Nationalist conservatism

The Flag of Great Nortend, the Great Cross of the Realm.

Nationalist conservatism is the dominant political, social and cultural ideology in Great Nortend that makes a virtue of both nationalist and conservative values as being the key to national cohesion, camaraderie and stability. Being the main general ideology of all three of the main political parties as well the de facto view of Royal family, nationalist conservative values are formally promoted by the Government as reflecting the ideal values of an Erbonian subject.

All of the three major parties, the Company of Scodeliers, the Conservative Party of Great Nortend and the Droughers’ Party since the mid-20th century have subscribed to a form of such an ideology, the Scodeliers and the Conservatives, traditionally governing in a Coalition, following “National Conservatism” and the Droughs “Democratic Nationalism”. Both ideologies are generally considered practically broadly equivalent under the banner of “Nationalist Conservatism”.

History

The roots of nationalist conservatism date back to 19th century romantic nationalism in the face of the growing industrial sector, which upset traditional feudal social structures. However, nationalist conservatism as a distinct ideology arose in the early to mid 20th century. First formed within the Nationalist Society as a romantic nationalist movement, though the prevailing conservatism of society soon attached itself to the ideology by the early 20s. The political movement captured people who were opposed to the vast changes foreseen, affecting both the working class as well as the aristocracy. The workers feared the loss of their ancient feudal rights and stability for unstable labour in factories, whereas the landowners conversely feared the loss of their political clout and power, were their vassals to leave the countryside and free themselves from the prevailing feudal systems of tenure.

Yet in the towns and cities, there were different concerns to that of the feudal countryside. Originally, it was the merchant middling classes who argued for the evolution of the nation towards an industrialised future, which would bring prosperity and progress. However, themselves seeing the degenerate effects of industrialisation on their own towns and cities, they too rejected uncontrolled industrialisation, whilst still favouring a controlled industrialisation process. Rural and nationalist ideals spread within the mainly urban Conservative Party especially after the Great Astyrian War, adopted by Sir Henry de Foide and Legcastle &c. and later within the party at large, per Conservatism for the Times in 1940, which espoused an ordered “National Soul”, open to change provided it is needed and for the good of society.

To-day, the Scodeliers’ romantic conception of utopia of order is tempered by the view of its coalition partner, the Conservatives, which is placed in the day-to-day and recognises that it is impossible to hold back the winds of change in a society for ever. The end result is the Coalition brand of “National Conservatism” which exalts of the ideal of the "National Soul" which is good for the nation, to be actively chased for with changes always with the aim of improvement.

The Drougher's Party in 1954 after the defeat of the Chesvoir opposition in 1952 also adopted “Democratic Nationalism” couched in the middle of the spectrum, albeit in slightly different clothes to that of the Coalition. This is credited to the Party's success in 1958. The Droughers’ idea of “Democratic Nationalism” consider it encompass a broad and flexible idea, where the goal is not to reach a specific ideal, but rather acceptance that change consistent with the nation’s desire is not unwarranted. In practice, however, both ideologies are parallel and lack clear definitional boundaries from one another, having many similarities in execution, if not theory. Therefore, both are commonly described as adhering to a form of Nationalist Conservatism in a broad sense.

Ideology

Sir Frederic de Clercy was a leading nationalist conservative during the 1920s.

Frederic de Clercy, the leading Scodelier advocate for nationalist conservatism in the 20th century who authored the seminal book, The Nation and the Subject in 1927, posited that all branches of nationalist conservatism are founded on the power of the state to cultivates a social desire to conform by harnessing the influence of the law, the Church, the schools and the rest of the establishment to focus the public mind on an innate Erbonian sense of just and righteous order, pitted against unjust and immoral disorder which anti-establishment forces promote.

Though opinions differ on what the desired order is, the generally accepted concept of order which Clercy and Lord Edbarton of the Droughers' Party both supported is that it is a triad of moral order, social order and physical order. This is countered by the trinity of disorder or degeneracy — moral disorder, social disorder and physical disorder — which is stedfast opposed to order.

Moral order is used to refer to the order which arises out of a grounded sense of right and wrong, which when expressed maintains social order and physical order. Social order is the order within a society, understood and manifest in etiquette, respect, manners and other decisions. Physical order, on the other hand, is the end result of moral and social order, expressed by the physical state of the world, especially economic and militial, which are the result of the decisions made based on one’s sense of right and wrong.

Moral order

Erbonian nationalist conservatism is morally conservative, and promotes Christian morality, traditional family structures, and social stability over personal rights and freedoms. This is seen clearly in the maintenance or promotion of traditional roles of each sex. Whereas males are expected to support their household financially, women are expected to maintain their family domestically. Nationalist conservatism also recognises the established Church of Nortend as the embodiment of the Crown's spiritual powers, and thus generally incorporates Christian morality into its policies.

There is also a clear element of paternalism involved, with the idea of noblesse oblige holding much sway. Hence, there is widespread support for social welfare for all Erbonians, principally achieved through the system of Public Alms administered by the Lord Almoner, although also encompassing programmes such as free board schooling. National cohesion is also promoted through widespread membership of national institutions, such as the Church of Nortend, trade guilds and the military and cadet corps.

Social order

The social order is predictated on the authority of the Crown over all is highlighted through a strong focus on law and order and symbolism of state power. Nationalist conservatism is socially conservative and supports the semi-feudal system of land tenure prevalent in Great Nortend. Social stability, epitomised by allegiance to the Crown and the accepted rules of polite society, is considered paramount, with real threats to society usually corrected by force, if necessary.

Nationalist conservatism notably places a higher importance on patriotic nationalism, than any personal characteristics. Rather, it recognises that although there is a social hierarchy, all Erbonians are equally valuable as parts of the whole, being the nation. However, it is accepted that not all people are welcome in the Erbonian nation. Thus, omission from society may result when one insists on setting oneself apart from society, e. g. refusal to follow social norms, or committing a crime. Importantly, this is a voluntary act, and ostracisation based on race, for example, is condemned for its unfairly divisive effects, although applying the principles of economic stability, immigration is kept balanced with emigration and natural population increase.

On the other hand, it is considered that the only way to “better” oneself socially is to contribute more to the nation, e. g. working one's way higher by dedication and effort. By contribution, a labouring family can theoretically rise to produce a future Lord High Treasurer, for instance. Thus, as part of its focus on contribution to the nation, nationalist conservatives strongly promote education of the population, with support for universal primary and secondary schooling, university and vocation education.

Physical order

Physical order is principally concerned with the economic and martial forces of the country, which are believed to be necessary for maintaining social and moral order.

Economic

In terms of economy, nationalist conservatism varies between the two main political factions. Generally, however, the nationalist view promotes protectionism and self-sufficiency necessitating a highly regulated or planned economy. On the other hand, the more conservative view takes a centrist view, advocating for a market economy with protections for the people. Both views reject class conflict, and instead, in line with its social views, promote class co-operation.

In practice, Erbonian parties have generally taken a blend of these two views, promoting a neo-mercantilist mixed economy where economic growth is not necessarily actively desired. One of the major effects of the adoption of these policies is that net inflation has been maintained at 0% since the start of the 20th century, which has led to the pound marten being one of the highest valued currencies in Astyria. Despite generally accepting capitalism as necessary, the influence of companies is tempered by various limitations on their operations, principally restrictions placed on the concepts of limited liability under law.

The focus on economic stability also has a social element, in terms of promoting a Romantic ideal of an economy of full employment in harmony with nature and society. This manifests in bipartisan laws limiting the mechanisation of agricultural labour which would vastly change the rural lifestyle of the country. Furthermore, government regulation of trades and crafts through the chartered trade guilds limit other kinds of changes which would affect employment or traditional practices. Nationalist conservatism also opposes the uncontrolled increase in population for similar reasons, and also promote a limited form of eugenics in the interest of economic security. This at replacement birth rate is achieved through economic and social measures, such as financial incentives to either give birth or refrain from giving birth. This is related to the principles of self-sufficiency, given a higher population could not be sustained with the existing land area and use of the country, and would increase unemployment and incentivise waste of resources.

Martial

“We consider war to be the greatest and worst symptom of disorder, for its manifold consequences that take lives, destroy cities and scatter nations. Yet when it comes, we need must be alway willing to defend the Fatherland from our fiends abroad and within. We must train our youth, arm our men and gird our wives for the fight for Nortish order against foreign disorder.”

—Sir Frederic de Clercy

Nationalist conservatism places a strong emphasis on military power within society, and advocates for at least a semi-militarised society. However, it is stedfast against war, considering it to be the last resort. Despite this, militarism is thought to promote other social goods, such as physical health, discipline, obedience and a sense of social camaraderie. Hence, the policies of compulsory conscription in military Muster and Home services, and membership of the Cadet Corps have widespread support.

Effects in society

With nationalist conservatism having been the dominant political ideology for much of the last century, it is deeply embedded in modern Erbonian society. However, it is no an overt political ideology, insofar as it promotes continuity and stability, over reform or revolution. Thus, there have been no major changes wrought by the adoption of nationalist conservatism which would perhaps be evident had it been communism or fascism which was adopted instead.

It has, however, solidified the traditional Erbonian social views against foreign values of sexual equality or secular liberalism. This perhaps is evident in the popular twin mantras of “Church, Children and Care” and “Study, Society and Service”, coined by Foide in 1940, conceptualising the respective foci of each of the three “orders” should be for women and men respectively.