Tiwura

Republic of Tiwura
Flag Coat of Arms
Motto: "Unity, Strength, and Prosperity"
Anthem: Stand and Sing of Tiwura
Location of Tiwura(dark blue) within Coius(light blue)
Capital	Omamiri
Official languages	Estmerish
Recognised national languages	Mwo Gundaya Zamga
Recognised regional languages	Over 100 regional languages.
Ethnic groups	25.3% Mwo 21.4% Gundaya 17.8% Zamga 35.5% Other ethnicities.
Demonym(s)	Tiwuran
Government	Unitary Presidential Republic
• President	Reginald Akinlabi
Legislature	Republic Assembly
• Upper house	Senate
• Lower house	Congress
Establishment
• Independence from Estmere	April 3, 1950
Population
• 2022 census	59,123,024
GDP (PPP)	2022 estimate
• Total	168,145,880,256
• Per capita	2,844
GDP (nominal)	2022 estimate
• Total	58,472,670,736
• Per capita	989
Gini	48.3 high
HDI (2020)	0.524 low
Currency	Tiwuran Standard (TWS)
Date format	mm/dd/yyyy
Driving side	left
ISO 3166 code	TW
Internet TLD	.tw

Tiwura, officially the Republic of Tiwura , is a sovereign state located in northern Bahia and northern Coius. It is bordered to the south by Yemet and to the west by TBD. It has a population of 59,123,024 and is the third most populous nation within Bahia. Tiwura is home to over 100 ethnic groups and over 100 languages, most predominant of which are Mwo, Gundaya, and Zamga. Its capital and largest city is Omamiri, one of Bahia's largest urban areas.

In its ancient history, Tiwura was one of the earliest lands of settlement for humans. Before the Bahian consolidation, Tiwura was home to thousands of villiages, with the coastal ones living off of trade with foreigners. After the rise of Irfan, Tiwura's western border would come under the rule of the Irfanic dominions, leading to fear among the villiages. Tiwura would adopt the Hourege system later than much of Bahia, but within a few hundred years the Kingdom Of Adilun would arise to become the region's most powerful city and bring many coastal villiages under its rule. Tiwura was once home to several houregic kingdoms throughout its long history, notable ones being the Rukimi and Obo kingdoms. These kingdoms would bring about wealth across Tiwura and make this wealth from participation in selling slaves from conquered villiages into the transvehemens slave trade.

Tiwura would eventually fall to the colonial empire of Estmere in the late 19th century. Estmere would establish the Colony of the Royal Coast and have its mineral and plant resources extracted until it gained independence in 1950. Since independence Tiwura would become a nation of turmoil, experiencing multiple coups and civil wars. In 1953 Obie Chinwe would take over control of the government. His policies would lead to the (war with Yemet) with Yemet in 1964, which would end in Tiwuran defeat. Chinwe himself would be assassinated in 1966 which led to a power vacuum that would spiral into the First Tiwuran Civil War. The war would end with the rise of Reese Okparro Ndulu, another military leader, who would retake the country from rebels. The Tiwura after the civil war was ridden with ethnic tensions that would arise in 1986 when Ndulu's successor, Alichie Uchey, initiated elections. These elections were extremely troubled and the winner would be Mwo nationalist Kibwe Chipo. Chipo's rule would culimate in the Second Tiwuran Civil War in 1989. During the war, thousands of Gundaya would be killed in the Gundaya massacres. At its end, Chipo would be ousted and replaced by Gundaya Mowiya Sekoni. Throughout the late 90s, Sekoni would take actions against the Mwo as part of what he called "justice through vengeance", mainly by arresting thousands on shaky charges. Sekoni would be forced out after mass riots and protests in 2002 and an election would be held in 2003, with the moderate Nicholas Chukwudi claiming victory. Tiwura after 2003 has been a more democratic nation, however, many Euclean leaders and experts claim Tiwura's election system is still deeply broken.

Today Tiwura is still a developing nation and has expanded its relations globally. Tiwura is a member of the Congress of Bahian States as well COMDEV. Modern Tiwura has been in conflict with small seccessionist groups in the west, in particular the Magadi region.

Etymology

Tiwura's name was chosen in 1947 by NIMORC member Salvador Jones. Jones claimed the name Tiwura was used by the Gundaya to describe the wealthy houregic empires, with the name Tiwura comes from the Gundaya words ti, meaning "of" and wura, meaning "golden". The name was agreed upon by NIMORC leaders in 1949 and was used in their independence protests. Upon independence, leaders agreed the name "Royal Coast" was not representative of the country, and that "Tiwura" was more suited to be the name of the newly independent nation.

History

Prehistory

A Tseghyor Sculpture

Modern-day Tiwura was one of the first regions to be settled by Homo Sapiens, with fossil records dating their arrival to around 10,000 BC. There is also records of archaeological evidence that includes spearheads, pottery, and other tools around the same time period. Early humans in Tiwura lived as hunter gatherers until around 1000 BC, when the first signs of agriculture and cities arose in the archaeological record. Agriculture and early civilziation would arise mainly along the Brinrhin, Cogoday, and Oke rivers, where these cultures would develop villiages and begin to see an early form of the Bahian villiage system.

Colonial

The presence of Estmere in Tiwura was commonplace after the decline of slavery, but it would ramp up in 1863 after Estmere set out to retake their former forts and colonies within Bahia. Estmerish troops would take over destroy the Gundaya Iluile Kingdom in 1867 under the banner of destroying a slaver kingdom. Here they founded Port Royal, named as it was once the home of the Iluile king. With the conquest of Port Royal, Estmerish troops under the command of Richard Powers would begin capturing old Estmerish trade forts along the coast, as well as other abandoned Euclean fortresses such as the abandoned Paretian fortress of Cabo D'Oro. The Obo Empire would become Estmere's primary target, as they still had control of the important Cogoday river and blocked futher expansion of the Royal Coast Colony. Estmere would ally with their rival, the Najo Lembuno Kingdom and sent a group of Estmerish and Lembuno soldiers to sack the capital of the Obo. This began the Estmerish-Obo War, which lasted two years from 1880-1882 and resulted in the destruction of the Obo Empire. Estmere would subsequently subjegate the weakened Lembuno shortly after. Powers would found the Colony of the Cogoday Delta in 1885 along the southern coast. Following this war, the two colonial governments in Tiwura would expand their territories over the next 20 years. The Estmerish would establish the Colony of the Royal Coast in 1898 by incorporating the existing colonies into one, using military forces to subdue any uncooperative rulers within the region. The first governor, Lucas Bale, would grant honorary titles to locals who agreed to surrender. These rulers had limited powers and acted as local governors of villages, the ones Estmere viewed as less important or too remote. The colonial government would be moved from Port Royal to Fairmaidenton in 1901.

This new colonial government began attempts to extract resources from the region, namely palm oil in the Cogoday Delta. Fairmaidenton and Port Royal saw extensive developments of infrastructure under the second governor William James Marston.

Post-Independence

President Derrick Clearmont

President Clearmont saw several new issues arise within his first year of leadership. The nation was incredibly poor and infrastructure was non-existent inland. A primary issue of concern by the government was the ethnic and religious diversity of the nation. These groups and religions would also have historic conflict, which Clearmont believed would reignite with such a weak central government. Estmerish interests also agreed, supporting Clearmont in the promotion of the National Identity Movement, this program was focused on ending ethnic conflict and unify the new Tiwuran state. This began with the mandatory teaching of Estmerish in schools, which was successful in the more Sotirian coastal areas, where the religious usage of the language and development of the schools was helpful. However, further inland, this program saw backlash by many who believed it to be cultural erasure. One region in particular saw it negatively, Horoland. The Horo lived in the most underdeveloped region in the nation, with only two roads leading from its largest city to the neighboring states of Frontiermark and Patango. Local leaders were infuriated by the arrival of Sotirian missionaries as part of the National Identity Movement, and forced them out. At the same time, the newly formed Tiwuran Armed Forces would begin to recruit soldiers. Many Horo would join as a way to find work. These two events culminated into the Horoland region being heavily armed and resistant to the Tiwuran government, which slowly grew into resistance to any outsider entering the region. The TAF was deployed and attacked by mostly former TAF Horo fighters. This began the Horo Rebellion of 1952. The inexperienced forces of the TAF were unfamiliar with the terrain, and quickly lost 100 soldiers in a week of fighting. The Horo suffered nearly 400 however, and the battle grew more intense as religious differences were brought in to attempt to boost TAF morale and motivation. The main rebellion ended within a month, but the TAF would lose 500 soldiers and kill around 2,000 Horo rebels. Another major casualty were the civilian deaths, estimated to be around 7,000. Clearmont's reputation was damaged by the conflict and trust in the Tiwuran government by citizens sank.

Activist Kelechi Iwobi-Odoh in 1953

In 1952, a month after the Horo Rebellion, Mwo student Kelechi Iwobi-Odoh organized the Pan-Bahianist Society of Tiwura, the nation's largest Pan-Bahianist organization. Pan-Bahianism would arise out of the criticism of the Tiwuran government and its NIM program. Iwobi-Odoh would drop out of the Fairmaidenton University and go on to lead public speeches against Clearmont. Iwobi-Odoh would go on to be blame Tiwura's issues on Estmere's overwhelming influence and that NIMORC betrayed the people by having Estmere remain in control of Tiwura's resources. Clearmont, despite advice by the TAF urging him to put Iwobi-Odoh down, let the PBST continue its operations. At the same time the city of Omamiri(Fairmaidenton until 1952), would begin to experience a spike in criminal activity. Small groups known as Ntabos, would spread across the city and conduct small thefts and burglaries. These events would threaten Clearmont's rule over Tiwura, with many in the growing TAF turning against him. In 1953 Vudzijena Nhema would win the election in Rwizikuru, defeating Clearmont's political partner Zophar Bohannon. This spread fear among Tiwuran leaders who opposed Pan-Bahianism, especially Estmerish investors who feared that the Tiwuran oil industry may be nationalized. The TAF, however, was not willing to attempt a military coup. This would change in 1954 when Clearmont cut military funding to focus on the NIM program. This saw the loss of jobs for thousands of TAF soldiers. This camee to fruition with General Obie Chinwe leading a group of Tiwuran soldiers in Omamiri. Clearmont would then be ousted and exiled to Maucha.

Obie Chinwe would declare himself president, being supported heavily by many in Omamiri. Chinwe would reform the Tiwuran central government and purge all suspected Pan-Bahianists and socialists. Chinwe would give a speech a week later announcing his plans for Tiwura, and that Tiwura would only be able to unite under a government with the strength to do what it takes. Chinwe was also popular among Estmerish investors, who saw him as able to protect the oil industry from any threat. Chinwe would meet with oil industry leaders and form a closed-door agreement which meant that Tiwura's oil industry was now completely open to foreign investors, as long as the TAF recieved propert support by Estmere and any foreign power who thought to invest in Tiwura. In 1955 the TAF would recieve a boost of funding because of this. Chinwe, in a surprising move, redirected around 30% of these funds to infrastructure in Tiwura. This saw the development of regions such as the delta and Ouloumy. At this period many saw Chinwe in a positive light, at least until 1956 when Chinwe began changing the NIM program. The Mwo language was included as part of the program's language education, and Chinwe would go on record stating that "the Mwo, my people, being the dominant people of my nation, deserved better than to be listed amongst those others". This sentiment began a boost in socialism in Gundayaland, as socialists and Pan-bahianists such as Iwobi-Odoh would appeal to their plight. Mwo nationalist groups such as the Cogoday Leopards would be protected, with some leaders taking up positions in the TAF. Chinwe's closest advisors agreed that appealing to Mwo interests was the best way to keep themselves in power.

In the late 50s, underground resistance movements of pan-Bahianists would conduct campaigns against Chinwe's rule, even calling him out for his apathy towards Obergond to the south. The Tiwuran-Obergond relationship was rough, with Tiwura's government openly claiming many Obergonder territories ought to be Tiwuran due for ethnic reasons. This led to a small incident along the Tiwuran-Obergonder border, in which Tiwuran troops fired upon Obergonder border patrol. This crisis lasted for a week and two nations were on the brink of war until Estmere and Werania brokered a peace agreement between the two countries. After this incident Obergond was disliked by Chinwe and many Tiwuran officials, and the rhetoric of war escalated in Chinwe's speeches. In 1960 Yemet would be formed from Obergond, but relations did not cool. In the same year the United Bahian Republic would be formed, which put more pressure on Chinwe. The Tiwuran government was showing signs of internal problems after three generals would attempt a coup in 1960. The response to this was stronger military power and that more actions would be taken against pan-Bahianists and socialists, which were easy targets by this point. This fissure put Yemet once more into the position of the enemy, with Tiwuran investment in propaganda growing to push for war with Yemet. Several reasons are given as to why Chinwe wanted a war, ranging from legitimacy as the president, to resources, to threats of pan-Bahianism, and to ethnic and religious unification.

In 1963 Yemet would join the UBR, which made them a much larger threat than before. The TAF was put through rigorous changes as troops were deployed to the southern border. All Pan-Bahianist political organizations were banned this year and the border would be fortified. In 1964, Rwizikuru would leave the UBR, which led to the UBR becoming incredibly fractured and weak. It also led to growing dispute between Yemet and Maucha over Ibabochia. Chinwe and the TAF commanders agreed this was the time to strike and deployed their soldiers and tanks to the southern border. The war would begin on June 1 with Tiwuran infantry crossing the Bulamu River into Yemet.

• June 1964, Tiwuran troops invade Yemet, initial victories until troops are bogged down in Lehir
• April 1966, Tiwuran troops fled across the border and Omamiri is threatened with attack, Chinwe surrenders and peace is made
• Mid 1966, Tiwuran generals, believing Chinwe a traitor and weak for his surrender, assassinate him, power vacuum opens with no successor chosen, multiple generals claim his role
• Civil war begins as socialists organize during the confusion into the Tiwuran Peoples' Union, military splits into 3 main factions
• Reese Okparro Ndulu's faction captures Omamiri in 1968, declares himself President officially and begins fighting back against TPU forces in the north and west
• 1971, Ndulu defeats the TPU and other rebel groups, declares victory and announcing he wants a rebirth for Tiwura

Postwar Period

• Reconstruction in the early 70s along with ethnic tensions rising due to the treatment of Gundayas in the Yemeti war
• Riots and protests against the return of the military dictatorship met with swift reaction, Ndulu also arrests Gundaya leaders on suspicion of supporting rebel forces during the civil war
• Oil industry is revived by 1978 as Tiwura focuses its resources into building it up
• Ndulu steps down in 1979 due to sickness and chooses Alichie Uchey to succeed him, Uchey is controversial due to him being accused of commanding Gundaya troops to their deaths in the war
• Economy stagnates in the early 80s as ethnic tensions continue to boil
• Uchey, believing it to be the only way out of another civil war, declares elections to be held 1986, but also bans any socialist parties beforehand
• Several ethnic parties are formed, military intimidates voters across the country to choose their preferred candidates
• Winner is Kibwe Chipo, a Mwo ultranationalist and adamant supporter of former president Chinwe

Chipo's Rule

• Chipo's rule is marked by almost immediate changed in government, all focused on increasing the status of the Mwo people and blaming the Gundaya for their loss in the Yemeti war
• Arrests, banning of all local government, and police raids across the nation within the first three years
• In mid 1989 Chipo initiated bans on Irfanic practices in the west, leading to immediate pushback
• Irfanist groups and Gundaya leaders would form an alliance in 1990, and from 1990 to 1991 the insurgency grew into a full-scale rebellion by groups that disliked Chipo
• By 1991, the war was stalled as the rebels received massive foreign support. Chipo's inner circle began to grow weary of him
• In 1992, as the war seemed more and more hopeless for the Tiwuran government, Chipo ordered 1/3 of the Tiwuran military to move to the northern front and launch aa massive offensive into Gundayaland. These forces were also sent with orders to massacre, leading to the Gundaya Massacres that killed thousands and burned thousands of homes in Gundayaland
• Rebels in the south pushed towards Omamiri, and Chipo is overthrown by his fellow generals who form a provisional council on deciding a new leader
• In 1995, Omamiri is captured and the government is ousted. Mowiya Sekoni, leader of the Gundaya faction in the Alliance Of Tiwuran Peoples, claims the presidency
• With no resistance, Sekoni quickly takes over

Second Postwar Period

-Sekoni establishes anti-Mwo policies, mass arrests -Rebirth of Magadi rebellion -Protests across Mwoland -Sekoni agrees to hold an election in 2003 -Nicholas Chukwudi wins election

Modern Tiwura

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Geography

Tiwura is located in Northern Bahia and lies on the western side of the Bay of Bahia. Tiwura's climate ranges from its dry and desert-like west, its grassy savannahs in the middle, and its wet tropical rainforests on the southeastern coast. The nation is extremely warm and experiences wet and dry seasons, with the southeast somestimes experiencing devastating cyclones on occasion and intense flooding. The northwest holds the opposite problem, with the ever expanding desertification. Geographically Tiwura is fairly large, with it taking up TDB square miles of land.

Landforms

Clouds over the Uluki Highlands

Shores of Lake Karshentafiya

Tiwura's physical features center around its three primary rivers and river systems. In the south the third largest river, the Oke River, flows northwest into the Uluki Highlands. This southern region is incredibly wet and rainy and is home to many rainforests. The largest river, the Cogoday River, exists in the middle and runs across the entirety of the country flowing into neighboring TDB. The Cogoday flows down towards the Cogoday Delta, the center of Mwo people and most of Tiwura's population. In Faskarina the Ndulu Dam created Lake Tsaga, which is the nation's largest man-made lake and second largest lake overall. The final river in the north is the Brinrhin River, which flows from the nation's largest lake, Lake Karshentafiya, or Lake Erukubode in the northwest, flows across the northern plains down to the city of Isowo City, Tiwura's second largest city. South of Isowo, between Elunaji and Mwoland, exists the Tiwuran-Royale Highlands, a series of hills that splits the Najo and Mwo peoples. In the Magadi Region there exists the Magadi Hills and Lake Magadi.

Climate

Tiwura's climate ranges vastly, but generally it is more dry in the west and more wet in the east. In the farthest northwest the exists an desert climate, and almost the entirety of the western border is semi-arid climate. Most of Tiwura, from Gundayaland to the Magadi, is tropical savannah climate, with the southeast being tropical monsoon climate, and some parts of the southeast even being tropical rainforest climate.

Flora and Fauna

Lions in Raminzaki National Park

Malimbus bird in a tree

Tiwura is home to vast array of biodiversity. Tiwuran fauna is commonly found in other regions of Bahia. These include large mammals such as lions, zebras, Bahian elephants, hippopotamuses, rhinoceroses, northern gorillas and many more. It is also home to several bird species, including the native malimbus genus of Northern Bahia. There is also numerous plant species that live in Tiwura. These species are most commonly found in their limited habitats, mainly in Tiwura's national parks. Some notable ones include Upper Oke National Park, the Great Mountains National Park, and the Raminzaki National Park(Raminzaki from the Zamga words for Lion's Den). Tiwuran wildlife has dimished greatly in the past several decades, with multiple threats to their habitats ranging from deforestation and urbanization. There is also the illicit poaching and bushmeat industries within Tiwura, with the Tiwuran government taking action against these by creating the Environment and Wildlife Protection Service in 2007.

Government and Politics

Reginald Akinlabi, current President of Tiwura

Tiwura is a unitary presidential republic. Tiwura's central government is divided into 3 branches, the judicial, legislative, and executive. The current constitution was created in 2002 during the resignation of Mowiya Sekoni after years of unrest under his rule. This constitution led to the establishment of permanent elections and resistrictions on the power of the executive.

Government

The Tiwuran government is centered in the capital city of Omamiri and all central government offices are located within the Omamiri Federal County. The executive branch is headed by the president, who works as both head of state and head of government. The president of Tiwura is currently Reginald Akinlabi, who has been incumbent since 2018. The president exercises several powers, including the power to appoint members of the cabinet, the powers of being commander-in-chief of the Tiwuran Armed Forces, and the ability to make treaties with other nations. The president is chosen through popular vote election every four years, with candidates being able to run for three successive terms. The president also has the power to veto laws passed by the legislative branch.

The second branch of Tiwura's central government is the Republic Assembly, the nation's legislative branch. It is bicameral with the upper house being the Senate and the lower house being the Congress. Both houses are headed by their respective Presidents. The Senate has TBD seats with each TBD holding TBD seats. The Congress is based on representation, and each member represents one of Tiwura's Electoral Counties. The lower house and upper house both can propose laws to be taken to the President, and can deny his veto if it can pass the Congress with 3/4 yes and the Senate with 2/3 yes.

The judicial branch is the third branch of Tiwura's government. Tiwura's central court system has power to override all the decisions of local court systems, including the traditional court systems found in some of Tiwura's states. The branch is centralized around the Supreme Court of Tiwura, which holds the power to cancel out any laws its justices deem wrong. Tiwuran law is based on common law, which was established under the colonial rule of Estmere, although customary law can be found and is legal in some rare instances in remote Tiwura.

Foreign Relations

Tiwura's global position has risen steadily since the end of the Second Civil War, and hasr brought Tiwura into several international organizations. These organizations include the Community of Nations, Congress of Bahian Staes, Council for Mutual Development, and Estmerish Council. These organizations have helped the Tiwuran economy grow into one of Bahia's strongest after years of military rule and civil war. These relationships have also brought Tiwura into closer relationships with other COMDEV nations and has led to the government forming a strong stance against ROSPO, with Zorasan's recent involvement in Yemet adding to this stance.

Since independence Tiwura has always retained a strong relationship with Estmere, with Estmere being the nation's primary Euclean partner in almost all things, ranging from close economic support and military support from Estmere. Estmerish-Tiwuran relations would sour in the 1980s under the rule of Kibwe Chipo. These relations have since warmed up as Estmere's investment in Tiwura has returned in the form of providing military support in Tiwura's conflict in the Magadi.

Tiwuran relations with its fellow Bahian nations has changed a lot over the years. Tiwura's relations with Yemet to the south have always been strained. Today Tiwuran-Yemeti relations remain troubled due to a long history of conflict and political differences, which manifests today in Tiwura's protest against CBS involvement in Yemet.

Military

Tiwura's military, the Tiwuran Armed Forces, was founded in 1950 and has always played a major role in Tiwuran society and politics. From 1953-1986 Tiwura was under the control of military leaders that had led to the Tiwuran military having an extremely large influence in government, which still exists to this day.

The TAF gets around 2% of the national GDP, although many high-ranking military officials have been accused of stealing from this funding for personal purposes. Training for soldiers is lackluster, which has led to Estmere sending EDF advisors and trainers to Tiwura to provide the TAF with adequate training for its soldiers. The TAF Army includes several hundred armored vehicles, of them there is reportedly around 200-250 tanks in service, however these are mostly outdated equipment given to them by Estmere, Soravia, and other sources. The TAF includes a small Air Force which is extremely underfunded and only has around 50 active planes. The Tiwuran Naval Force has the luxury of experiences much more support by the Tiwuran government, which sees its operations as useful in protecting the Tiwuran oil industry. The TAF's current deployments are largely domestic, with most Tiwuran operations being against rebels and insurgents in the Magadi, Northwest, and Horoland regions. These conflicts have proven costly, which has led to many desertions and underpaid soldiers.

Politics

Modern Tiwuran politics

Demographics

Ethnicity

Ethnicities Of Tiwura

  Mwo (25.3%)

  Gundaya (21.4%)

  Zamga (17.8%)

  Sira (9%)

  Tani (6.5%)

  Welke (3.4%)

  Awa (2.1%)

  Larong (1.8%)

  Other (12.7%)

A Mwo man

As of 2020 Tiwura is home to a little over 59.1 million, 87.3% of that belonging to one of three ethnicities, the Mwo, the Gundaya, and the Zamga. The largest of these is the Mwo, making up a little over a quarter of the population, with the second being Gundaya at a little under a quarter. The largest groups after these are the Sira, the Tani, the Welke, the Awa, and the Larong, all being the only ethnicites above 1% of the population. The primary ethnolinguistic group in the country is the North-Central Bahian, or Cogodaimic , peoples. Of the North-Central Bahians the largest two groups are the Mwo and the Gundaya. Tiwura is also home to several Ouloume groups, of which Tani is the largest. There are also !Chadic peoples, these include the largest of which the Zamga. The Magadi region is home to several Gondiatic people, incluiding the Welke, Horo , and the Ororo.

Beyond the Bahian groups, there also exists other smaller ethnic groups. The largest non-Bahian ethnicity is Eucleans, of which Estmereish are the most populous. Eucleans would arrive mainly because of colonialism. Other than the Estmerish there is also a small Gaullican population in the Magadi region. Other Eucleans that reside in Tiwura include Paretians, Weranians, and Borish people. Other non-Bahian ethnicites primarily include Rahelians and Pardarians, primarily residing in the Irfanic west. There is also populations of Dezevauni people within Omamiri, most of them workers.

Religion

Holy Trinity Embrian Church in Unwe

Akuware National Mazar

Within Tiwura, the predominant religion is Sotirianity, making up 72% of the population. Within this group, the largest denomination is the Embrian Communion, making up 58% of Tiwura's total population. The other major denominations include Solarian Catholicism, practiced primarily by Ouloume people and in the Magadi region. After that it is primarily Calidonism and Gospelist. The second largest religion in Tiwura is Irfan, making up 25% of the population, and almost entirely practiced in the west and in the Magadi. After that Bahian fetishism is practiced by 1%, mostly in the most remote areas in Tiwura. The final two percents are made up of irreligion and Badi.

Languages

Around 71% of Tiwurans are bilingual, most knowing their heritage language and Estmerish. Estmerish is Tiwura's only official language as it was established during the colonial period by Estmere. The use of Estmerish is primarily in professional settings, including in most workplaces, in government, and in schools. The native languages of Tiwura are most commonly used in family settings, traditional events, or in casual small talk. The largest of the native languages is Mwo language, used by primarily the Mwo people, but is also commonly known by other peoples in and around Mwoland.

Culture

Cuisine

Zamga Kilishi

Tiwuran food can come in many different forms. It has a diverse selection of dishes depending on the region or town you go to, but many common ingredients used in these dishes include a variety of spices. These include heavy use of palm oil and spices in its dishes, especially in particular sauces. Palm nut soup is a common dish serves in the country and is unofficially considered Tiwura's national dish. The Zamga in the west are famous for their kilishi, a form of jerky. Tiwura is also home to lots of tropical plants, including bananas, pineapples, and sugarcane.

Literature

Tiwuran poet Nadia Akabueze

An example of prominen pre-colonial Tiwuran literature that has survived to this day is the Letter Of King Agu, a letter written in Gaullican by Obo King Agu that was given to Euclean trading ports decreeing that declared that the Obo Empire would continue their slave trade. During the colonial period prominent Zamga writer Ahmad Husaini wrote theThe Often Unseen in 1912 and gained worldwide acclaim for his descriptions of colonial rural Zamgaland. Pan-Bahianist Yen Ngapna wrote his Summary of the Bahian Future, which many believe helped create the foundations of Pan-Bahianism. White Tiwuran writer Joseph Grenwich is famous for his children's stories, most predominantly The Savannah Prince. After colonialism, Tiwuran literature exploded throughout the 50s. In 1968, Farouk Husaini, grandson of Ahmad Husaini, would write Blood along the Delta, a story about the Bulamu War and the First Tiwuran Civil War. In more recent times poetry has become increasingly popular, with poet Nadia Akabueze gaining fame for her poetry in the mid 2000s.

Music

Gundaya drummers

Tiwuran music has evolved greatly over the years. Traditional Tiwuran music varies greatly depending on what region you are in, but they mostly share a common sound. Irfanic, Gundaya, and Mwo peoples have all had their influence on Tiwuran music over the years. During the 1970s, Bahiobeat arose amongst many Tiwuran musicians and was heavily influenced by foreign hip hop artists and jazz. In the 2000s Tiwura would grow its music industry, gaining popularity across Bahia, in particular the Estmerish-speaking regions. Traditional Mwo and Gundaya music have fused with other genres to form many unique Tiwuran genres that very from region to region. In the Ouloume region in the south the genre of "hip-bang" combined much of the region's traditional music with hip hop. Religious music is still popular in Tiwura, with gospel artists and Irfanic musicians raking in huge crowds for their performances.

Tiwuran rapper Owen Sosa Chukwumeka, known by his stage name Sooz

Some examples of popular Tiwuran musicians across genres include Owen "Sooz" Chukwumeka, considered the king of Tiwuran rap and has had influence across Bahia as one of the region's most well-known artists. Other famous Tiwuran rappers include Nicholas Pepper, Isowoboys, King Agu, and Marina Nwende. Tiwuran Embrian gospel artist Anwuli Chenwu is widely known across Sotirian Bahia and has performed in Euclea. Bahiobeat artist Preston Papoola arose to popularity in the 80s and has been known for his adaptation of rock music into bahiobeat and made and still reign's as "The Tiwuran King of Rock". Bahio-pop is another genre that arose in Bahia during the recent decades and has been the style of many Tiwuran musicians such as Ade Odewayo and Obie Ngwu.