Pan-Bahianism

The flag of the Congress of Bahian States, which uses the Pan-Bahian colours and the Torch and Fist, symbols of Pan-Bahianism.

Pan-Bahianism is a political movement which promotes the independence of the Bahian subcontinent and encourages solidarity amongst both Bahian nations and all Bahian peoples and people of Bahian descent across the world.

Pan-Bahianism is simultaneously regarded as a political, economic and cultural project, with the eventual goal of the creation of a singular Bahian community united upon the principles of common ancestry, common struggles and a common destiny inexorably linked to the complete emancipation of the entire subcontinent from foreign control. Originally, this took the form of colonialism, but in the modern era has been expanded to economic, cultural and political hegemony. As a political movement, the internal currents of Pan-Bahianism have historically been highly diverse and while Socialism as advocated by Vudzijena Nhema in Rwizikuru, Fuad Onika in Mabifia and Adelaja Ifedapo and Edudzi Agyeman in Asase Lewa has historically been the most associated with the goals, it encompasses ideological currents. These internal divisions have been one of the principal obstructions to Pan-Bahianism, rendering institutions such as the Congress of Bahian States all but useless.

Pan-Bahianism first emerged in political discourse at the start of the 20th century, as a part of the increased awareness of a national conscience within Euclean-colonised Bahia. While first mooted as a purely scholastic goal by authors such as Baptiste Muusu and INSERT DUDE HERE, the formation of the Pan-Bahian Democratic Party in COUNTRY in 1902 and the Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea began to promote the ideology in a serious manner. With decolonisation, Pan-Bahianism played a key role in the ideological motivations of many key political groups in the newly-formed nations, with leaders such as Fuad Onika being fervent proponents of the goal. The formation of the Congress of Bahian States was seen as an early step towards Bahian unity, though political divisions soon stopped progress. In the modern era, Pan-Bahianism remains a highly relevant political goal with influence in the political, economic and literary spheres of both Bahia and areas with large Bahian diasporic populations.

Modern Pan-Bahianism

In Bahia

In Asase Lewa

Pan-Bahianism officially remains a core part of the ideology of the Asalewan Section of the Workers' International and the Asalewan state. The state and Section continue to sponsor left-wing Pan-Bahian movements, and Pan-Bahianism Day, celebrated on the anniversary of the Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea on May 13, is an important public holiday in Asase Lewa, celebrated by mass rallies and burning effigies of historic geopolitical opponents blamed for Bahian colonialism and the collapse of the United Bahian Republic, especially colonial-era Estmerish leaders or Izibongo Ngonidzashe.

Currently, the Section and Asalewan state officially views the collapse of the United Bahian Republic as having been inevitable due to "the continuing survival of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and according tribalism and bourgeois nationalism" in the Bahian socialist states in the United Bahian Republic that did not center class struggle in domestic policies. Therefore, it regards Councilist revolution throughout Bahia as a necessary precondition for forming a successful pan-Bahian state. Many scholars have interpreted this doctrine as a tacit admission that Pan-Bahianism is no longer a core part of Asalewan foreign policy, with the country instead focusing primarily on deepening ties with other socialist countries, especially the countries of the Brown Sea Community.

In Rwizikuru

Since the 1963 and 1964 coups d'etat that caused Rwizikuru to withdraw from the United Bahian Republic, and the consolidation of power by Izibongo Ngonidzashe, pan-Bahianism has greatly declined in relevance in Rwizikuru, primarily due to Izibongo Ngonidzashe cracking down on Pan-Bahian organisations as threats to "the stability and well-being of the Rwizi nation," but also due to the Rwizikuran government portraying Pan-Bahianism as being a mechanism with which Vudzijena Nhema was able to "institute authoritarian policies" and "mismanage the Rwizikuran economy."

Until the early 1980s, pan-Bahianism was still a commonly held position among Rwizikuran socialists. However, with the socialists marginalised by Izibongo Ngonidzashe, they lost significant influence, and by the mid 1980s, Rwizikuran socialists largely abandoned the idea of pan-Bahianism in favour of advocating for an abolition of the Rwizikuran monarchy and on improving the livelihoods of ordinary Rwizikurans. Since then, pan-Bahianism has largely been relegated to the fringes of Rwizikuran politics, even after the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in 2020 by Izibongo's successor, Munashe Ngonidzashe.

In Tiwura

After the First Tiwuran Civil War, the new leadership of Reese Okparro Ndulu would continue the practice of rejecting pan-Bahianism in Tiwura, and its influence would slowly dwindle. Throughout the 70s, pan-Bahianism in Tiwura was kept alive by socialist groups, but would slowly lose influence as economic problems took center stage. When Alichie Uchey became President the ideology would continue to dwindle as issues such famine, poverty, and ethnic tension would spike during this period of the early 80s.

After the election of Kibwe Chipo, pan-Bahianism was heavily persecuted by the new government as it was seen contradictory to Chipo's ideology of Tiwuran Preservationism. Pan-Bahianism made a resurgence during the Second Tiwuran Civil War as it was seen as a way to unite the people against Kibwe Chipo and was one of the central ideologies of the Alliance of Peoples. After the war, the new government under Mowiya Sekoni would be the first in Tiwuran history to embrace the ideology. Sekoni's government would, however, would focus on building a relationship with ROSPO and other Coian countries and would attempt to put down internal struggles.

In 2003, Nicholas Chukwudi and the Tiwuran Democratic Party would win Tiwura's first free election, and would promote what Chukwudi called "limited and logical pan-bahianism". This would mean Tiwuran foreign policy in Bahia should focus on building relationships with nations Tiwura already had stable and good relations with, but Tiwura should still remain focused on rebuilding the damage of the last civil war and putting the focus on the nation. During the late 2000s and 2010s, pan-Bahianism would slowly dwindle in importance as Tiwura would focus on its position in the geopolitcal rivalry between COMDEV and ROSPO.