Sougoulie
| Sougoulie | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of Toubacterie | |||||||
 Ndjarendie soldiers under Saïkou Ahmed Bamba clash with Gaullican troops during the Battle of Ourafade | |||||||
| |||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
 GaullicaTemplate:Country data Estmere  Werania |
Soubaka Dominion of Heaven Kambou Karanate Ichïamba | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
|
Georges Dupont Charles Dumont Crumpet dude Sausage dude |
Saïkou Ahmed Bamba Fatima Maal Jean-Paul Rugima | ||||||
| Strength | |||||||
|
22,000 Template:Country data Estmere 13,000 12,000 | 200,000 | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 2,000 | 100,000 | ||||||
The Sougoulie was a major unsuccessful revolt against Euclean colonisation in Bahia that took place in 1883 and 1884. It began in Meyrout, which was used by the Gaullicans as a garrison point for their Tirailleurs Bahiens, on the 23rd of May 1883 after the local garrison mutinied in revolt against the Act of Bahian Quartering Reform. As news of the revolt spread, other localised revolts broke out across the subcontinent. These revolts aimed to bring back the return of local rule and often resulted in the reformation of previously existing Houregic states, posing a threat to Euclean control over the region. The revolts were eventually defeated in 1884, following the defeat of the Soubaka Dominion of Heaven under Saïkou Ahmed Bamba. The name of the event is contested by historians as while the Bahian name of Sougoulie is widely accepted in Bahia, Euclean scholars disagree on the magnitude of the revolts. As such, the terms Bahian Mutiny, Tirailleur Mutiny and Bahian Rebellion of 1883 are also used. The term Sougoulie somes from a Ndjarendie root word for a meal taken before sunrise, which characterises the revolts as a first taste of freedom before the Kaoule.
While the catalyst cause of the Sougoulie was quartering reform within the Gaullican army, the revolts soon took a broader aspect of resistance against the cultural and religious repression of Bahian society by their Euclean colonisers as well as the economic expropriation of lands and resources by Euclean corporations. While many Bahians, particularly amongst the marginalised Irfanic and Fetishist pupulations, joined the revolts, many Sotirian Bahians instead fought alongside the Eucleans. The Sougoulie was a period of intense violence, particularly against the civilian population. Both sides were reported to have perpetrated massacres, with the Gaullican sack of Kambou being one of the most well-known examples.
In most cases, the revolts constituted a reactionary effort to reinstitute Hourege and the status quo before Toubacterie. There was not any major effort to cooperate between the different rebel groups, who often fought amongst themselves as well as fighting the Euclean forces. This division of resistance essentially doomed the revolts to failure, as they were unable to cross ethnic or religious lines against a common enemy and could therefore be defeated one by one. This failure was a key inspiration in the development of Pan-Bahianism, as the importance of a united struggle against colonialism was demonstrated.
Origins
During the Woundic period the Euclean colonisation of Bahia cemented itseld not only as a form of economic hegemony but of direct political control over the subcontinent. One of the key grievances was related to the number of missionaries who were flocking to Bahia in the hopes of spreading Sotirianity to the natives. These missionaries received protection from the Euclean powers, permitting them to evangelise freely and giving them a free pass to any actions related to the spreading of the faith. This blank cheque led to increasingly brazen attacks on traditional Bahian religion, especially fetishism which was targetted due to its pagan nature. Idols were destroyed and priests unmasked during religious ceremonies, which led to a large amount of anger. The fetishist population in Bahia was decimated by these missionaries, leading the remaining believers to resent the colonists and their religious influences. In Irfanic majority areas too, there was widespread persecution against believers. As Bahia was a highly religious area, these encroachments on the strong religious roots of these communities was a major source of conflict and helped to motivate large numbers to join the Sougoulie. There had been several smaller disturbances based upon religion across Bahia before the Sougoulie erupted, but they were swiftly suppressed by the colonial authorities.
Another major cause of anger towards Toubacterie was the economic oppression of the subcontinent's native majority at the hands of the small white minority. Commercial interests had played an enormous part in the Fatougole, with industrialists such as Jean Dumont personally funding colonial expeditions into Bahia to gain access to its natural riches. Resources such as the famous gold mines of the Kambou valley and Gonda river were quickly seized by colonists, with the natives who had owned such riches being pushed aside and driven from their lands. In Riziland, large tracts of arable land were requisitioned and taken by the Murungu, white settlers aiming to establish themselves in the area. These land requisitions most often came at the expense of the former Houregic elite, who lost their influence over society. The Euclean colonisers had abolished the caste system as soon as they came into power, freeing the slaves and destroying the legal authority of the tribal elders and clergy. The freeing of slaves alone destroyed roughly 80% of the economic power of these former elites who became a shadow of themselves. Despite this legal abolition of the caste system, it was highly ingrained into the Bahian mindset and many, especially those of the upper classes, continued to follow it behind closed doors. This meant that the Act of Quartering Reform, whilst from the Euclean perspective being inoffensive and common sense, was highly provocative to the predominantly upper-caste native soldiers who were drawn primarily from the warrior caste and expected the privileges that they had held under Hourege.
Outbreak
While the caste system had been officially abolished by the colonial administration of Gaullican Bahia, this law did not extend to widespread practice. In much of the colonial holdings, the law was simply ignored and the caste system was enforced via extrajudicial means with inter-caste couples being stopped by honour killings ordered by village elders. Much of this went unknown by the colonial governments, who rarely ventured into the rural areas and only saw what happened in the large cities. Because of this, the Act of Quartering Reform was at the base a mere tying up of loose ends, as there was no need to segregate troops quarters based on a system which had disappeared. There was no anticipation of the opposition that this bill could cause, with warnings from rural officials being brushed off as scaremongering which pandered to the radicals. Following the passage of the bill there were minor disturbances in Bertholdsville, but this was not enough to dissuade its implementation across Bahia.
On the 22nd of May 1883, the native infantry battalion of the Gaullican army quartered at Meyrout was called to the parade ground, where they were inspected before informed of the new law's provisions. Writing to the Viceroy of Gaullican East Bahia, Meyrout's Governor Charles Mauron stated:
The troops did not react kindly to the new law. Outcry and jostling. Caution advised on its implementation, seems a delicate matter. More troops requested.
This telegram reached the colonial office at 7 pm but was not judged to be of sufficient relevance to warrant disturbing the Viceroy's supper. Following the meal, he dismissed his secretaries and informed them he was not interested in "minor commotions in the provinces". In the morning, the telegram was read but ignored without a second thought. Following the inspection, the garrison retired to their quarters and discussed the law. Overnight, the soldiers who had previously been of warrior caste or higher decided on a course of action. At 10 am the next day, the soldiers entered into a state of mutiny. They raided the armoury and killed both the Gaullican officers and those who refused to participate in the uprising. Mauron managed to send one telegram to the closest Gaullican garrison of Euclean troops at Kaïbonrou before his death, which read simply: "Mutiny among native troops. Our positions overrun. Avenge us."
Following this act the mutinous soldiers elected Tagofire Karallo, the grandson of the last Karane of Meyrout, to lead them. They marched triumphantly into Meyrout town, where their numbers swelled with Bahians eager to see the downfall of Toubacterie. Karallo was declared the Karane of Meyrout, and missives were sent to the neighbouring villages informing them that Toubacterie was over and calling for them to declare their loyalty to the new Karane. The Colonial Administration in Bertholdsville was not initially informed of this development, as the Gaullican forces at Kaïbonrou were confident that they would be able to crush the uprising and did not wish for the central authorities to hear of an armed uprising under their watch. A company of 200 Gaullican soldiers and five pieces of artillery was soon sent to Meyrout to defeat the rebels, meeting them in battle at Hakotoulde. The Gaullican forces were heavily outnumbered, having underestimated the numbers which the rebels could put into the field at this stage, and were in unknown territory which put them at a disadvantage. The ensuing slaughter was one of the Gaullican army's worst defeats in the history of its presence in Bahia, with the entire detachment either killed or taken prisoner and all cannons seized with minimal losses on the side of the rebels.
Following the defeat at Hakotoulde, the Kaïbonrou garrison who remained were forced to inform the Bertholdsville authorities about the growing rebel threat. The initial reaction of the colonial government was to order the disarmament of all other native contingents in Gaullican territory and forbid large public gatherings, while Verlois was informed of the events. Supplementary forces were not requested, as it was believed that this was still a small mutiny which could easily be crushed. The disarmaments were carried out in much of Gaullican Bahia, with the colonial authorities benefitting from a superior communication network. Word of the uprising was spread by the rebels by word of mouth and the sending of letters, but after the Gaullican media published stories of the uprising news spread. Civil disturbances and riots occurred in many cities, with several other areas entering into open rebellion against the Colonial government.
Bahian divisions
The problem faced by the rebels was the division of attitudes towards the colonial government amongst the Bahian people. Despite the unpopularity of many of the colonial government's actions, they had the support of several groups within society. Important amongst these groups was the young but now significant Catholic population, who feared that with the victory of the rebels they would face persecution and forced conversion back to their original faiths. This led to opposition to the Sougoulie in these communities. The Mirites as well opposed the Sougoulie from the outbreak, having benefited in their social status from Toubacterie and hoping to maintain their privileged position of authority. Even within the Irfanic Ulema there was division. While the Hikma movement, an Irfanic revivalist movement centred upon Kangesare in the Ndjarendie heartland, came out in favour of the Sougoulie and its leader, Saïkou Ahmed Bamba, led forces himself, other scholars were not united on the cause. Many held that the caste system ran counter to Irfanic values, and as such an uprising aimed at its defence was not permitted. They also raised concerns about fighting on the same side as the fetishists, who were considered Kafirs. Within the fetishist community itself, support was all but unanimous for the Sougoulie as it was seen as the last chance to defend the faith.
Bahia was also heavily divided on the ethnic level, which weakened the Sougoulie considerably. As the revolt was initially supported by the Ndjarendie, the Machaï were reluctant to participate as they did not wish to see a return to Ndjarendie rule over their lands. Many among the Bélé and Ouloume peoples shared similar concerns about the Sougoulie, although participation among these groups was higher than that of the Machaï. These ethnic distrusts also meant that the rebels did not operate as one group but instead formed their own states and armies. Sougoulic states often fought amongst each other over land and resources, crippling their ability to pose a unified threat to the colonial authorities. These ethnic factors slowed the spread of the Sougoulie and enhanced the Euclean response.
The Revolts
Soubaka
Kambou
Ichïamba
Riziland
As Estmerish forces continued advancing into the Plateau, the native villages in the Plateau realised that continuing the village system would inevitably mean that each village could be annexed into the Estmerish colony of Riziland. Thus, in 1881, the chieftains of the villages met in Munzwa to establish a neo-veRwizi Empire, known as the Verizi Empire, with the chieftain of Munzwa, Tamutswa being named Mambo of the Verizi Empire.
When word of the Sougoulie spread to the Plateau, Tamutswa called for all veRwizi chieftains to join the rebellion to "expel the Murungu" from Rwizikuru, and restore the veRwizi Empire under Mambo Tamutswa.
(TBC)
Baséland
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While a major revolt that could be categorised as part of the Sougoulie never occurred in the colony of Baséland (now Garambura), many underground resistance groups secretly pledged their allegiance to those fighting in the Sougoulie, particularly the resurgent Verizi Empire, and arranged for their undocumented transportation into Sainte-Germaine's outer bounds, where population documentation was rare. As the population in Baséland was so heavily concentrated around the coastal city, owing mainly to the Adunis to Mambiza Railway, a revolt at the level of the Sougoulie was unfeasible, with dissidents of the Eucleans realising the fact quickly.
While some chose to travel to Mabifia and Riziland to fight alongside the Sougoulie rebels, most stayed in the colony, fearing for their lives and the lives of their families. Some still chose to show their solidarity by assisting the rebels in a logistical sense, with supplies often being stolen at the port of Sainte-Germaine and sent along a network of rebel-organised transporters until they reached rebel hotspots. Perhaps the most well-known and largest sign of resistance from Garambura was Yebase ship commander Alphonse Amsalu's sinking of the NSM Insulaire in November 1883, a Gaullican supply ship carrying military supplies to fighting soldiers in Mabifia. Amsalu fired on the unexpecting ship, sinking the ship itself, its 105 crew and all of its supplies, he was sentenced to death for 105 counts of murder and treason in Sainte-Germaine in 1884, but is a well-known folk story in Garambura detailing heroism and resistance against opression.