the muzzle of a gun which was then fired, blowing them to pieces. Such gory and dramatic executions were seen as good morale breakers, though public hangings were also popular with the corpses being left in public places as a warning. For mass execution of rank and file soldiers, the firing squad was employed, as well as unmarked mass graves to deny the rebels the proper burial rites of their religions.
The loss of life sustained during and after the conflict had an immense demographic influence on Bahian society. In areas such as the Masamongo, it is believed that almost a quarter of the male population was killed either in the fighting or in the subsequent reprisals aimed at breaking the spirit of the region, which some commentators classify as a genocide. This destroyed many families, and profoundly impacted upon the labour market as many male-dominated tasks suddenly had to be done by women. It also led to an even greater prevalence of polygamy, which the colonial administration had initially attempted to suppress. Mass migrations also took place, as many damaged rural families moved to provincial towns where it was easier to gain some form of food of income. In many areas the shattered Sougoulic armies were unable to return home, leading many to resort to banditry, itself a significant push towards the initial urbanisation of Bahia.
Missionary work gained impetus in the aftermath of the Sougoulie, as religious factors were a significant catalyst in the outbreak of the uprising and the Eucleans saw this as proof of the importance of their auto-proclaimed "civilising mission". The persecution of fetishists in the lowlands of coastal Bahia was intensified, to the point where the last vestiges of fetishism in modern day Mabifia were found solely in the mountainous jungle areas which were hard for missionaries to enter. The events of the Sougoulie were also widely represented in Euclean literature, causing a revival of the Roman austral which would last for many years. While the uprisings disrupted the work of the Euclean Society for Austro-Oriental Anthropolgy, it also provided greater motivation for their actions.