Republic of Tiwura
Motto: "Unity, Strength, and Prosperity"
Location of Tiwura(dark blue) within Coius(light blue)
|Recognised national languages||Mwo|
|Recognised regional languages||Over 100 regional languages.|
|Ethnic groups||32.8% Mwo |
35.6% Other ethnicities.
|Government||Unitary Presidential Republic|
• Independence from Estmere
|April 3, 1950|
• 2022 census
|GDP (PPP)||2022 estimate|
• Per capita
|GDP (nominal)||2022 estimate|
• Per capita
|Currency||Tiwuran Standard (TWS)|
Tiwura, officially the Republic of Tiwura , is a sovereign state located in northern Bahia and northern Coius. It is bordered to the south by Yemet, to the north by Asase Lewa, and to the west by Nahrun. It has a population of 59,123,024 and is the third most populous nation within Bahia. Tiwura is home to over 100 ethnic groups and over 100 languages, most predominant of which are Mwo, Gundaya, and Zamga. Its capital and largest city is Omamiri, one of Bahia's largest urban areas.
In its ancient history, Tiwura was one of the earliest lands of settlement for humans. Before the Bahian consolidation, Tiwura was home to thousands of villiages, with the coastal ones living off of trade with foreigners. After the rise of Irfan, Tiwura's western border would come under the rule of the Irfanic dominions, leading to fear among the villiages. Tiwura would adopt the Hourege system later than much of Bahia, but within a few hundred years the Kingdom Of Adilun would arise to become the region's most powerful city and bring many coastal villiages under its rule. Tiwura was once home to several houregic kingdoms throughout its long history, notable ones being the Rukimi and Obo kingdoms. These kingdoms would bring about wealth across Tiwura and make this wealth from participation in selling slaves from conquered villiages into the transvehemens slave trade.
Tiwura would eventually fall to the colonial empire of Estmere in the late 19th century. Estmere would establish the Colony of the Royal Coast and have its mineral and plant resources extracted until it gained independence in 1950. Since independence Tiwura would become a nation of turmoil, experiencing multiple coups and civil wars. In 1953 Obie Chinwe would take over control of the government. His policies would lead to the Bulamu War with Yemet in 1964, which would end in Tiwuran defeat. Chinwe himself would be assassinated in 1966 which led to a power vacuum that would spiral into the First Tiwuran Civil War. The war would end with the rise of Reese Okparro Ndulu, another military leader, who would retake the country from rebels. The Tiwura after the civil war was ridden with ethnic tensions that would arise in 1986 when Ndulu's successor, Alichie Uchey, initiated elections. These elections were extremely troubled and the winner would be Mwo nationalist Kibwe Chipo. Chipo's rule would culimate in the Second Tiwuran Civil War in 1989. During the war, thousands of Gundaya would be killed in the Gundaya massacres. At its end, Chipo would be ousted and replaced by Gundaya Mowiya Sekoni. Throughout the late 90s, Sekoni would take actions against the Mwo as part of what he called "justice through vengeance", mainly by arresting thousands on shaky charges. Sekoni would be forced out after mass riots and protests in 2002 and an election would be held in 2003, with the moderate Nicholas Chukwudi claiming victory. Tiwura after 2003 has been a more democratic nation, however, many Euclean leaders and experts claim Tiwura's election system is still deeply broken.
Today Tiwura is still a developing nation and has expanded its relations globally. Tiwura is a member of the Congress of Bahian States as well COMDEV. Modern Tiwura has been in conflict with small seccessionist groups in the west, in particular the Magadi region.
- 1 Etymology
- 2 History
- 3 Geography
- 4 Government and Politics
- 5 Economy
- 6 Infrastructure
- 7 Demographics
- 8 Culture
Tiwura's name was chosen in 1947 by NIMORC member Salvador Jones. Jones claimed the name Tiwura was used by the Gundaya to describe the wealthy houregic empires, with the name Tiwura comes from the Gundaya words ti, meaning "of" and wura, meaning "golden". The name was agreed upon by NIMORC leaders in 1949 and was used in their independence protests. Upon independence, leaders agreed the name "Royal Coast" was not representative of the country, and that "Tiwura" was more suited to be the name of the newly independent nation.
Prehistory and Ancient History
Modern-day Tiwura was one of the first regions to be settled by Homo Sapiens, with fossil records dating their arrival to around 10,000 BC. There is also records of archaeological evidence that includes spearheads, pottery, and other tools around the same time period. Early humans in Tiwura lived as hunter gatherers until around 1000 BC, when the first signs of agriculture and cities arose in the archaeological record. Agriculture and early civilziation would arise mainly along the Brinrhin, Cogoday, and Oke rivers, where these cultures would develop villiages and begin to see an early form of the Bahian villiage system. Around 400 BC a civilization would arise along the Cogoday River in modern-day Dooshiminya, called the Tseghyor Civilization. This culture is well-known today for their sculpture works and metallurgy. They were also keen at navigating the Cogoday, with evidence of ships doting the riverbed. These ships would carry goods up and downstream. The Tseghyor culture would collapse at some point around 100 AD. Very little is known of the period following the end of the Tseghyors up till the 10th century. Tiwura was also home to the mysterious Matangwene Civilization, which is believed to have appeared a few hundred years after the Tseghyors on the Grand Plains. Although little is known about the Matangwene culture due to only a few archaeological findings ever being found, there is some belief that the Matangwene may have been one of the first Ouloume cultures to arise and may have been the located at or near the Ouloume homeland prior to their migration.
With the expansion of Irfan in the west, the hourege system, known as ipele in pre-colonial Tiwura, would slowly grow within Tiwura as the village system came to a close. This led to the rise of powerful villages that developed into large kingdoms. The first well-recorded kingdom was the Kingdom of Adilun, arising at some point during the 1300s. The Adilun were impressively wealthy, and had a sphere of influence that encompassed all of Gundayaland. The Adilun kingdom would seek out trade with neighboring kingdoms across Bahia, growing their wealth. Their empire would not last, and eventually collapse in an event known as the Dikebilie, a conflict between the king and his warriors during the late 1400s. The dikebilie is most detailed in the recording in the Zamga Codex. This war would see the rise of many new kingdoms, led by many members of the warrior caste. This warrior uprising would result in the rise of the agheze government system, in which the warrior caste took control of government and warrior leaders would take the role of the Hourege. In northern Mwoland, the Agheze system would persist until the 19th century, with the Obo Empire creating a mixed Hourege-Agheze government.
When Euclean merchants first arrived in the region, they would initiate trade with the coastal villages. These coastal states would grow in power, and quickly overtook the powerful warrior states inland. This also saw the rise of the transvehemens slave trade within Tiwura, as these coastal kingdoms would conquer inland neighbors and take slaves to sell to the Eucleans. In the 1600s, the Gundaya Rukimi Kingdom would gain more influence over Gundayaland and even into Mwoland due to their trade relationship with Eucleans merchants, the Luzelese in particular, who would take slaves in return for gunpower weaponry. The kings of this nation would grow to be some of the wealthiest people in Bahia, and legends of their vast gold reached even the Asterian colonies. The Rukimi's expansion across Tiwura would eventually end by 1752 with conflicts against Irfanic kingdoms and the beginning of the abolishment of slavery in Euclea led to a rough collapse.
The power vacuum that would open left dozens of rulers fighting for their wealth, and eventually a few kingdoms would reign supreme. The Obo Empire of the Mwo would dominate the Cogoday delta, and become known as a powerful military force. The Iluile Kingdom would arise in Gundayaland, claiming to be successors of the Rukimi and inheritors of the their lands. The Najo Lembuno Kingdom would form along the northern cape of riches. This period saw the slow decline of the local kingdoms as the demand for slaves dwindled. The Sira people of the inland, who were commonly targeted by the kingdoms due to their vulnerable location along both the Cogoday and Brinrhin rivers, would begin launching revolts and raid the kingdoms for their gold and weapons. Further inland, the Horo people would form a political union under several religious leaders, creating the Horo Confederacy in 1701. Toward the end of the century, these kingdoms began large scale competition and several conflicts arose over territory, slaves, and resources.
During the period of the slave trade, the Luzelese and eventually Paretia, would begin to make small settlements on the coast of modern-day Tiwura. These began with slave forts such as Cabo D'Oro, one of the largest of its kind in Bahia. Paretian influence remained dominant in the region until the 19th century, when Estmere began vying for northern Coius.
The presence of Estmere grew substantially during the 19th century. Eventually the Estmero-Paretian War in would result in the surrender of Paretian holdings in north Coius, including the fortress and settlements of Cabo D'Oro. Within the next two decades Estmere would form new settlements on the Tiwuran coastline. By the late 1870s Estmere had begun efforts to push inland.
During this period, the waning Obo Empire stood as the largest block towards Estmerish expansion inland. Estmere, wanting to secure the vital Cogoday River, began drawing up plans to destroy the Obo Empire. Estmere had local allies, namely the Najo Lembuno Kingdom, whom Estmere had already fought alongside to defeat Paretia. In 1880 Estmerish marines commanded by Sir Richard Powers landed in the Cogoday Delta. At the same time, an invasion force consisting of Estmerish and Lembuno forces began their march through the Royale Mountains to secure the Obo capital. This began the Estmerish-Obo War, which lasted two years from until 1882 and resulted in the destruction of the Obo Empire. The Estmerish Marines would make their way through up the Cogoday, securing most other villages under Obo rule and convincing some to join them. The main invasion force would capture Eluala, the Obo Capital, in late 1880. The war continued for two more years as the Obo heir fought vehemently to resecure the empire until his defeat at the Battle of Azumahia. In 1883 Estmere would found the Colony of the Royal Coast. In 1880, Gaullica would establish the colony of the Ade Protectorate in the modern day Magadi.
The first governor, Lucas Bale, would grant honorary titles to locals who agreed to surrender. These rulers had limited powers and acted as local governors of villages, the ones Estmere viewed as less important or too remote. The colonial government would be moved from Cabo D'Oro to Fairmaidenton in 1901.
This new colonial government began attempts to extract resources from the region, namely palm oil in the Cogoday Delta. Fairmaidenton and Port Royal saw extensive developments of infrastructure under the second governor William James Marston. Marston would also begin the First Colonial Reforms, actions he took to increase the quality of infrastructure within the Royal Coast Colony and. These included establishing train networks further into the country, and increasing the power of local rulers in the inland areas. Marston would leave office in 1907, and would be replaced by Ralph Millingstead.
Millingstead would begin executing his ideal of creating a "Second Morwall" in Fairmaidenton. This included the first steps to industrializing the city as well as promote Estmerish immigration to the RC by advertising well-paying jobs. Several Estmerish would arrive in the cities, looking to find work within the colonial government or find fortune in the resources of the Royal Coast. Millingstead also reversed several of the First Colonial Reforms of Marston, arresting a Gundaya king in 1912 for the purpose of using his house to establish the foundation to create a new city called Banksville. He would also begin stripping away many of the powers of local rulers. Resistance to colonial rule was sparse, but in 1905 Yen Ngapna would become famous in Bahia for his writings promoting Pan-Bahianism, and was one of the seven Royal Coast delegates sent to the Pan-Bahian Congress of 1907. In 1912, after the formation of Banksville, several hundred Gundaya would take to the streets along with Yen Ngapna to protest the colonial government's actions. In response, a group of 100 soldiers were sent to Gundayaland to put down the protest, resulting in the deaths of 28 civilians. This event caused growing anti-colonial fervor from 1912-1926, with small scale protests taking hold in several cities across the nation. The rule of Millingstead saw a drastic boom in the RC's economic output, with many businesses from Euclea arriving to set up shop in the country and the colony becoming one of the world's top five exporters of palm oil. This would come to a stop in 1915 with the Great Collapse.
The collapse brought an end to the economic power the RC had, and Millingstead's policy of industrialization was completely reversed. He would resign in 1918 and be replaced by Quinn Haverford. Haverford's RC saw widespread unrest as the economy struggled to regain its strength. The white Estmerish population also would emigrate in large numbers as the opportunities of the RC vanished.
Haverford was replaced by Ulrich Reid, a Weranian-Swathish settler who arrived during the Millingstead government, in 1926. Within a year, the Great War would begin. During the first few months of the war Gaullican forces quickly would overrun the south and captured Fairmaidenton in late 1927. However, the front stalled as Estmerish colonial forces put up significant resistance along the Cogoday river and Brinrhin. However, the fall of Estmere in Euclea brought about the collapse of the defensive lines and quickly most of the colony was captured. The colonial government would evacuate from Port Royal to Werania, where Ulrich Reid would become a major supporter of Wolfgar Godfredson's Estmerish Liberation Army. During this, anti-Gaullican partisan forces in the colony would begin to disrupt occupation as major roads would be sabotaged, forcing Gaullican occupation to heavily focus on the coastal cities while many rural areas became under the de-facto rule of the partisans.
After the end of the war, the Gaullican colony of Adeland would be transferred to the Estmere, who would integrate it into the RC. The new Estmerish government after the war would reappoint Ulrich Reid as colonial governor, due to his involvement in the Fighting Estmerish forces. Much like the other Bahian colonies of Estmere, the costly effects of the war proved to be helpful to independence as Estmere would promise independence within a decade. In 1938 the Estmerish government implemented a system of self-rule in similar fashion to Rwizikuru. However, the colonial government in Fairmaidenton was unwilling to so swiftly give up control over the colony. The colonial government now included a Board of Representatives, whose purpose was to pass laws to the Estmerish-appointed colonial governor, who would veto or pass them. The board would consist of 10 members with 7 Bahian representatives and 3 Euclean representatives. The board, however, was not successful in passing laws due to the disagreement between the Board's majority and the Governor.
In 1942, Reid would be replaced by William Remington. The new colonial administration would pass even fewer laws, prompting unrest and rise of anti-colonial movements. The first would be BFARC, the Bahian Freedom Alliance of the Royal Coast. BFARC would begin to act a political party in 1944, and would secure the 3 of the Bahian seats of the Board. In 1945, oil would be discovery of oil in the Royal Coast would being more interest from Estmere in holding onto the colony for as long as possible. In 1946, with the independence of Rwizikuru, several other independence movements arose. The National Independence Movement of the Royal Coast, or NIMORC, would be formed in 1946 and posed itself as a more moderate alternative to BFARC, who were heavily painted by the Governor Remington as "radical councilists". The IIF, the Irfanic Independence Front, would also be founded in the inland regions and promoted the establishment of Irfanic law in an independent Royal Coast.
These three political groups would consolidate power in the Board by 1948, with NIMORC controlling 4 Bahian seat with 1 Euclean seat, and BFARC holding 3 Bahian seats. BFARC also would lose influence as its leadership began to split amongst ethnic lines, with one of the party's radicals, Olabode Temidare, would begin the push for the redistribution of lands under the ownership of Mwos to be distributed amongst the other ethnic groups due to their influence during the Obo Empire prior to colonization, which led to BFARC's leadership splitting into the Mwo and Reclaimer factions.
In late 1948, the Estmerish colonial government announced its plan to bring about decolonization within two years. This led to the colonial taking several actions to prepare the nation for independence. NIMORC would also gain the favor of the Estmerish government, due to their moderate political leaning and that several members supported keeping Estmerish influence in the nation. This led to Remington resigning in December 1948 and the appointment of NIMORC Representative Derrick Clearmont, who was a popular figure among the people. This new leadership began to primarily focus on preparing for independence. In early 1950 the final stages of the independence process began, the constitution of Tiwura was written and the structure of Tiwuran government was built.
President Clearmont saw several new issues arise within his first year of leadership. The nation was incredibly poor and infrastructure was non-existent inland. A primary issue of concern by the government was the ethnic and religious diversity of the nation. These groups and religions would also have historic conflict, which Clearmont believed would reignite with such a weak central government. Estmerish interests also agreed, supporting Clearmont in the promotion of the National Identity Movement, this program was focused on ending ethnic conflict and unify the new Tiwuran state. This began with the mandatory teaching of Estmerish in schools, which was successful in the more Sotirian coastal areas, where the religious usage of the language and development of the schools was helpful. However, further inland, this program saw backlash by many who believed it to be cultural erasure. One region in particular saw it negatively, Horoland. The Horo lived in the most underdeveloped region in the nation, with only two roads leading from its largest city to the neighboring states of Frontiermark and Patango. Local leaders were infuriated by the arrival of Sotirian missionaries as part of the National Identity Movement, and forced them out. At the same time, the newly formed Tiwuran Armed Forces would begin to recruit soldiers. Many Horo would join as a way to find work. These two events culminated into the Horoland region being heavily armed and resistant to the Tiwuran government, which slowly grew into resistance to any outsider entering the region. The TAF was deployed and attacked by mostly former TAF Horo fighters. This began the Horo Rebellion of 1952. The inexperienced forces of the TAF were unfamiliar with the terrain, and quickly lost 100 soldiers in a week of fighting. The Horo suffered nearly 400 however, and the battle grew more intense as religious differences were brought in to attempt to boost TAF morale and motivation. The main rebellion ended within a month, but the TAF would lose 500 soldiers and kill around 2,000 Horo rebels. Another major casualty were the civilian deaths, estimated to be around 7,000. Clearmont's reputation was damaged by the conflict and trust in the Tiwuran government by citizens sank.
In 1952, a month after the Horo Rebellion, Mwo student Kelechi Iwobi-Odoh organized the Pan-Bahianist Society of Tiwura, the nation's largest Pan-Bahianist organization. Pan-Bahianism would arise out of the criticism of the Tiwuran government and its NIM program. Iwobi-Odoh would drop out of the Fairmaidenton University and go on to lead public speeches against Clearmont. Iwobi-Odoh would go on to be blame Tiwura's issues on Estmere's overwhelming influence and that NIMORC betrayed the people by having Estmere remain in control of Tiwura's resources. Clearmont, despite advice by the TAF urging him to put Iwobi-Odoh down, let the PBST continue its operations. At the same time the city of Omamiri(Fairmaidenton until 1952), would begin to experience a spike in criminal activity. Small groups known as Ntabos, would spread across the city and conduct small thefts and burglaries. These events would threaten Clearmont's rule over Tiwura, with many in the growing TAF turning against him.
In 1953 Vudzijena Nhema would win the election in Rwizikuru, defeating Clearmont's political partner Zophar Bohannon. This spread fear among Tiwuran leaders who opposed Pan-Bahianism, especially Estmerish investors who feared that the Tiwuran oil industry may be nationalized. Another blow came when Arko Kwarteng was ousted from Asase Lewa. The TAF, however, was not willing to attempt a military coup. This would change in 1954 when Clearmont cut military funding to focus on the NIM program. This saw the loss of jobs for thousands of TAF soldiers. This camee to fruition with General Obie Chinwe leading a group of Tiwuran soldiers in Omamiri. Clearmont would then be ousted and exiled to Maucha.
Obie Chinwe would declare himself president, being supported heavily by many in Omamiri. Chinwe would reform the Tiwuran central government and purge all suspected Pan-Bahianists and socialists. Chinwe would give a speech a week later announcing his plans for Tiwura, and that Tiwura would only be able to unite under a government with the strength to do what it takes. Chinwe was also popular among Estmerish investors, who saw him as able to protect the oil industry from any threat. Chinwe would meet with oil industry leaders and form a closed-door agreement which meant that Tiwura's oil industry was now completely open to foreign investors, as long as the TAF recieved propert support by Estmere and any foreign power who thought to invest in Tiwura. In 1955 the TAF would recieve a boost of funding because of this. Chinwe, in a surprising move, redirected around 30% of these funds to infrastructure in Tiwura. This saw the development of regions such as the delta and Ouloumy. At this period the majority of Tiwurans and foreigners saw Chinwe in a positive light, until 1956 when Chinwe began changing the NIM program.
The Mwo language was included as part of the program's language education, and Chinwe would go on record stating that "the Mwo, my people, being the dominant people of my nation, deserved better than to be listed amongst those others". This sentiment began a boost in socialism in Gundayaland, as socialists and Pan-bahianists such as Iwobi-Odoh would appeal to their plight. Mwo nationalist groups such as the Cogoday Leopards would be protected, with some leaders taking up positions in the TAF. Chinwe's closest advisors agreed that appealing to Mwo interests was the best way to keep themselves in power.
In the late 50s, underground resistance movements of pan-Bahianists would conduct campaigns against Chinwe's rule, even calling him out for his apathy towards Obergond to the south. The Tiwuran-Obergond relationship was rough, with Tiwura's government openly claiming many Obergonder territories ought to be Tiwuran due for ethnic reasons. This led to a small incident along the Tiwuran-Obergonder border, in which Tiwuran troops fired upon Obergonder border patrol. This crisis lasted for a week and two nations were on the brink of war until Estmere and Werania brokered a peace agreement between the two countries. After this incident Obergond was disliked by Chinwe and many Tiwuran officials, and the rhetoric of war escalated in Chinwe's speeches. In 1960 Yemet would be formed from Obergond, but relations did not cool. In the same year the United Bahian Republic would be formed, which put more pressure on Chinwe. The Tiwuran government was showing signs of internal problems after three generals would attempt a coup in 1960. The response to this was stronger military power and that more actions would be taken against pan-Bahianists and socialists, which were easy targets by this point. This fissure put Yemet once more into the position of the enemy, with Tiwuran investment in propaganda growing to push for war with Yemet. Several reasons are given as to why Chinwe wanted a war, ranging from legitimacy as the president, to resources, to threats of pan-Bahianism, and to ethnic and religious unification.
In 1963 Yemet would join the UBR, which made them a much larger threat than before. The TAF was put through rigorous changes as troops were deployed to the southern border. All Pan-Bahianist political organizations were banned this year and the border would be fortified. In 1964, Rwizikuru would leave the UBR, which led to the UBR becoming incredibly fractured and weak. It also led to growing dispute between Yemet and Maucha over Ibabochia. Chinwe and the TAF commanders agreed this was the time to strike and deployed their soldiers and tanks to the southern border. The war would begin on June 1 with Tiwuran infantry crossing the Bulamu River into Yemet.
In June and July the Tiwuran army would make quick work of the Yemet forces along the border, conquering much of northern Yemet within a matter of weeks. The TAF would make strong gains in the west, attemping to make a quick victory through the capture of Lake Hayik and the capital. In the far east another major offensive began to try and cut Yemet off from its coastline, with quick victory in the First Battle of Musaza bringing Tiwura ever closer to their goal. Yemeti forces, however, prepared to defend the port of Lehir. Entrenchment and nationalistic fervour arose against the Tiwuran invaders. Tiwuran forces began their attempt to capture Lehir in August, but were bogged down immediately and a long siege began. The TAF also began slowing on all other fronts. In the west the TAF is halted just short of Lake Hayik and pushed back into Sud Magadi. In the captured regions of Yemet TAF forces also faced guerilla attacks, and the idea that Ouloume forces would join in with Tiwura was shattered Sotirian Ouloume guerillas banded with Irfani guerillas to sabotage the Tiwuran invasion, conducting ambushes on supply lines and troops.
- April 1966, Tiwuran troops fled across the border and Omamiri is threatened with attack, Chinwe surrenders and peace is made
- Mid 1966, Tiwuran generals, believing Chinwe a traitor and weak for his surrender, assassinate him, power vacuum opens with no successor chosen, multiple generals claim his role
- Civil war begins as socialists organize during the confusion into the Tiwuran Peoples' Union, military splits into 3 main factions
- Reese Okparro Ndulu's faction captures Omamiri in 1968, declares himself President officially and begins fighting back against TPU forces in the north and west
- 1971, Ndulu defeats the TPU and other rebel groups, declares victory and announcing he wants a rebirth for Tiwura
After the war, the new Tiwuran government was formed under Ndulu. After nearly 8 years of war, a period of reconstruction began. Within the first few months of Ndulu's reign, dozens of army officers under Tobechukwu and Uchechi would be arrested, with Ndulu proclaiming in his 1971 speech in Banksville that "all the evils of the past will be washed away by a new justice". However, by 1973 pressure from the military would force Ndulu to acquit or suspend more then half of the trials against TAF officers under Tobechukwu and Uchechi along with those arrested for crimes committed under Chinwe. This led to small protests against these trials, primarily within Gundayaland. One trial, that of Ikem Jelanee, would lead to a month of riots in mid 1972 as he was acquitted of crimes against the Gundaya people during the Yemet war. The early 1970s saw a rising tension in the peoples of Tiwura, with the remaining insurgencies keeping control over some regions where the tensions were most potent.
This would erupt in the 1974 Tiwuran Riots, with the assassination of Gundaya nationalist and independence supporter Jason Bankole. The government's response involved arresting several leaders of the riots and deploying more soldiers to keep insurgents at bay, as the military feared a new civil war beginning. These riots and protests would continue for months until they began to fall in 1975. These ethnic tensions, however, would not die down and the insurgency would continue for years. Protests would be a common sight in places such as Isowo City and Port Royal for most of the two decades after the rise of Ndulu.
During these ethnic tensions, the new government also planned on physically rebuilding and renewing Tiwura. In 1970 the Reformed Infrastructure Plan was enacted by Ndulu, where it's purpose was to rebuilt a war-torn nation and also build up new and modern infrastructure afterwards. During its first two years the program would be rebuild much of Tiwura's urban infrastructure, although repairs were limited in the rural regions. The program would shift to improving the urban infrastructure in 1973 and 1974, with the largest and most ambitious project being the controversial construction of the Ndulu Dam. The dam would be met with protest by the people displaced by it, but it would non-the-less be finished in 1974. In 1975 Ndulu announced that Tiwura would completely open the oil reserves to foreign investors, with the purpose to rebuild the economy through Euclean investment. This plan would be mildly successful, with Euclea relying more and more on other Coian nations, but by the 1980s the economy would hit a stand-still as the industry failed to grow any further and the rising tensions putting pressure on Euclean companies.
In 1979, Ndulu would begin to develop severe tuberculosis. He would step down by the end of the year as his health problems became too difficult and the military leadership around him agreed he was unfit, and so he chose Alichie Uchey to be the president. Uchey was, during the Yemet and Civil wars, a close ally to Ndulu and would be chosen for his loyalty to Ndulu. To many, however, he was incredibly controversial as reports spread that Uchey was responsible for leading Gundaya soldiers to their deaths during the Bulamu War.
Within a year he was facing a national crisis, the economy was not growing and the presence of riots grew as his reputation made him more unpopular. The early 80's saw mass famine, with the worst occurring in 1982 when multiple large cyclones would destroy and lead to starvation in the delta region. In 1984, the Tiwuran GDP began to reverse, and unemployment would spike. This would effect the ethnic tensions, as political factions arose amongst ethnic groups. In 1984, in fear of a rebellion starting due to the tensions, Uchey makes a drastic decision to hold elections in 1986. This would see the political factions turn into parties, and candidates were chosen. The election is considered by many to be one of the most disorganized and poorly conducted in history. The military would begin to also be factionalized, with different military leaders picking favored candidates. Kibwe Chipo in January of 1986, after he was given the backing of Chief of Staff Davis Eze. Chipo would be the leader of the newly formed Tiwuran Preservationist Front, a Mwo nationalist and isolationist party, and his rivals would be outmatched thanks to known interference by Eze. With the election, Chipo would win in a very slim margin, with polls being surrounded by soldiers everywhere forcing citizens to vote in certain ways.
Chipo would declare victory, and declare a new beginning for the Tiwuran republic. Upon taking office, purges would begin within the Tiwuran Armed Forces, with political rivals being ousted en masse. In 1967, local government would be abolished. The reasoning for this was that many local governments in the north and west were accused of harboring and supporting insurgents throughout the post-war years. This led to the rise of a more unitary government. The main marker of Chipo's first three years were mass arrests made against dissenters, in particular Gundaya and Zamga activists. Within these first years the insurgencies that existed began to grow, with more attacks being conducted against TAF positions in the frontier and in Gundayaland.
Tiwura's foreign suppliers, such as Estmere, would begin distancing from Tiwura due to Chipo's rhetoric. Investment from Euclea stalled, with the oil industry beginning an even sharper decline than before. In response to the continued economic stagnation, Chipo would announce a plan to make Tiwura self-sufficient. This plan included cutting diplomatic ties with Coian nations, for the purpose of keeping Tiwura outside of the conflict between the ROSPO and COMDEV divide that began splitting the continent.
In December of 1987 the Tiwuran government would also revoke autonomy to the Magadi Region, which was granted under Ndulu due to its Gaullican history. This led to massive riots in Buholaux and reports of extrajudicial killings by the newly formed State Preservation Bureau. The SPB would be formed by Chipo as a way to replace the local police forces of the country, fearing that police departments in certain regions would not adhere to national law. These would escalate with SPB deployment increasing every month in the north and west. In 1988, a hotel would be attacked by insurgents in Waguli, leading to a strong SPB response with mazars being put under surveillance by SPB officers in the following months. This would continue escalation with more attacks conducted by Irfanic insurgents, leading to the Irfan Regulation Law in mid 1989. This law would put a ban on many Irfanic religious practices. The month that followed would see the rise of an organized resistance in the west, with many joining insurgent Ashavazar Haroun in the formation of the Irfanic Liberation People's Army.
The Gundaya people were also targeted by the Chipo government, with Chipo being open about his belief that they were responsible for the loss of the Bulamu War and the rebellions that continued afterward, creating chaos. Cities like Port Royal and Odokekere would be put under what was seen as martial law to many foreigners, with soldiers being deployed in the streets. Chipo would continue these deployments, with the statement that "the Gundayaland provinces are ripe with rebellion, and we must continue our watch until they are destroyed". By 1988 thousands of Gundaya would be arrested for protesting. They were also not the only group in the north to be targeted, it also included many midlands peoples who were seen as weak by the government and supportive of the rebellion in Gundayaland. This led to the rise of Mowiya Sekoni, an activist who had fled to Estmere in 1985, but returned in 1989 to support the growing insurgency.
In 1990, Mowiya Sekoni would meet with Ashavazdar Haroun and effectively allied the two rebel factions, creating the Tiwuran Alliance of Peoples. After this event, the violence grew as more riots and more attacks were conducted by rebel forces. By the year's end rebels began capturing land in the west and north and establishing larger bases and began operating in an organized fashion. The Second Tiwuran Civil War officially started in October 1990, when Sekoni would declare "war" on the Tiwuran government, and his message would be broadcast to many cities across the nation. By 1991, the TAF would be completely pushed out of the west and north within the next few months. The government, in response, began mass conscription in the Mwo provinces and launched offensives into the midlands to split the rebel forces.
By July the rebel forces began to stall, as the government was able to form a new line of defenses surrounding the delta. Other rebel groups would join the alliance, such as factions from the Magadi and midlands. However, the TAF also began supporting militias to counter the rebellion, such as the Grand Plains Protection Army and the Sotirian Defense of the Magadi. These all would be able to stop rebel advances, along with increased support for the war by the Mwo people. The rebel forces would be widely supported by most countries, in particular Coius and Bahia, where supplies would flood in from Yemet, Asase Lewa, and Nahrun. The TAF, however, would begin to run short and by 1992 rebel forces began a new offensive along the Cogoday.
With the offensive pushing the TAF back, Chipo sought a new way to eliminate enemy forces from gaining more soldiers. This led to the plan in October 1992, when 1/3 of the TAF's forces would be moved north to launch a massive offensive into Gundayaland. This would only take a few weeks, as the overwhelming size of the attack and the lack of defenses would quickly crush resistance. The second part of the plan was to eliminate the fighting capability of the Gundaya, which would come in the fashion of massacres. For the next several months over 800,000 Gundaya civilians would be killed by TAF forces. A failure of this attack was that it left the southern front extremely vulnerable, and rebels from the Magadi would be able to reach the southern edge of the delta by the start of 1993. During this, thousands would flee Tiwura to Asase Lewa, Yemet, and Nahrune. This led to international outcry against the Tiwuran state, and support for the rebels grew.
On December 28th of 1992, only a few weeks after the true scale of the atrocities had been realized, Asalewan forces crossed the border into northern Tiwura. On December 30th the Asalewan government formally declared that an invasion of Tiwura was underway to prevent further atrocity and topple Chipo. The initial offensive by the Military was repelled, but by February of 1994 the TAF was outstretched as troops would be transferred south to defend Obon and prevent further offensives along the Cogoday.
The PRA and TAF battles throughout Gundayaland raged from February 1993 to April 1994. Isowo City came under GPF/PRA control in by April, forcing TAF forces to retreat into Elunaji and Uhiohia. Elsewhere, the advance of Asalewan and GPF forces in the north provided opportunities for ILPA forces along the Cogoday River to capture the city of Yagarkepekpe. Another issue arose in 1994, the TAF would be unable to pay for the salaries of a quarter of their army. Internal struggle between TAF soldiers and their commanders prompted heavy unrest in Omamiri as food shortages took effect. May and June 1994 saw mass protect and defection of soldiers, which prompted Chipo to order an offensive in Obon to secure the southern flank, which was partially successful. However, the high command had believed this decision was useless and on July 7th they launched a coup. Chipo would be ousted and the generals would form the Provisional Military Council as the new executive. This new command, however, was disjointed and the issues prior were not solved. The war would see the TAF slowly pushed back to Omamiri until it would eventually fall in 1995, with the TAF surrendering and the war over.
Second Postwar Period
Following the war, Sekoni would declare a provisional government in Omamiri and invited the rebel factions to form a new government with the backing of Asase Lewa. Conflict began between the Sotirian and Irfanic leaders of the rebellion. The Community of Nations would intervene, having already deployed extensive intervention during the civil war and established the 1995 Tiwuran Constitutional Convention. Haroun would demand that Sekoni allow the western provinces immense autonomy, to which Sekoni would deny. After three months, 51 Irfanic delegates to Omamiri walked out after Sekoni denied autonomy to the states. The Mwo were uninvited, and protests began in the capital to demand a seat at the table. This led to the convention moving to Isowo City, where the 1995 Tiwuran Constitution was finished. However, infighting began once again after its signing when Sekoni and Haroun began to fight over the role of Provisional Leader. The CN would attempt to instate elections, but before they could Sekoni would declare himself President and exile Haroun to Tsabara. The Asalewan PRA also would back Sekoni's declaration, and retained occupational forces until Sekoni's new government finalized. A week later he would declare that this action was necessary to fix the wrongs committed by Chipo, and his rule would only be temporary. He would call himself "Provisional President" in some cases until 1999.
This declaration led to the rebellion of several provinces in the west, with the largest being the Magadi. The TAF was in no shape to fight the rebels, so the Magadi would be de-facto independent for around two years. Other rebellions began in the Northwest, where rebels also would be independent for years. Sekoni would focus on the protection of the coastal regions, and would attempt to subside the rising tensions between the new government and the Mwo people.
After ascending to president, Sekoni would immediately begin mass arrests against anybody suspected of participating in the 1992 Massacres. The CN would try to take jurisdiction, but Sekoni only provided the highest profile arrests to the CN. Most arrested would be tried within Tiwura, where many accused the government of wrongfully convicting innocent Mwo Tiwurans. By 2000, the Sekoni government was increasingly unpopular in the south and the west of Tiwura, with the rising protests becoming more and more violent.
Under Sekoni, Tiwuran economic policy shifted towards a closer relationship with Coian nations such as Shangea and Senria. During the Sekoni leadership, Shangea would become the nation's largest investor in infrastructure, particularly in the damaged oil industry.
Sekoni would, after years of unrest and protest, begin to ease towards democratization in July of 2001, when President Sekoni announced his plan to democratize Tiwura and step down from leadership by the end of the decade. In 2002 the government would create the National Electoral Board, who would be responsible for establishing election infrastructure within the country. With this announcement, Sekoni would allow candidates to enter races for all offices within Tiwura. Two political parties would become prominent in this election. The United Movement of the People would take by Sekoni's supporters and leaders within the TAP in the civil war. The Tiwuran Democratic Party would be created by Nicholas Chukwudi and a coalition of anti-Sekoni politicians, which included military officials, Nduluists, and moderate conservatives and liberals. The elections would be held in 2003, where Chukwudi and the TDP would secure a massive majority in the Republic Assembly and the presidency, officially ending the rule of Mowiya Sekoni.
With democratization, the new Tiwuran government would see that the nation was still suffering from many issues, such as rebellion, infrastructure problems, and corruption. One of Chukwudi's first actions as president was to establish allow third-party organizations to investigate human rights violations of previous rulers. This would continue until 2005, but it was designed to ensure that all previous rulers were investigated and that political affiliation would be ignored. The effectiveness of this is relatively unknown, but most reports agree that it end up with the arrest of 700 former government officials from the previous five presidencies. This would be incredibly popular among the majority of Tiwurans, and according to several outside research groups, Chukwudi had a 74% approval rating. In 2005, however, Chukwudi's popularity would see a dip following the end of the human rights investigations and the increased military presence within the Tiwuran government. Several events involving violence involving TAF soldiers began to emerge, the general response by the TDP government was considered lackluster by many human rights organizations and opposition leaders. In 2009, this would cause a major rift in the TDP that would culminate in Enyinayya Akabueze, one of the party's founders, leaving to form the National Unity Party. The NUP was presented as a moderate between the TDP and UMP and quickly gained popularity in the north and midlands, as well as many urban areas.
The new government would also face problems regarding the ongoing conflict in the west. Chukwudi was noted going on long rants about Sekoni's response in his election campaign, calling it "disgraceful". Despite efforts by Sekoni to rebuild the TAF and end the insurgencies, they were not enough to wipe them out. The TDP would promise a strong and responsible TAF and an end to the rebels. Upon taking control, the Chukwudi would begin new agreements between Tiwura and Estmere in hopes to recieve better weapons and advisors to help train a new and rebuilding TAF. In 2004, the TAF would begin launching small offensives against rebel-held towns in the Northwest, where they were successful and would effectively subdue the rebellion. In the Magadi, a more tedious approach was taken, which included massive efforts to bring in anti-MIRIF propaganda. This would eventually be successful in 2005, where rebel forces were pushed back across the border into neighboring TBD and Yemet.
In 2011, Chukwudi would would be followed by Aondowase Nenge, who won in a slim margin against the new NUP. Nenge faced profound issues economically. Inflation would jump within his first year as president, and the government was heavily criticized for a lack of intervention. Instability within the west also resurged as the economic downturn saw a decrease in resources for the Tiwuran military. In 2013, the largest blow came witha disasterous rainy season that caused a major humanitarian crisis in the delta. Omamiri itself saw unemployment spike and thousands lost their homes, causing a month-long period of rioting in the delta cities.
Tiwura is located in Northern Bahia and lies on the western side of the Bay of Bahia. Tiwura's climate ranges from its dry and desert-like west, its grassy savannahs in the middle, and its wet tropical rainforests on the southeastern coast. The nation is extremely warm and experiences wet and dry seasons, with the southeast somestimes experiencing devastating cyclones on occasion and intense flooding. The northwest holds the opposite problem, with the ever expanding desertification. Geographically Tiwura is fairly large, with it taking up TDB square miles of land.
Tiwura's physical features center around its three primary rivers and river systems. In the south the third largest river, the Oke River, flows northwest into the Uluki Highlands. This southern region is incredibly wet and rainy and is home to many rainforests. The largest river, the Cogoday River, exists in the middle and runs across the entirety of the country flowing into neighboring TDB. The Cogoday flows down towards the Cogoday Delta, the center of Mwo people and most of Tiwura's population. In Faskarina the Ndulu Dam created Lake Tsaga, which is the nation's largest man-made lake and second largest lake overall. The final river in the north is the Brinrhin River, which flows from the nation's largest lake, Lake Karshentafiya, or Lake Erukubode in the northwest, flows across the northern plains down to the city of Isowo City, Tiwura's second largest city. South of Isowo, between Elunaji and Mwoland, exists the Tiwuran-Royale Highlands, a series of hills that splits the Najo and Mwo peoples. In the Magadi Region there exists the Magadi Hills and Lake Magadi.
Tiwura's climate ranges vastly, but generally it is more dry in the west and more wet in the east. In the farthest northwest the exists an desert climate, and almost the entirety of the western border is semi-arid climate. Most of Tiwura, from Gundayaland to the Magadi, is tropical savannah climate, with the southeast being tropical monsoon climate, and some parts of the southeast even being tropical rainforest climate.
Flora and Fauna
Tiwura is home to vast array of biodiversity. Tiwuran fauna is commonly found in other regions of Bahia. These include large mammals such as lions, zebras, Bahian elephants, hippopotamuses, rhinoceroses, northern gorillas and many more. It is also home to several bird species, including the native malimbus genus of Northern Bahia. There is also numerous plant species that live in Tiwura. These species are most commonly found in their limited habitats, mainly in Tiwura's national parks. Some notable ones include Upper Oke National Park, the Great Mountains National Park, and the Raminzaki National Park(Raminzaki from the Zamga words for Lion's Den). Tiwuran wildlife has dimished greatly in the past several decades, with multiple threats to their habitats ranging from deforestation and urbanization. There is also the illicit poaching and bushmeat industries within Tiwura, with the Tiwuran government taking action against these by creating the Environment and Wildlife Protection Service in 2007.
Government and Politics
Tiwura is a unitary presidential republic. Tiwura's central government is divided into 3 branches, the judicial, legislative, and executive. The current constitution was created in 2002 during the resignation of Mowiya Sekoni after years of unrest under his rule. This constitution led to the establishment of permanent elections and resistrictions on the power of the executive.
The Tiwuran government is centered in the capital city of Omamiri and all central government offices are located within the Omamiri Federal County. The executive branch is headed by the president, who works as both head of state and head of government. The president of Tiwura is currently Reginald Akinlabi, who has been incumbent since 2019. The president exercises several powers, including the power to appoint members of the cabinet, the powers of being commander-in-chief of the Tiwuran Armed Forces, and the ability to make treaties with other nations. The president is chosen through popular vote election every four years, with candidates being able to run for three successive terms. The president also has the power to veto laws passed by the legislative branch.
The second branch of Tiwura's central government is the Republic Assembly, the nation's legislative branch. It is bicameral with the upper house being the Senate and the lower house being the Congress. Both houses are headed by their respective Presidents. The Senate has TBD seats with each TBD holding TBD seats. The Congress is based on representation, and each member represents one of Tiwura's Electoral Counties. The lower house and upper house both can propose laws to be taken to the President, and can deny his veto if it can pass the Congress with 3/4 yes and the Senate with 2/3 yes.
The judicial branch is the third branch of Tiwura's government. Tiwura's central court system has power to override all the decisions of local court systems, including the traditional court systems found in some of Tiwura's states. The branch is centralized around the Supreme Court of Tiwura, which holds the power to cancel out any laws its justices deem wrong. Tiwuran law is based on common law, which was established under the colonial rule of Estmere, although customary law can be found and is legal in some rare instances in remote Tiwura.
Tiwura's global position has risen steadily since the end of the Second Civil War, and hasr brought Tiwura into several international organizations. These organizations include the Community of Nations, Congress of Bahian Staes, Council for Mutual Development, and Estmerish Council. These organizations have helped the Tiwuran economy grow into one of Bahia's strongest after years of military rule and civil war. These relationships have also brought Tiwura into closer relationships with other COMDEV nations and has led to the government forming a strong stance against ROSPO, with Zorasan's recent involvement in Yemet adding to this stance. Tiwura has also in recent years grew closer to Shangea, with many infrastructure projects in Tiwura being built by Shangean workers or with large Shangean investment since 1995.
Since independence Tiwura has always retained a strong relationship with Estmere, with Estmere being the nation's primary Euclean partner in almost all things, ranging from close economic support and military support from Estmere. Estmerish-Tiwuran relations would sour in the 1980s under the rule of Kibwe Chipo. These relations have since warmed up as Estmere's investment in Tiwura has returned in the form of providing military support in Tiwura's conflict in the Magadi.
Tiwuran relations with its fellow Bahian nations has changed a lot over the years. Tiwura's relations with Yemet to the south have always been strained. Today Tiwuran-Yemeti relations remain troubled due to a long history of conflict and political differences, which manifests today in Tiwura's protest against CBS involvement in Yemet. Tiwura also has a tedious relations with Asase Lewa to the north centrally due to the division of ethnic Gundayas between the two nations and the vast ideological differences between their governments. Today the two nations have warmed up, but diplomatic ties remain under constant political strain and neither natiom has sought further reproachment.
Tiwura's military, the Tiwuran Armed Forces, was founded in 1950 and has always played a major role in Tiwuran society and politics. From 1953-1986 Tiwura was under the control of military leaders that had led to the Tiwuran military having an extremely large influence in government, which still exists to this day.
The TAF gets around 2% of the national GDP, although many high-ranking military officials have been accused of stealing from this funding for personal purposes. Training for soldiers is lackluster, which has led to Estmere sending EDF advisors and trainers to Tiwura to provide the TAF with adequate training for its soldiers. The TAF Army includes several hundred armored vehicles, of them there is reportedly around 200-250 tanks in service, however these are mostly outdated equipment given to them by Estmere, Soravia, and other sources. The TAF includes a small Air Force which is extremely underfunded and only has around 50 active planes. The Tiwuran Naval Force has the luxury of experiences much more support by the Tiwuran government, which sees its operations as useful in protecting the Tiwuran oil industry. The TAF's current deployments are largely domestic, with most Tiwuran operations being against rebels and insurgents in the western provinces. The most significant of which is the Magadi Conflict, which has seen a recent explosion in violent escalation and clashes between TAF forces and rebels. These conflicts have proven extremely costly with the TAF dealing with problems such as desertion and underpaid soldiers.
Since beginning democratization in the early 2000s, the Tiwuran political world has had been considerably more stable. The new constitution sought to avoid the problems of the 1986 elections, and many problems such as political violence and coups have seemed to have been eliviated. However, many issues still reside, and politics in modern Tiwura is often regarded by most experts to be riddled with corruption, prebendalism, ethnocentrism, and religious contention. Tiwura has several major political parties, with the five largest being the National Unity Party, the Tiwuran Democratic Party, the United Movement of the People, the Sotirian Tiwura Party, and the Irfanic Interests Coalition. Despite attempts at wiping out ethnocentric parties, smaller ethnic parties have found loopholes and the major parties all are voted on extremely ethnoreligious lines, with the NUP and TDP being voted mostly by Gundaya and Mwo voters respectively. Recent insurgencies in the west have put religious divides at the forefront of Tiwuran politics, and censorship of IIC politicians has become a notable occurance in recent years. Ethnoreligious division has grown significantly in the last decade, with the parties securing votes among certain ethnic and religious groups. Another major influence in politics is still the Tiwuran military, despite efforts to reduce this after democratization, military leaders still retain many political offices and coercion and voter intimidation in certain regions still effects electoral output.
Tiwura is divided into 60 states, and these states are classified into one of three government types. The first being a provincial government, which make up the vast majority of the Tiwuran states. The second are regional governments, which are typically given more autonomy in self-government. The final is a county government, of which the only one is the Federal Capital County. Despite being given some level of autonomy, especially within the regions, the Tiwura is still a unitary state, and the central Tiwuran government has the right to dissolve any local government at any point. They also reserve the right to dismiss local government officials, such as governors, and appoint one directly from Omamiri.
As of 2020 Tiwura is home to a little over 59.1 million, 87.2% of that belonging to one of three ethnicities, the Mwo, the Gundaya, and the Zamga. The largest of these is the Mwo, 32.8% of the population, with the second being Gundaya at a little under a quarter. The third largest is the Zamga, which make up 10.2%. The largest groups after these are the Sira, the Tani, the Welke, the Awa, and the Larong, all being the only ethnicites above 1% of the population. The primary ethnolinguistic group in the country is the North-Central Bahian, or Cogodaimic , peoples. Of the North-Central Bahians the largest two groups are the Mwo and the Gundaya. Tiwura is also home to several Ouloume groups, of which Tani is the largest. There are also !Chadic peoples, these include the largest of which the Zamga. The Magadi region is home to several Gondiatic people, incluiding the Welke, Horo , and the Ororo. In Tiwura's southern regions there is also a small population of Tiwuran pygmy peoples.
Beyond the Bahian groups, there also exists other smaller ethnic groups. The largest non-Bahian ethnicity is Eucleans, of which Estmereish are the most populous. Eucleans would arrive mainly because of colonialism. Other than the Estmerish there is also a small Gaullican population in the Magadi region. Other Eucleans that reside in Tiwura include Paretians, Weranians, and Borish people. Other non-Bahian ethnicites primarily include Rahelians and Pardarians, primarily residing in the Irfanic west. There is also populations of Dezevauni people within Omamiri, most of them workers.
Within Tiwura, the predominant religion is Sotirianity, making up 72% of the population. Within this group, the largest denomination is the Embrian Communion, making up 58% of Tiwura's total population. The Church of Tiwura has been the dominant religious organization in the country since it was colonized. The other major denominations include Solarian Catholicism, practiced primarily by Ouloume people and in the Magadi region due to historical ties to Gaullican missionary efforts and Gaullican colonization in the Magadi. Gospelism, Calidonism, and Gracialism also have a significant population. Tiwura is also home to a significant number of Evangelical churches, which has risen in recent years. The largest include the Cogoday Evangelical Church, Sotirian Church of North Bahia, and the God's Word Community. There is also a small community of Abidemists within the country, mainly consisting of immigrants from Asase Lewa. The second largest religion in Tiwura is Irfan, making up 25% of the population, and almost entirely practiced in the west and in the Magadi. After that Bahian fetishism is practiced by 1%, mostly in the most remote areas in Tiwura. However, religious syncretism is extremely common in Tiwura, with a significant portion of both Tiwuran Sotirians and Irfanis practicing some form of syncretic faith. Badi is also fairly significant, and arrived into Tiwura during the early 20th century when hundreds of Dezevauni laborers settled in Isowo City to find work, or as prisoners. Irreligion in Tiwura has risen in recent years and is mostly commonly found among urban populations in Omamiri and Isowo City, particularly university students.
Around 71% of Tiwurans are bilingual, most knowing their heritage language and Estmerish. Estmerish is Tiwura's only official language as it was established during the colonial period by Estmere. Estmerish acts as Tiwura's lingua franca, being used in public spaces such as schools, government, business, and most churches. Estmerish also acts as an intermediary language between the multitude of ethnolinguistic groups in Tiwura. It is also the only language that is required in Tiwuran schools, with the notable exception of the Magadi, where Gaullican and Estmerish are taught side by side. The native languages of Tiwura are most commonly used in family settings, traditional events, or in casual small talk. The largest of the native languages is Mwo language, used by primarily the Mwo people, but it also commonly known by many other Tiwurans due to the significance of the Mwo population.
Largest cities or towns in Tiwura
Tiwuran Census Bureau, 2020 Census
|1||Omamiri||Federal Capital County||5,717,203||11||Elumbidi||Ugele Province||510,754|
|2||Isowo City||Isowo Province||2,452,011||12||Unwe||Isi Eze Province||500,281|
|3||Riverstown||Riverstown Province||1,180,242||13||Mbolobi||Oketasan Province||472,424|
|4||Odokekere||Okun Province||1,002,905||14||Banksville||Emizhi and Iniule Provinces||467,894|
|5||Akuware||Kasuweshi Province||851,000||15||Ponulo||Nimororu Province||412,557|
|6||Port Royal||Port Royal Province||729,552||16||Ruba||Njeozodi Province||412,201|
|7||Yagarkepekpe||Dooshiminya Provincce||682,212||17||Kisando||Frontiermark Province||401,991|
|8||Gawayo||Gawayo Province||634,908||18||Nukwumbigi||East Delta Province||389,017|
|9||Wonli||Wonli Province||622,829||19||Otu||Njiko Province||374,650|
|10||Buholaux||The Magadi Region||612,015||20||Ogbaopuona||Koriko Province||355,680|
Tiwuran food can come in many different forms. It has a diverse selection of dishes depending on the region or town you go to, but many common ingredients used in these dishes include a variety of spices. These include heavy use of palm oil and spices in its dishes, especially in particular sauces. Palm nut soup is a common dish serves in the country and is unofficially considered Tiwura's national dish. The Zamga in the west are famous for their kilishi, a form of jerky. Tiwura is also home to lots of tropical plants, including bananas, pineapples, and sugarcane.
An example of prominen pre-colonial Tiwuran literature that has survived to this day is the Letter Of King Agu, a letter written in Gaullican by Obo King Agu that was given to Euclean trading ports decreeing that declared that the Obo Empire would continue their slave trade. During the colonial period prominent Zamga writer Ahmad Husaini wrote theThe Often Unseen in 1912 and gained worldwide acclaim for his descriptions of colonial rural Zamgaland. Pan-Bahianist Yen Ngapna wrote his Summary of the Bahian Future, which many believe helped create the foundations of Pan-Bahianism. White Tiwuran writer Joseph Grenwich is famous for his children's stories, most predominantly The Savannah Prince. After colonialism, Tiwuran literature exploded throughout the 50s. In 1968, Farouk Husaini, grandson of Ahmad Husaini, would write Blood along the Delta, a story about the Bulamu War and the First Tiwuran Civil War. In more recent times poetry has become increasingly popular, with poet Nadia Akabueze gaining fame for her poetry in the mid 2000s.
Tiwuran music has evolved greatly over the years. Traditional Tiwuran music varies greatly depending on what region you are in, but they mostly share a common sound. Irfanic, Gundaya, and Mwo peoples have all had their influence on Tiwuran music over the years. During the 1970s, Bahiobeat arose amongst many Tiwuran musicians and was heavily influenced by foreign hip hop artists and jazz. In the 2000s Tiwura would grow its music industry, gaining popularity across Bahia, in particular the Estmerish-speaking regions. Traditional Mwo and Gundaya music have fused with other genres to form many unique Tiwuran genres that very from region to region. In the Ouloume region in the south the genre of "hip-bang" combined much of the region's traditional music with hip hop. Religious music is still popular in Tiwura, with gospel artists and Irfanic musicians raking in huge crowds for their performances.
Some examples of popular Tiwuran musicians across genres include Owen "Sooz" Chukwumeka, considered the king of Tiwuran rap and has had influence across Bahia as one of the region's most well-known artists. Other famous Tiwuran rappers include Nicholas Pepper, Isowoboys, King Agu, and Marina Nwende. Tiwuran Embrian gospel artist Anwuli Chenwu is widely known across Sotirian Bahia and has performed in Euclea. Bahiobeat artist Preston Papoola arose to popularity in the 80s and has been known for his adaptation of rock music into bahiobeat and made and still reign's as "The Tiwuran King of Rock". Bahio-pop is another genre that arose in Bahia during the recent decades and has been the style of many Tiwuran musicians such as Ade Odewayo and Obie Ngwu.
Tiwura's most played sport is association football. Tiwura has a national team that participated in international games as well as a national league for football. The Tiwuran National League is home to eight teams and is split into two and draws large numbers of spectators due to the popularity of the sport. The TNL holds championships yearly, of which the most recent champion is Riverstown F.C.. Tiwura is also home to several small regional leagues such as the Gundayaland Football Federation and the Southwestern Association Football League. Regional leagues also are incredibly popular due to cheap prices to watch the games and often draw more spectators due to their local nature and low-travel needs.
Another major Tiwuran sport is rugby, initially introduced in the 1970s and 80s by Rwizikuran influence, rugby has seen an explosion in popularity since 2003. In 2010 the Tiwuran Rugby League was founded and currently has 10 teams and hosts a national championship yearly. The current TRL champion is the Wonli Warriors. TRL's popularity in the last decade had pushed the demand for a national team to be created, and in 2018 an attempt was made but fell short due to funding problems. In 2023, however, there has been a much stronger push to create a national rugby team.
Tiwura also is home to other major imported sports, baseball and basketball, which were introduced to the country in the 1990s by Bahio-Asterian emigres. In 2012 the National Baseball Association was created and in 2017 the Tiwuran Basketball Association.
Tiwura's is home to a significant track and field presence, which is reflected in the Tiwura's track and field success at the Invictus Games. Tiwura is a historically dominant nation in international track and field competitions.