Leander Kokkinakis
Leander Kokkinakis | |
|---|---|
 Leander Kokkinakis in 1984 | |
| 30th Prime Minister of Satavia Elections: 1984 | |
| In office 4 June 1984 – 3 April 1987 | |
| President | Theron Swart Willem Steyn |
| Deputy | Patrick Turcan Paul Monaghan |
| Preceded by | Eric Edwards |
| Succeeded by | Maximilian Dumfries |
| Leader of the Liberal Party | |
| In office 4 June 1984 – 3 April 1987 | |
| Deputy | Paul Monaghan |
| Preceded by | Eric Edwards |
| Succeeded by | Maximilian Dumfries |
| Secretary of State for Education | |
| In office 18 October 1981 – 4 June 1984 | |
| Prime Minister | Eric Edwards |
| Preceded by | Damian Botha |
| Succeeded by | Marthinus De Klerk |
| Secretary of State for Health & Social Affairs | |
| In office 21 May 1979 – 18 October 1981 | |
| Prime Minister | Eric Edwards |
| Preceded by | Lachlan Goodhue |
| Succeeded by | Pieter Murell |
| Member of the Satavian Parliament for St George | |
| In office 29 November 1976 – 3 April 1987 | |
| Succeeded by | Lucian de Groot |
| Personal details | |
| Born | December 25, 1951 Pietersburg, Nuvania |
| Citizenship | |
| Political party | Liberal |
| Other political affiliations | Western Freestate Social Democratic Party (1970-1974) |
| Education | Springbank College |
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Branch/service | Satavian Army |
| Years of service | 1968-1970 |
| Rank | Trooper |
| Unit | Green Jackets |
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Term of government (1984-1987)
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Leander Kokkinakis MS CSM (/liːˈændər
Kokkinakis was born in Pietersburg, Nuvania as the youngest of four boys. Kokkinakis' parents had been prominent socialists in Piraea, but following the proclamation of the Second Piraean Republic and the beginning of political repression, the family fled to the Asterias - first to Eldmark and then onto Pietersburg in Nuvania, with the ultimate goal of moving to Victoriaburg in the Western Freestate, home to a large Piraean diaspora. Kokkinakis moved to Satavia aged four, and grew up in relative poverty; however, Kokkinakis was a talented artist and sportsman and was awarded an art scholarship to Satavia's most prestigious full-boarding private school, Springbank College in Port Hope. Kokkinakis left school at 16 and completed his mandatory two-year national service in the Satavian Army. Following the completion of his national service, Kokkinakis became politically active and began attending underground meetings of the Satavian Section of the Worker's International in Victoriaburg. Kokkinakis stopped attending meetings after only a few weeks, instead joining the less extreme Western Freestate Social Democratic Party in 1970. By 1974, Kokkinakis had joined the Liberal Party and had become the cartoonist for The Free Man - a Liberal Party-sponsored underground paper. Kokkinakis was arrested a year later for participating in subversive activities and interned for four months before being released. The following year, the Hope Province Provincial Guard overthrew the Government removed the National Party from power. In the 1976 election, Kokkinakis ran as the Liberal candidate for the Division of St George in Victoriaburg, comfortably defeating the Conservative & Country candidate by over 22,000 votes, thereby becoming the youngest elected representative in Satavia at the age of 24. Kokkinakis soon achieved prominence within the Liberal Party, and in 1979 was appointed Secretary of State for Health and Social Affairs by Eric Edwards. During his time as Health Secretary, Kokkinakis introduced several wide-reaching welfare bills during this time, including the Preservation of Life Act 1981 that severely limited the fees attached to hospitals (at that time there was no unified national health service in any province) and included a moratorium on ambulance callout fees that has not been lifted since. In 1981, Kokkinakis was appointed as the Education Secretary and oversaw vast changes to the Satavian federally-mandated national curriculum which brought him into conflict with many of the Provincial Education Boards. Kokkinakis was easily re-elected in 1980 and later played a vital role in helping negotiate an agreement with right-wing insurgents that lead to the end of the Satavian Crisis in late 1983. When Eric Edwards announced his intention to resign in early 1984, Kokkinakis chose to take part in a highly-contested leadership contest with little expectation of winning. However, Kokkinakis performed well in the opening rounds and soon found himself with major support from both Liberal elected representatives and the general public. Kokkinakis went on to win the leadership contest and on June 4, 1984, Edwards resigned and Kokkinakis was appointed Prime Minister later that day. Kokkinakis would lead the Liberals to a landslide electoral victory in 1984 Satavian federal election securing a supermajority, a feat not repeated since.
Kokkinakis' term as prime minister saw huge social reforms aimed at improving the quality of life in Satavia. Kokkinakis also introduced the first piece of legislation aimed at attempting to deal with complicated indigenous rights and land claims coupled with a landmark acceptance of the genocide perpetrated against minority groups in a 1985 speech called the Great Shame speech. Despite his unparalleled popularity whilst prime minister, Kokkinakis would ultimately be forced to resign following revelations of a homosexual relationship with a younger man, which was against the law in Satavia, and highly stigmatised. Whilst Kokkinakis was never charged by police, his political career would be ended by the affair. As he was outed during his premiership, Kokkinakis was the world's first openly gay head of government and to date Satavia's only LGBT prime minister.
Later in his life, Kokkinakis lived quietly in his Victoriaburg home. However, in 2007, Kokkinakis came out in favour of the legalisation of same-sex marriage in the Western Freestate and participated in a campaign that saw the Western Freestate legalise same-sex marriage in 2009. Since, Kokkinakis has participated in social and human rights campaigns across Satavia, and has been involved in many indigenous rights campaigns since, as recently as 2022.
Early Life
Kokkinakis was born on Nativity, 25 December 1951, in Pietersburg, Nuvania the son of Stavros Kokkinakis (Piraean: Σταύρος Κοκκινάκης) and Althaia Kokkinakis (neé Katsifaras; Piraean: Ἀλθαία Κατσιφάρας). Kokkinakis was the youngest of four boys; his older siblings were Constantine (born in 1944 in Rouvas), Ioannis (born in 1946 in Rouvas) and Dimitris (born in 1949 in Hammarvik). Kokkinakis' family were Piraeans, who were forced to flee Piraea following the proclamation of the Second Piraean Republic and the beginning of political repression in Piraea. Originally from Rouvas in Sitia, Kokkinakis' parents met and married in Rouvas aged 21 in 1942. Kokkinakis' paternal grandfather had served in the Piraean Army during the Great War, serving with distinction, before being killed during the Solarian War. Kokkinakis' father also served in the Piraean Army during the Solarian War.
Kokkinakis' parents, who had been trade unionists and members of the Piraean Section of the Workers' International, were forced to flee Piraea in the face of political repression in 1948. The Kokkinakis family first arrived in Hammarvik, Eldmark in late 1948. On account of his injuries, Stavros Kokkinakis struggled to find employment and by 1950, Stavros Kokkinakis chose to move the family to Pietersburg. Nuvania had been going through a period of economic prosperity, with many Piraean immigrants employed in the construction of social housing and other construction projects. Kokkinakis soon found employment as a low-level manager, as he was able to communicate well in both Piraean and Estmerish. However, Nuvania's strict conservative rule and racial segregation made Pietersburg an increasingly hostile environment and Kokkinakis was soon put out of work. A friend of Kokkinakis living in Victoriaburg suggested they should move to Satavia and despite finding it difficult to receive approval for his immigration request, it was eventually accepted and the family moved to Victoriaburg in 1956.
Leander Kokkinakis grew up in relative poverty, in an area of Victoriaburg known as Tarpeia. Kokkinakis' father worked two jobs to support his family, but the Kokkinakis family struggled nonetheless. Kokkinakis' older siblings, Constantine and Ioannis were forced to drop out of school aged 14 and 12 to help provide for the family. Kokkinakis' father eventually found work as a copper mine manager but was killed in an industrial accident in 1960. As a result of the Western Freestate's relaxed labour laws, and the Employment (Aliens, Compensation & Regulation) Act 1952, the owners of the copper mine gave G50 in compensation, or a little over G1,200 in 2023. To help supplement the family's meagre income, Kokkinakis often skipped school to work as a paper boy. Kokkinakis was however an extremely talented artist and sportsman, and soon found another way to make money - selling hand-drawn postcards of Victoriaburg on the street.
When Kokkinakis was 13, he was offered an art scholarship to Springbank College, an elitist all-boys private boarding school in Port Hope, traditionally reserved for members of the establishment. Kokkinakis accepted and began his first term in 1965; his contemporaries Jannie Wilson, the son of former National Party Prime Minister Daniël Wilson and Paul du Plessis, the son of then-Prime Minister Jacobus du Plessis. Kokkinakis flourished on the sports field and enjoyed art classes, but struggled academically, suffered from homesickness and was bullied by his classmates. In his later life, Kokkinakis recalled being stripped naked and tied to a tree for three hours when he was 14 before a sympathetic teacher untied him. Kokkinakis also stated that the bullying intensified when his classmates accused him of being homosexual and was a catalyst for his decision to drop out aged 16. Kokkinakis later said that his time at Springbank College, surrounded by the right-wing of Satavia's political elite, shaped his political views.
Aged 16, Kokkinakis chose to drop out of Springbank College in 1968 and was required to complete his two-year mandatory national service in the Satavian Army, having acquired Satavian citizenship in 1966. Kokkinakis joined the Green Jackets that year and was stationed in Henschhoek. Kokkinakis did not enjoy his time in the Army and particularly objected to feeling "like I was a member of the system, and in doing so I was only helping to oppress myself". Kokkinakis later revealed he struggled with his mental health whilst in the Army, and was confined to a psychiatric ward for three months in 1969 after a failed suicide attempt. Having completed his national service in 1970, Kokkinakis was honourably discharged and returned to Victoriaburg, taking a variety of jobs before finding stable employment as a construction worker. Kokkinakis continued his art and sold paintings to help raise more money. In December 1970 his mother died after a long period of illness, having been unable to afford medical treatment.
Early political career
Early political involvement
Kokkinakis began attending secret underground meetings of the Satavian Section of the Worker's International in 1970 but stopped after a few weeks; despite his prior poor experiences with members of the elite, he felt the approach taken by the party was too extreme and instead began an association with the Western Freestate Social Democratic Party. Kokkinakis spoke often and became well-known as a fiery, passionate and relatable orator.
By 1974, however, Kokkinakis had left the Western Freestate branch of the SDP and joined an underground group of Liberals, responsible for printing The Free Man, a Liberal-backed paper that was widely read in Victoriaburg, despite the local authorities' best efforts to stop its publication. Kokkinakis also began his correspondence with the exiled Eric Edwards, the leader of the Liberal Party, who was living in Rizealand at the time. Kokkinakis also befriended future cabinet ally Stefanos Dimitriadis around this time, and the two became joint editors of The Free Man together. Kokkinakis also became the cartoonist for the newspapers, under the pseudonym B. B. Botha, and his caricatures of various National Party politicians were extremely popular and distributed illegally throughout Satavia. Many of his caricatures were also published in the Estmerish press, with the Standard running a column featuring Kokkinakis' caricatures entitled "The Latest From Our Rogue Step-Child". Following a caricature of Prime Minister Hendrik Botha that depicted him as a chubby orangutang pinning medals to his chest, whilst in floods of tears, saying "Why won't anyone love me?!" in November 1975, Kokkinakis and several others were arrested for participating in subversive activities, and were interned. Kokkinakis was held without charge for four months in Causeway Prison before being released in early 1976.
As the National Party began to lose control over the country, Kokkinakis began openly giving speeches in Victoriaburg calling for the removal of the National Party and a return to free elections. Kokkinakis' openness soon earned him support amongst the local populace, and he became the face of the Liberal Party in the Western Freestate. In September 1976, the Hope Province Provincial Guard removed the National Party from power and later that same day, Kokkinakis lead a mob of people, supported by local policemen, to the provincial parliament of the Western Freestate, where Kokkinakis and the police removed the Premier of the Western Freestate, Felix Lighter from parliament.
Backbench MP
Once Johannes Klopper, who was serving as interim Prime Minister, reinstated the Satavia Act, 1936 and repealed the Satavia Acts issued by the National Party, Klopper made it clear he intended to call for a federal election as soon as possible. Kokkinakis, partly thanks to his Piraean roots, was selected to run in the Division of St George in the hastily drawn-up electoral map (itself based on the electoral map of 1936). St George was the only minority-dominated electoral division, where some 81% of voters were of Piraean ancestry in 1976.
Kokkinakis was running against three other mainstream candidates; Hubert Giroud of the Conservative & Country Party, Louise McKay of the United Party and Peter Clifton of the SDP. Kokkinakis and Giroud emerged as front-runners in the division, and lead vastly differing campaigns. Giroud attacked Kokkinakis at every stage; including referring to him on multiple occasions as "flamboyant" and a "quean". Kokkinakis chose to run a quiet campaign, confident in victory amongst the large Piraean electorate. On November 6 - just twenty days out from polling day, Giroud was quoted, perhaps inaccurately, as calling for an end to mass immigration and suggesting Satavia would be "flooded with ethnics, koelies and dirty migrants". Kokkinakis used the quote against him on late-campaign posters and even quoted it in a speech he gave on November 20. Kokkinakis would go on to win the division in a landslide; taking a 22,176 majority and becoming Satavia's youngest elected MP, aged 24.
Despite his friendship with Eric Edwards, Kokkinakis was not offered a cabinet position. Edwards later stated that had the Liberals won an outright majority - and not been forced into a three-party coalition with Labour and the SDP, Kokkinakis would almost certainly have been offered a cabinet position. Undeterred, and despite having no legal history, Kokkinakis played a key role in the drafting and writing of the Satavia Act of 1976, and by extension, the alterations to the Satavian constitution.
In 1978, Kokkinakis lead a campaign targeting the lack of healthcare provisions across Satavia, and the unavailability of healthcare in many parts of the country, particularly by the poorest in society. Kokkinakis was appointed to the House of Representatives Committee on Healthcare and encouraged the Prime Minister to introduce legislation that would help bring about the creation of a federal-supported welfare state, as seen in Euclea. Despite having Edwards' support, the SDP were against the proposals - their leader Patrick Turcan, writing to Edwards, explained - "it's simply not viable... we cannot expect the poor to pay for the rich to see a doctor". Despite the setback, Kokkinakis whipped up public support and demonstrated his characteristic charisma, declaring to a crowd at a political rally in Port Hope - "Why should we die needlessly whilst they profit?". Kokkinakis persuaded Edwards to introduce the Healthcare Bill in late 1978; it passed through the House of Representatives in its second reading but was thrown out by the Senate.
Cabinet minister
In Edwards' 1979 cabinet reshuffle, Kokkinakis, who by now had earned a reputation as a fiery speaker and an authority on healthcare, was appointed Secretary of State for Health & Social Affairs, replacing Lachlan Goodhue. In Kokkinakis' maiden speech as Health Secretary, he called for "a hurricane of reform" and attacked the private healthcare providers, many of which had been established by and with the support of the National Party government. Just one month into his role, Kokkinakis introduced the Federal Insurance (Healthcare) Bill to parliament. The bill aimed at providing federal health insurance to those living below the income tax threshold, and despite some difficulties in the House of Representatives, ultimately passed through the Senate with the support of the United Party. Kokkinakis later described it as his "first achievement", and according to Estmerish historian Sigur Haroldsson, the act paved the way for the resurrection of the Satavian welfare state that had been started by Sydney Warwick in the 1900s.
In the 1980 election, Kokkinakis easily won re-election, extending his margin of victory to 44,359 votes (at that time a record, only surpassed by himself in 1984 and later Edward Norton in 2009). During his campaign, Kokkinakis spent only four of the fifty-two-day campaign in his constituency. Nonetheless, the Liberals, as well as the Conservative & Country party, suffered a wipeout defeat in the Western Freestate, with the majority of seats going towards the United Party and SDP, both of which were based in the Western Freestate. Kokkinakis was one of four Liberal MPs who did not lose their seats in the Western Freestate.
In a debate in the House of Representatives on March 16 1981, Kokkinakis was forced to apologise after referring to Theophilus Verwoerd, the leader of the United Party, as a "pissant of a man, [and] a miserable excuse for a human being". The incident marked the first in a long line of insults that Kokkinakis used to refer to his political rivals that were regarded as uncouth but effective and endeared him to the Satavian public.
Despite holding a relatively minor ministerial position, a 1981 survey found that Kokkinakis was the third most recognisable politician, after Eric Edwards and Ben De Villiers. Kokkinakis used his notoriety, largely attributed to his un-parliamentary language and frequent outbursts, to push his agenda within cabinet. In May 1981, Kokkinakis introduced an amendment to the Federal Insurance (Healthcare) Act 1979 which included a moratorium on ambulance callout fees, with the state covering the cost for all Satavian citizens. The proposal was extremely popular amongst the Satavian electorate; and despite fears that it may not pass through the Senate, fourteen members of the opposition dissented and it was signed into law by the President later that month.
Kokkinakis, emboldened by his success, persuaded Edwards to allow him to introduce the Preservation of Life Act 1981 to parliament. The act was wide-ranging, and severely limited the fees hospitals could charge patients (and was primarily based on income). The act was seen as part of the government's response to the De Ruyter incident, in which a bypasser injured in a bomb attack in Port Hope was charged G146,000 for his medical care (just under G1,000,000 today). Despite his successes as Health Secretary, Kokkinakis was appointed Education Secretary in Edwards' 1981 cabinet reshuffle.
On 12 May 1982, Kokkinakis was the target of a second assassination attempt by members of the far-right ultranationalist organisation Oranje Liga. Two armed perpetrators fired fourteen shots at Kokkinakis whilst he was giving a speech at the opening of a new high school in Windstad. Remarkably, Kokkinakis was unscathed but the school's new head teacher was treated for a minor injury. Kokkinakis later joked that the shooters "must [have] been Liberals at heart". The attack came just three weeks after a bomb exploded at the hotel Kokkinakis was staying in, the Crown in Port Arthur, which left twelve dead and several hundred injured, although Kokkinakis was not the target of the attack.
Kokkinakis worked to challenge the Provincial Education Boards, who he viewed as far too powerful in deciding what children in Satavia were taught. For example, the teaching of the theory of evolution was illegal in the Orange Province, whilst the teaching of creationism in science classes was illegal in the neighbouring Hope Province. Kokkinakis introduced legislation that worked to limit the powers of the various Provincial Education Boards, and in July 1982 the government created the Federal Education Council, a regulator that oversees the Provincial Education Boards. Additionally, Kokkinakis brought sweeping reforms to the federal curriculum itself, forcing certain classes and topics to be taught throughout the country.
In December 1982, at the instigation of Edwards, Kokkinakis, Justice Secretary Bill Stanley and Defence Secretary Willem Steyn met with Hendrik de Wiss, the leader of the far-right extremist group De Volksmilitie, for the first time. The four met in a series of secret meetings, later known as the Vooneeaboo Talks, where they began negotiating a resolution to the Satavian Crisis. For three months, a deal - which controversially included immunity from prosecution for De Wiss - was agreed upon to end the Satavian Crisis. On 17 February 1983, De Wiss agreed to an immediate cease fire and a version of the agreement was distributed by the Satavian Government the next day. Although fighting did not end immediately, particularly as many groups such as the Oranje Liga were still operating, by the end of 1983 it had mostly fizzled out, although isolated attacks continued up until as late as 1995. Although Kokkinakis' role in ending the Satavian Crisis was largely unknown at the time, the declassification of the Vooneeaboo Papers documenting the talks in 2013 and the publication of Eric Edwards' autobiography the following year shed further light on his role. Edwards credits Kokkinakis as "instrumental... perhaps the most important player in ending [the crisis]".
One year following the cessation of major hostilities, Edwards announced on 20 February 1984 that he intended to resign as prime minister, citing his deteriorating health. Whilst the news came as a shock to many, Edwards had already informed Kokkinakis of his decision some two weeks before the announcement to the public. Kokkinakis was one of twelve candidates who qualified to run (at the time, a candidate required five MPs to back their entry) but by the time nominations closed on 21 May, Kokkinakis was one of only five remaining candidates. Two front-runners - Pieter Murell and Marthinus de Klerk had withdrawn in favour of Kokkinakis. Three members of the right faction stood whilst two in the party's left faction remained as candidates. Although Kokkinakis came third in the first MPs ballot (behind Theodore Kerris and Maximilian Dumfries), Kokkinakis soon gained the support of the right faction members of the Liberal Party, as well as several of the left faction members. Kerris and Dumfries, both two of the most senior members of the Liberal Party, were noted rivals who took increasingly different policy stances and many believed their animosity would only serve to divide the party. Kokkinakis presented himself as the "unity candidate", and on the third ballot finished first ahead of Dumfries and Kerris. Following Kerris' defeat, he backed Kokkinakis over Dumfries. On 1 June the final ballot was held in the Orangery of the Parliament of Satavia, and Kokkinakis was duly elected leader having defeated Dumfries 34-14. The SDP, who were in coalition with the Liberals, soon voiced their approval for Kokkinakis and on 2 June federal SDP leader Patrick Turcan confirmed that he was willing to continue serving as deputy prime minister under the agreement the SDP had reached with Eric Edwards in 1980.
On June 4, Edwards met with president Theron Swart and handed in his resignation, whilst recommending the president to invite Kokkinakis to form a government. Swart did so later that day, and Kokkinakis was sworn in as prime minister at 16:30 SST, and his cabinet suggestions - largely unchanged from Edwards' - were accepted by Swart two hours later.
Prime Minister of Satavia
Kokkinakis selected his first ministry, giving himself the equality portfolio in addition to his role as prime minister. Kokkinakis appointed several SDP members to his cabinet per the supply and demand agreement, whilst also securing senior cabinet promotions for his allies. Kokkinakis gave his first speech as prime minister to the House of Representatives on 5 June. In a now-famous speech, he likened the divisions within Satavian society to the struggle of fighting the Great War, and called for "winds [to] rush forth and blow away the old order".
You ask of my policy? My plan? My dreams? I share one dream, a dream that was not mine but one that I have fought for, and will fight for, for the rest of my life - of this, you can be assured. It is a dream I shared with Edward Limes, who through those dark and terrible times, wracked by illness, self-hate... perhaps even by guilt - devoted himself to fighting. He fought for what was right, setback after setback... he fought for Satavia until that fight consumed him and he too, paid the ultimate price. He once had a dream, a dream that I share, of a New Satavia; a healed Satavia. An equal Satavia, for all peoples regardless of race or creed. We have in this country, again, again and again, torn open our scars and let ourselves bleed out. The injustices in our society are numerous; the implications are severe. Several years ago, I promised I would release a hurricane of change, and now the winds must rush forth and blow away the old order, and replace it with the new.
Kokkinakis' speech was well received by the left wing but was regarded as dangerously radical by members of the opposition Conservative & Country and United parties. On 21 June, following the news that the former King of Estmere and Satavia's final King Richard XIII had passed away, Kokkinakis lead tributes to him in the House of Representatives describing him as a "tragic figure who never stopped loving his country, nor his fellow man" and praised him for his intervention in Estmere arguing for the liberalisation of Estmere's sodomy laws.
Election campaign
With the 1984 federal election held in November, the parliamentary shutdown process began in September and parliament was dissolved to campaign. Kokkinakis visited his constituency first and was met with overwhelming support. Content with his seat, Kokkinakis began touring Satavia to raise support for the Liberal Party. Kokkinakis had hoped to be able to form a majority government without requiring the support of the SDP. Additionally, long-serving President Swart announced that he would step down - and as was the custom, Kokkinakis was able to choose his candidate for president, inviting former Defence Secretary and close ally Willem Steyn to run as the Liberal candidate. Kokkinakis was met with a crowd of 55,00 people at the Arena in Victoriaburg; similarly, large crowds met Kokkinakis wherever he went.
By 4 November, polling suggested Kokkinakis would sweep both the House of Representatives and the Senate; four of the five major national newspapers had endorsed Kokkinakis, whilst the Satavian Economic Review refused to endorse a candidate. Kokkinakis engaged in a television debate on 8 November alongside Ben de Villiers (leader of the opposition and Conservative & Country Party), rival Theophilus Verwoerd (leader of the United Party) and Patrick Turcan (leader of the SDP). During the debate, Kokkinakis and Verwoerd began interrupting each other in a spat that ultimately lead to Kokkinakis calling Verwoerd an "κώλος" (ass) in a widely publicised remark. Despite the worst fears of Kokkinakis' campaign team, Kokkinakis' popularity increased dramatically after the debate. Both Verowerd and De Villiers tried to portray Kokkinakis as childish and resorting to petty insults when seriously challenged, but the more press attention garnered by the incident only boosted Kokkinakis' campaign. Kokkinakis portrayed himself as "an ordinary bloke" - indeed, the phrase was printed on many of his campaign posters and would later be the inspiration for his autobiography, Still Just an Ordinary Bloke.
It was clear that Kokkinakis would win the election in a landslide by 15 November; De Villiers publicly admitted that the Conservative & Country Party could no longer prevent the Liberal Party from winning. Exit polling on election day, 23 November, was so heavily in favour of the Liberal Party that TripleN called the election for the Liberals just thirty-six minutes after counting began; the SBC called the election for the Liberals after seventy-four minutes. Just five hours after counting began, Ben de Villiers phoned Leander Kokkinakis to congratulate him on his victory. It would be a full twenty-four hours before the results were clear; the Liberals had secured a supermajority for the first (and to date last) time in Satavian history - a national majority in addition to a majority in all six provinces, as well as the Central Territory. The Liberals emerged with 89 of the 119 available seats in the House of Representatives and 65 of the 84 available seats in the Senate, winning 65.94% of the popular vote. The Conservative & Country Party suffered their worst-ever electoral defeat, winning only 12 seats in the House of Representatives, and 11 in the Senate with a meagre 14.07% of the popular vote. Ben de Villiers only won re-election in the Division of Johnson by 231 votes, whilst SDP leader Patrick Turcan was defeated in his constituency, the Division of Exeter Point by future Liberal Prime Minister Milo Malan, who was entering parliament for the first time.
On his election, he became Satavia's youngest ever elected prime minister aged 32 years, 10 months and 29 days.
Majority government
With Kokkinakis' newfound majority, he set about forming a new cabinet. He promoted key cabinet allies such as Paul Monaghan, the deputy leader of the Liberal Party, whom he made deputy prime minister and Secretary of State for the Civil Service (despite this office usually being held by the prime minister). Additionally, Theodore Kerris was promoted to Treasurer, Daniël Pieterson was appointed Attorney-General, Bill Stanley became Home Secretary and Lachlan Goodhue filled the vacancy at the Department of Defence made by the outgoing Steyn. Kokkinakis also promoted several members of the left-wing faction, including Dumfries - whom he had beaten to the leadership of the Liberal party - who was appointed Justice Secretary. Kokkinakis hosted the Chief Minister of Nuvania, Johnathan Keaton in Port Hope in January 1985; Keaton and Kokkinakis met and primarily discussed security and the strategic importance of maintaining a bulwark against socialist influence in the Arucian Sea. Despite concerns that Kokkinakis - as a result of his left-wing views and influences - would be more accepting of socialist advances, these fears were quickly dispelled. Additionally, the two laid the foundations for the Van Horn Free Travel Agreement which sought to increase access between the two countries. Kokkinakis' foreign policy, which has been described as conservative, was dedicated to increasing international cooperation and "reopening Satavia". In June 1985, he visited Estmere where he met with Estmerish prime minister Robert Reynolds. The two discussed, amongst other things, the future of the Embrosphere - of which Kokkinakis was an eager supporter. Kokkinakis hoped to increase trade and reduce barriers between Satavia and Estmere, and whilst addressing a joint sitting of the Parliament of Estmere, declared "Satavia is back in business!". Kokkinakis was the first Satavian prime minister to undertake an official state visit to Estmere since Sydney Warwick in 1924, attending the final Prime Minister's Conference. Additionally, Kokkinakis agreed to a defensive agreement with Estmere that saw the two countries increase military cooperation, as well as agreeing to Estmerish use of Daga Roa Naval Base.
Kokkinakis launched an ambitious public works project in 1985 that included the construction of the new East-West Highway (M10), which was built to run from Victoriaburg to Macquarie. The M10 linked many existing minor roads and created Satavia's longest highway. Later that year, the Kokkinakis government also introduced the .sv top level domain and created a new, short-lived government ministry - the Department for the Internet.
Kokkinakis coupons
As part of Kokkinakis' campaign to reduce the economic divides in Satavia, his government introduced and passed the Provision & Availability (Food) Act 1985 on 14 August 1985, which introduced a food stamp system, popularly known as Kokkinakis Coupons. Kokkinakis coupons were paper-printed notes that resembled the Satavian guilder and were consequently printed by the Federal Printing Office. They were distributed to low and no-income households across Satavia and proved immediately successful in helping to reduce poverty in Satavia. Kokkinakis coupons remain in widespread use today.
The opposition criticised the cost of the coupon system; Ben de Villiers accused the government of "fantasy economics", telling the House of Representatives on 23 August 1985 that "the government, and the prime minister, live in a land of fairy tales and happy endings; I shall be happy to discuss the features of a balance sheet with the prime minister after today's session if he so wishes! Perhaps, however, as a former cartoonist and construction worker he feels he is already more than qualified to run an economy". Kokkinakis retorted - "and shall I remind you, Mr Speaker, of the last time somebody let him [Ben de Villiers] near a balance sheet - the bank went bust!", alluding to the collapse of McWirter Bank in 1975, during which time Ben de Villiers was working as an executive at the bank. It had become clear and was reflected in polling results, that Kokkinakis was getting the better of De Villiers in parliamentary debates. On 18 September, Kokkinakis reached his peak of popularity - an unrivalled 81% of Satavians voiced their approval. The closest a prime minister has come since was Edward Norton in January 2012, who recorded a 73% approval rating. Consequently, it has often been claimed that during his premiership, Kokkinakis was the most popular prime minister in Satavian history.
Indigenous rights
Kokkinakis was an outspoken supporter of recognising indigenous rights and was a founding member of the Allies of the Satavian Indigenous Peoples (ASIP) group. Kokkinakis was unusually proactive about indigenous rights, and recognition of the suffering inflicted upon indigenous people by colonisation. Ben de Villiers criticised him for his stance, claiming that "as an immigrant, you have no right to lecture true Satavians on what our ancestors did or didn't do". The comment caused controversy, but De Villiers refused to apologise. Kokkinakis attended a dinner at University College Port Hope on 28 October 1985, where he gave a speech now known as the "Great Shame speech". Kokkinakis told the audience:
I turn, now, briefly, to our indigenous people. I speak not of the Asteriaaners, but of the Arawak and the Chibcha, who roamed this beautiful island for thousands of years before Eucleans arrived in their boats and drove them from their homes. We do not think about the natives of this country because, for so many years, the few who survived the slaughter have been hidden away, deep in the rainforests of the Central Territories. We look to our neighbours, with their large indigenous populations and glorious pasts, but do not think for a moment to wonder: where is our indigenous population? We have, in a way that is unparalleled throughout the new world, erased any mention of them. Where are their monuments? Their temples? Their cities? Their gods? The truth is that we have systematically destroyed their culture, their language, their customs, their memory. For many of us, history starts on August 22, 1541, when Jan van Breybach landed at Sandy Cove and tamed the dark, bleak empty wilderness. We strive to ignore what came before. Truly, it is our "Great Shame", one that we may never play down.
Kokkinakis' speech led to the widespread usage of the term "Great Shame" which is now used to describe the period from the early 1600s until the early 1900s when indigenous settlements and monuments were destroyed, in addition to the systematic genocide of Satavia's indigenous population. His government introduced and passed the Indigenous (Land Ownership) Act 1985 that recognised that indigenous people and their descendants had an interest in the use of publicly-owned land in Satavia as it was appropriated without compensation. Additionally, the act recognised that large swathes of the Central Territory belonged to the indigenous people. The act was later superseded by the Rainforest and Indigenous Homeland Protection Programme that lasted until it was unilaterally cancelled by the Conservative & Country government of Arthur Warwick in 2023.
Secularisation and religious freedom
In March 1986, the Kokkinakis government introduced the Religion (Freedom, Worship & State) Act 1986. The original text of the act removed the Satavian Reformed Church as the official state church of Satavia, and caused uproar across the country, even amongst Liberal supporters. The act would have legally made Satavia a secular state and was deeply unpopular amongst the 91% Kasperist population. On 13 March, Kokkinakis was attacked in Parliament, even by members of his party and was forced to announce an amendment later that day that would symbolically retain the Satavian Reformed Church as the state church, whilst effectively separating religion from state. Although there remained significant opposition, enough Liberal MPs who initially opposed the bill voted in favour and it eventually passed through the House of Representatives and Senate.
Despite the major opposition the act faced, and how extremely divisive it was, Kokkinakis felt it was one of his greatest achievements as it ensured the rights of the minorities to practice their faith without facing discrimination. Kokkinakis was a staunch supporter of religious freedoms; in late 1986 he intervened in a legal case between the Hope Province government (controlled by his Liberal party) and several members of Port Hope's Irfanic community, who were suing the provincial government over their refusal to approve the construction of a mazar in central Port Hope. Kokkinakis advised the Attorney-General to examine whether the provincial government's refusal contravened the Religion Act - finding it did, Kokkinakis invested federal funds into the creation of the first mazar in Satavia, which was opened in 1988 and bears a plaque to commemorate his intervention.
Social welfare
In late 1986 the Kokkinakis government began the most ambitious social welfare programme in Satavian history. The Public Welfare Act 1986 introduced huge new public service spending measures, particularly on healthcare and expanding on Kokkinakis' federal health insurance scheme. The minimum wage was raised from G2.50 per hour to G4.11 per hour (the largest hike since the introduction of the minimum wage in 1911) and labour laws were toughened significantly. Additionally, for the first time, a federal benefits system to supplement the provincial benefits system was introduced, all aimed at reducing the economic gap and supporting low-income households in Satavia, and those living under the poverty line.
Additionally, in January 1987, the Kokkinakis government introduced the Free Choice Act 1987 which removed taxes levied on contraceptives, launched targeted campaigns encouraging birth control and legalised abortion under limited circumstances throughout Satavia (although a later legal challenge by the Orange Province government ruled this unconstitutional). The widespread upheaval of the Satavian political order lead him to be declared "The Great Reformist" by the Red Sunday of Estmere. It attracted significant international press attention as Satavia became the first country in Asteria Inferior to legalise any form of abortion. Satavia's abortion laws would later be expanded in 2000, but are today regarded as somewhat restrictive, and procuring an abortion on request remains illegal. Kokkinakis was attacked by many for his stance on abortion, especially within the Asteriaaner community, and the changes were deeply unpopular within the "blue north" (Arundel and the Orange Province).
In response to criticism by the opposition over the government's "runaway spending", Kokkinakis told the House of Representatives that "the goal of a government is to collect money and spend money: nothing more, nothing less".
Scott Affair and downfall
On March 29 1987, Bob Lecker published an exposé of Leander Kokkinakis' "sordid love life" which alleged he was a homosexual who had engaged in at least a dozen "improper relationships" in the past six years. Lecker's six-page report, published in the Northport Koerant further provided detailed descriptions of his alleged lovers and divulged further deeply personal information. The following day, the article was reprinted in many Satavian newspapers and became the forefront of political discussion. The article was also republished in several foreign countries, including Estmere and Nuvania. Kokkinakis initially refused to comment and attempted to continue governing "as if nothing had happened", whilst a government spokesperson said that he could not comment on "demeaning and unsubstantiated rumours". Behind closed doors, Kokkinakis was said to be so furious he destroyed his prized cricket bat, used by Lachy Colston to hit a century in a test against Estmere fifty years earlier.
By April 1, media scrutiny reached such a stage that Kokkinakis was forced to state the House of Representatives, where he denied "these defamatory rumours" and said of his disgust at the "salacious appetite of the press". The SBC, who had so far refused to report on the story, broadcast Kokkinakis' statement on the radio and the news. An internal investigation, which had commenced soon after the story was reported, traced the source of the story to Kokkinakis' diary, which had been meticulously photographed and copied by a 19-year-old intern by the name of Joel Scott. It was later revealed that Kokkinakis had started a relationship with Scott some six months before the publication of Lecker's dossier. Scott later claimed in an interview under caution with the Hope Province Police Constabulary that Lecker paid him G15,000 (or €7,500) to copy the diary; Lecker denied he had paid Scott, but bank transfers obtained by the police pointed to the contrary. Later conspiracy theories arose from the incident, most prominently that De Villiers and the Conservative & Country Party had paid Lecker to publish the dossier, something De Villiers and Lecker denied.
Although the last provinces to decriminalise homosexuality had done so in 1976, it was still an offence and remained heavily stigmatised. On April 2, the fact that the origin of the story was Kokkinakis' diary was leaked to the press and therefore later that day Kokkinakis was forced to amend his comments in the House of Representatives, where he stated that the dossier was "not necessarily untruthful". On April 3, Kokkinakis again appeared in front of the House of Representatives to announce his resignation stating:
It has been something that has hung over me all my life; and in many ways, it seems prophetic that my love for my fellow man has condemned me. I have taken the decision, in light of this media circus, to stand down as prime minister and as a member of parliament with immediate effect. I pray that one day I will live in a world where people are brave enough to not be saddled with misconceptions and hate. Thank you, Mr Speaker.
Whilst Kokkinakis tried to frame his resignation as being entirely because he was homosexual, and later claimed it was for mental health reasons, some have suggested had he not resigned he would have at the very least been censured for deliberately misleading the house. The post of prime minister was left vacant for two days until Maximilian Dumfries filled the position two days later, on 5 April, after being elected unopposed as leader of the Liberal Party. Dumfries' purge and radical socialism deeply alienated the electorate, and within a year the Liberals would lose power to Ben de Villiers' Conservative & Country party.
Later life
Following his resignation, Kokkinakis returned to live quietly in his Victoriaburg home. In a poll held two months following his resignation, some 63% of Satavians said, despite his resignation, they retained a positive opinion of him. Kokkinakis was absent from the public eye for the remainder of the century, refusing at least seventeen interview requests from the SBC between 1988 and 1999. Nonetheless, Kokkinakis continued to play an active role in his local community. In 1990, The Hope Post reported that Kokkinakis had started painting again and selling his art to private collectors. In 2001, some of Kokkinakis' art was placed on display as part of a private collection display at the Spálgleann University for the Fine Arts. Kokkinakis also spent many hours a day helping run a local cricket club for boys and girls living in the poorest communities of Satavia during this time, one of whom was future Satavia cricket international Paddy McCloskey.
Kokkinakis' public image declined in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s primarily as a result of the economic decline that the Conservative & Country party blamed on his rampant spending. However, his image was greatly rejuvenated in the early 2000s. The publication of Eric Edwards' autobiography and the declassification of the Vooneeaboo Papers greatly helped his political image, as did an interview with incumbent Prime Minister, and Conservative & Country Party politician, Edward Norton who told the SBC that "Whilst we would not have seen eye to eye, I admire him greatly. He was the best prime minister this country had since '76".
In 2007, Kokkinakis resurfaced from obscurity to announce his support for the same-sex marriage campaign. Kokkinakis soon became the face of the campaign, and he returned to the Satavian political scene as a social activist. In 2009, the Eastern Provinces legalised same-sex marriage largely thanks to the awareness the campaign raised, followed shortly by Kokkinakis' native Western Freestate in 2010. Since, Arundel and the Central Territory have both legalised same-sex marriage, leaving only the Orange Province retaining laws preventing same-sex marriage. Kokkinakis has also campaigned in favour of greater recognition and protection of indigenous peoples, as well as being at the forefront of the political debate over trans rights in Satavia.
Personal life
Kokkinakis' oldest sibling, Constantine, died in 1989 aged 45 from a heart attack, survived by his four children and wife. Meanwhile, Dimitris disappeared in the Central Territory in 2003 and was declared dead in 2006, although his remains were never found. Ioannis married four times and has six children but is estranged from two and returned to Piraea in 1980, where he still lives. Although Kokkinakis has been secretive around his personal life, even after he re-emerged, he has had at least six different love interests since his resignation in 1987, the longest lasting being Bryce MacDermott (born 1973), whom Kokkinakis dated for six years between 2000 and 2006. Despite his vocal support for same-sex marriage and its subsequent legalisation, Kokkinakis has never married or been engaged. It was reported in 2015 that Kokkinakis and De Villiers, who were once staunch rivals, had resolved their differences and become friends, primarily through their shared love of red wine, as well as tawny port and stilton cheese.
Kokkinakis was raised as an Episemialist and continued to practice throughout his early adult years. Kokkinakis later claimed that although he still regularly attended services, he felt it was increasingly difficult to reconcile the Church's teachings on the sinful nature of homosexuality and his feelings.
Kokkinakis was trilingual and spoke Asteriaans, Estmerish and Piraean fluently; he also claimed to have passable knowledge of Gaullican. His first language and mother tounge was Piraean, and he spoke in both Asteriaans and Estmerish with a noticable Satavo-Piraean accent.
Kokkinakis enjoys sports and has been a season ticket holder at the Rheas for the past twenty years. Kokkinakis has previously expressed his love of cricket, and has run community cricket training sessions in the past but due to his advancing age has had to take a step back. Kokkinakis has been supportive of Satavia's other minor sports, such as soccer and baseball.
Kokkinakis is a known dog lover; he is patron of the Western Freestate Animal Rescue Charity. Whilst serving as premier, Kokkinakis had two dogs; both Satavian Kelpies, one called Lino and the other named Dusty.
Legacy and evaluation
Kokkinakis has been regarded as Satavia's most progressive prime minister and also is frequently regarded as its most effective. Thanks to his huge majority, political scientist Jean Dupont states that Kokkinakis achieved more in his relatively short term than almost any other prime minister in Satavian history. Additionally, Kokkinakis enjoys a positive reputation and is often presented as having done more for "common Satavians" than any prime minister before or since. He is often regarded as a classic example of a victim of homophobia, and when he came out during his final speech as prime minister, he became the world's first openly gay head of government, and to date Satavia's only openly gay head of government. His reforms have been described as some of the greatest in Satavian history that had "earth-shattering effects" and "greatly improved the lives of millions of Satavians".
However, opponents have criticised his uncontrolled spending and Dupont reports that it is often said that had Kokkinakis remained in power for an extended time, Satavia may have been heading for an economic disaster. Satavia's economic weakness in the late 1990s is often attributed to Kokkinakis' "runaway spending". His fall from grace has also been attributed as a catalyst for the dominance of the Conservative & Country Party since; proponents of this theory believe that Kokkinakis' resignation and the subsequent appointment of far-left Maximilian Dumfries lead to the split within the Liberal Party that has not yet healed. Since Kokkinakis' resignation, the Liberal Party have held power for 8 of the past 36 years.
Four streets in Satavia are named for Kokkinakis, including one in his native Western Freestate. Additionally, a street in Alikianos, Leandros Kokkinakis Road, is named after him. A national park in the Central Territory that stretches between Fort Jane and Hoopfontein is also named for him, whilst the House of Representatives electoral division of Portlemouth was re-named to the Division of Kokkinakis in 2021. He has a cricket ground in his birthplace of Pietersburg named after him. Kokkinakis remains the only Satavian prime minister of Piraean descent.
Honours
Domestic
1982: Member of the Exalted Order of the Crocodile River, for "services to the people and institutions of the Western Freestate"
2005: Companion of the Satavian Order of Merit, for "services to Satavia"- 2011: Member of the Order of Satavia, "for life-long service to the Satavian people"
Foreign
- Template:Country data Estmere: Grand Cross with Special Class of the Order of Estmere
Piraea: Knight of the Collar of the Order of the Redeemer
Puramape: Grand Cross of the Order of the Republic
Published works
- Kokkinakis, Leander (2014). Still Just an Ordinary Bloke. Port Hope: United Publishing Corporation (UPC).
- Kokkinakis, Leander (2020). The Record, amended. Port Hope: United Publishing Corporation (UPC).