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{{featured_article}}{{KylarisRecognitionArticle}}
{{Infobox political party  
{{Infobox political party  
|name = National Consolidation Party<br>Nationale Konsolidierungspartei
|name = National Consolidation Party<br>Nationale Konsolidierungspartei
|name_native =  
|name_native =  
|logo = [[File:NKP logo.png|250px]]
|logo = [[File:NKP logo modern.png|250px]]
|colorcode =#FF6A00
|colorcode =#FF6A00
|founder = [[Konstantin Vogel]]
|founder = [[Konstantin Vogel]]
|slogan =  
|slogan = [[Sotirianity|Gott]], {{wp|Heimat}}, {{wp|Liberty|Freiheit}}
|merger = [[Conservative Party (Werania)|KP]], [[National Liberal Party (Werania)|NLP]], [[Catholic Social Party|KSP]]
|merger = [[Liberal Democratic Party (Werania)|LDP]], [[Sotirian Democratic Party (Werania)|SDP]]
|leader1_title = Leader
|leader1_title = Federal President
|leader1_name = [[Otto von Hößlin]]
|leader1_name = [[Anton Raicevich]]
|leader2_title = Deputy Leader
|leader2_title = Vice-President
|leader2_name = [[Jörg Bullmann]]
|leader2_name = [[Andrea Däubler]]
|leader3_title = Leader in the [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies]]
|leader3_name = [[Elisabeth Biedenkopf]]
|leader4_title = Leader in the [[House of Councillors (Werania)|House of Councillors]]
|leader4_name = [[Jakob Böckler]]
|founded = 13<sup>th</sup> May 1954  
|founded = 13<sup>th</sup> May 1954  
|dissolved =  
|dissolved =  
Line 17: Line 22:
|student_wing =  
|student_wing =  
|youth_wing = New Generation Forum
|youth_wing = New Generation Forum
|ideology = {{wp|Conservatism}}<br>{{wp|National conservatism}}<br>{{Wp|Liberal conservatism}}<br>{{wp|Social conservatism}}<br>{{wp|Christian Democracy|Sotirian Democracy}}<br>{{wp|Economic liberalism}}<br>{{wp|Economic nationalism}}<br>{{wp|Euroscepticism#Soft_Euroscepticism|Soft-Euclescepticism}}
|ideology = {{wp|Conservatism}}
|position = {{Wp|Centre-right politics|Centre-right}} to {{wp|right-wing}}
|position = {{Wp|Centre-right politics|Centre-right}}
|membership = 101,463{{UP}}
|membership = 101,463{{increase}}
|affiliation1_title = [[Euclean Parliament]] group
| affiliation1_title = [[Euclean Parliament|Euclean parliamentary group]]
|affiliation1 = [[Euclean Parliament#Party groups|ACDE]]
| affiliation1 = [[Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea]]
| affiliation2_title = Euclean affiliation
| affiliation2 = Party of Euclean Conservatives
|colors = {{color box|#FF6A00}}{{color box|#073A76}} Orange, blue
|colors = {{color box|#FF6A00}}{{color box|#073A76}} Orange, blue
|seats1_title = [[Volkstag]]
|seats1_title = [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies (Werania)]]
|seats1 = {{Composition bar|115|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats1 = {{Composition bar|244|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats2_title = [[Herrstag]]
|seats2_title = [[House of Councillors (Werania)|House of Councillors]]
|seats2 ={{Composition bar|77|349|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats2 ={{Composition bar|130|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats3_title = {{Wp|Landtags}}/{{Wp|Seimas}}
|seats3_title = {{Wp|Landtags}}/{{Wp|Seimas}}
|seats3 = {{Composition bar|265|1151|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats3 = {{Composition bar|314|1067|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats4_title = [[Euclean Parliament]]
|seats4_title = Minister-Presidents
|seats4 ={{Composition bar|27|122|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats4 ={{Composition bar|5|11|hex=#FF6A00}}
|seats5_title = [[Euclean Parliament]]
|seats5 ={{Composition bar|42|118|hex=#FF6A00}}
|flag =  
|flag =  
|symbol =  
|symbol =  
Line 36: Line 45:
|country = Werania
|country = Werania
}}
}}
The '''National Consolidation Party''' (''{{wp|German language|Weranian}}'': '''Nationale Konsolidierungspartei''') commonly abbreviated to the '''NKP''' is a {{wp|Conservatism|conservative}} political party in [[Werania]]. It is currently the largest opposition party in the country.  
The '''National Consolidation Party''' (''{{wp|German language|Weranian}}'': '''Nationale Konsolidierungspartei''') commonly abbreviated to the '''NKP''' is a {{wp|Conservatism|conservative}} political party in [[Werania]]. It is currently the largest party in the country with a majority in both houses of the Bundestag.  


Formed in 1954 as a merger of {{wp|Criticisms of socialism|anti-socialist}} political parties with the intention to represent the {{wp|right-wing}} of the political spectrum, the NKP under [[Konstantin Vogel]] firmly established itself as the main party operating within an asymmetric two-party system with the NKP competing with a range of left-wing opposition parties. The NKP served in government from its foundation in 1954 to 1963 when under [[Adolf Stahl]] it lost government to a coalition of the left-wing opposition. It returned to government in 1970 when it would rule for nine years under three different Chancellors - [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]], [[Johannes Zollitsch]] and [[Albrecht Spaemann]].  
Formed in 1957 as a merger of {{wp|Criticisms of socialism|anti-socialist}} political parties with the intention to represent the {{wp|right-wing}} of the political spectrum, the NKP under [[Konstantin Vogel]] firmly established itself as the main party operating within an asymmetric two-party system with the NKP competing with a range of left-wing opposition parties. The NKP served in government from its foundation in 1955 to 1983 serving under a total of seven premiers. It remains the longest stint in power of a single party in Weranian history.  


In 1979 after economic difficulties the NKP would enter opposition for a 20 year period as it became the rival of the governing party, the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania]]. During this period in opposition the NKP would become incredibly divided between its traditional {{wp|Christian Democracy|Sotirian democratic}} faction and a {{wp|new right}} faction focused more on {{wp|right-wing populism}} and {{wp|economic liberalism}}. In 1999 the NKP under moderate leader [[Rasa Šalaševičiūtė]] led the NKP to a victory against the SRPO. Šalaševičiūtė implemented conservative fiscal policies, privatising industry and reinvesting it into supporting tech startups. Dealing with economic collapse in 2005 Šalaševičiūtė implemented austerity policies avoiding a bailout from the Euclean Community. In 2007 she led the NKP to a coalition government where Šalaševičiūtė supported Euclean integration and greater fiscal liberalisation. Resigning in 2009, her successor [[Dietrich Wittmann]] was unable to gain re-election placing it back into opposition.  
In 1983 after economic difficulties the NKP would enter opposition for a 20 year period as it became the rival of the governing party, the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania]]. During this period in opposition the NKP would become incredibly divided between its traditional {{wp|Christian Democracy|Sotirian democratic}} faction and a {{wp|new right}} faction focused more on {{wp|right-wing populism}} and {{wp|economic liberalism}}. In 2003 the NKP under moderate leader [[Sotirian Lowenstein]] led the NKP to a victory against the SRPO. Lowenstein implemented conservative fiscal policies, privatising industry and reinvesting it into supporting tech startups. Dealing with economic collapse in 2005 Lowenstein implemented austerity policies avoiding a bailout from the Euclean Community. In 2007 he led the NKP to a coalition government where Lowenstein supported Euclean integration and greater fiscal liberalisation. Resigning in 2009, his successor [[Dietrich Wittmann]] was unable to gain re-election placing it back into opposition.  


In 2015 [[Otto von Hößlin]] became NKP leader. He has under the influence of deputy leader [[Jörg Bullmann]] moved the party to the populist right, supporting {{Wp|economic nationalism}}, {{wp|social conservatism}} and {{wp|Euroscepticism#Soft_Euroscepticism|soft-Euclescepticism}}.  
In 2015 [[Otto von Hößlin]] became NKP leader. He has under the influence of deputy leader [[Jörg Bullmann]] moved the party to the populist right, supporting {{Wp|economic nationalism}}, {{wp|social conservatism}} and {{wp|Euroscepticism#Soft_Euroscepticism|soft-Euclescepticism}}. In 2019 the party became the largest in the House of Deputies and is expected to form the next government of Werania. In 2022 [[Anton Raicevich]] became leader and in [[2023 Weranian federal election|2023]] led the party to a majority government.  


The NKP is a member of the Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats in Euclea. A centre-right party, the NKP is seen as more socially conservative and economically interventionist than other parties within the ACDE.  
The NKP is a member of the Party of Euclean Conservatives, a member party of the [[Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea]]. A centre-right party, the NKP is seen as more socially conservative and economically interventionist than other parties within the ACDE.  
==History==
==History==
===Formation===
===Formation===
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The NKP was founded as a merger of the [[Liberal Democratic Party (Werania)|Liberal Democratic Party]] (LDP) and the [[Sotirian Democratic Party (Werania)|Sotirian Democratic Party]] (SDP) in 1957 by SDP Chairman and [[Premier of Werania|Premier]] [[Konstantin Vogel]]. Between 1942 to 1950 the [[Catholic Social Party (Werania)|Catholic Social Party]], [[National Liberal Party (Werania)|National Liberal Party]] and [[Centre Party (Werania)|Centre Party]] had governed the country as part of the [[Fatherland Bloc]]. The bloc during the 1940's became increasingly authoritarian as a result of the [[Valduvian-Weranian War]] that saw a destabilisation of the state culminating in the failed [[Colonels putsch]] and the break up of the Fatherland Bloc. The progressive, anti-war of the bloc formed the SDP which claimed to represent a break from the opd conservative parties.
The NKP was founded as a merger of {{Wp|liberal conservatism|liberal conservative}} elements of the [[Conservative People's Party (Ruttland)|Conservative People's Party]] (KFP), {{wp|Christian socialism|Sotirian socialist}} sections of the [[Social Democratic Worker's Party of Ruttland]] (SDAP) and the {{wp|Christian democracy|Sotirian democratic}} [[Catholic Social Party (Ruttland)|Catholic Social Party]] (KSP) in 1940 in preparation for general elections that year. Prior to the [[Great War (Kylaris)|Great War]] Ruttish politics had been divided between a fractured right-wing and an increasingly growing left-wing current in the form of the SDAR which formed government under [[Rendert De Beer]] from 1921-1924. De Beer was forced to resign in 1924 during the [[August Crisis]] resulting in the ascent of a monarchical backed military government under [[Otte Rijpma]] and [[German Blaauw]]. Following the Great War in which Ruttland supported the Entente the Blaauw government stepped down after a socialist revolution led by De Beer and [[Ferkau Knol]] took power, creating the [[Ruttish Socialist Republic]].
[[File:Joseph Luns (1964).jpg|thumb|left|200px|[[Wudmer Van Tuinen]] founded the NKP in 1940]]
The socialist republic collapsed in 1937 with a provisional {{Wp|national unity government}} formed by representatives of KSP, KFP, SDAR and the liberal [[Party of Freedom and Progress (Ruttland)|Party of Freedom and Progress]] and led by KSP member [[Martsen Kramer]] was created, with plans to hold a general election in 1940. Conventional wisdom and the still potent socialist movement led to concerns that the SDAR would regain its majority and recreate the socialist republic. In May 1940 the KSP leader and Prime Minister [[Wudmer Van Tuinen]] negotiated a merger between the KSP and moderate elements of the SDAR and the KFP to form a big-tent Sotirian democratic party, the National Consolidation Party (NKP). The NKP subsequently formed a close relationship with the Solarian Catholic church and Catholic {{wp|trade union}}s in order to boost its outreach to the electorate, marketing itself as a cross-class party of Catholics.  


The NKP scored a decisive victory in the 1940 election, getting 1,419,924 (48.9%) of the vote and 92 of the 130 seats in the Folkskammer. The NKP scored poorly in Reform church strongholds in southern Ruttland where the PFP did well as well as in urban areas with strong left-wing trade union presence where the newly formed [[Cooperative Party (Ruttland)|Cooperative Party]] (KÖP), but nevertheless confirmed their place as the party of rural workers' and Catholics, giving the party a wide voter reach as a big-tent anti-socialist party.
The 1950 election saw the KSP, NLP and ZP collapse as the SFP formed the Tripartite coalition with the {{Wp|centre-left}} [[Social Democratic Party of Werania]] (SPO) and the [[Weranic Section of the Workers' International]] (OSAI). Subsequently the KSP and the NLP formed the LDP to represent a more conservative stance then the now ascendent SDP.
[[File:217D5276-6300-4F14-B2F9-CAC5EBF62CDB.jpeg|thumb|left|250px|[[Konstantin Vogel]] (left) and [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]] (right) two founders of the NKP and later premiers pictured in 1962.]]
The Tripartite government commanded large majorities in the 1950 and 1953 elections implementing several progressive reforms as well as leading Werania into the [[Euclean Community]]. However the government suffered from internal tensions due to the alliance of urban socialists with rural conservative Catholics. In 1955 [[Konstantin Vogel]] - an outspoken critic of the tripartite government - became SDP leader. Legislation to increase trade union influence in the economy gave the SDP pretext to end the coalition leading to a {{wp|vote of no confidence}} in the government that passed. The subsequent election saw the right wing parties of the SDP and LDP gain a majority confirming Vogel as premier.  


Van Tuinen's government implemented moderate policies, creating Ruttland's {{wp|social market economy}} based on the doctrine of Catholic social teachings. The new government followed a mostly {{wp|Keynesian economics}} with an active fiscal and monetary policy ensuring there was low unemployment, moderate {{wp|inflation}}, an expansion of the {{Wp|welfare state}}, the maintenance of the {{Wp|nationalisation|nationalised}} {{Wp|natural monopolies}} from the socialist republic and income redistribution through public works projects. Nevertheless the government did still pursue some traditional conservative policies such as privatising state-owned breweries in 1942.  
Vogel's SDP-LDP government implemented moderate policies, creating a {{wp|social market economy}} based on the doctrine of Catholic social teachings. The new government followed a mostly {{wp|Keynesian economics|demand-side economics}} with an active fiscal and monetary policy ensuring there was low unemployment, moderate {{wp|inflation}}, an expansion of the {{Wp|welfare state}}, the maintenance of the {{Wp|nationalisation|nationalised}} {{Wp|natural monopolies}} from the Tripartite government and income redistribution through public works projects. Nevertheless the government did still pursue some traditional conservative policies such as privatising state-owned breweries. As well as this the government encouraged the growth of ''[[Großkombinat]]s'', large business {{wp|Conglomerate (company)|conglomerates}} that were supported by state-intervention thanks to the nationalisation of banks by the Tripartite governments.  


In 1943 Van Tuinen was forced to resign following criticism of his heavy handed leadership with a party rival, [[Jurjen Rypkema]]. The Rypkema government continued its predecessor's policies, but poor health meant that in 1946 Rypkema resigned and Van Tuinen returned to the party leadership. In 1948 Ruttland became a founding member of the [[Euclean Community]], confirming the NKP's pro-Eucleanism.
In the runup to the 1959 there were concerns of OSAI becoming the largest party and possibly forming a government with the SPO. Amongst the two coalition parties there was a feeling that the decline in both monarchist conservatism and classical liberalism meant the three parties increasingly came to resemble each other supporting Weranic nationalism, free-market economics and Catholic social values. As such in 1957 Vogel alongside LDP leader [[Ludwig Stadtbäumer]] announced the creation of the National Consolidation Party which would be a "big-tent" party representative of right-wing politics in Werania. In order to allow a constant rotation amongst the leadership of the constituent parties the NKP adopted a three-year term for federal president with re-election allowed only once. The NKP subsequently formed a close relationship with the Solarian Catholic church, Catholic {{wp|trade union}}s, ''großkombinat's'' and ''{{wp|Mittelstand|mittelstand's}}'' in order to boost its outreach to the electorate gathering supporters from all economic and social backgrounds.
[[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F014898-0006, Alfons Goppel.jpg|thumb|200px|[[Jorgan Zijlstra]] served as NKP leader and Prime Minister from 1956-1964, leading the NKP to its greatest electoral successes]]
Between 1943 to 1956 the NKP when through several short lived leaders (Rypkema, Van Tuinen, [[Gys Knol]] and [[Oude Van Der Zee]]) who oversaw consistent economic growth and continued electoral success with the NKP retaining its majority in parliament. In 1956 [[Jorgan Zijlstra]] became NKP leader and Prime Minister - under Zijlstra's leadership the NKP would go on to its greatest electoral successes, getting 55.06% and 57.20% of the vote in the 1957 and 1961 elections. Zijlstra, a charismatic centrist politician oversaw a period of unprecedented economic growth through Keynesian economics, demand management and price and wage controls. The Zijlstra government launched a national infrastructure programme whilst also ending conscription, creating a {{wp|universal healthcare system}} and embarking on a large house building programme. Zijlstra also modernised the party's electoral apparatus, using television in the 1957 election extensively crafting an image of himself as a modern leader who focused on long term development.  


Zijlstra's term - which lasted almost eight years - led to dissatisfaction from party rivals leading to him to be forced to resign by his party in 1964, being replaced with [[Buke Wagenaar]]. Wagenaar's government was in government during the 1967 student protests which started due to the government's controversial control over university curriculums. The protests eventually became a broader movement for social justice and economic equality with the Amalgamated Federation of Trade Unions holding a {{Wp|Wildcat strike action|wildcat}} {{Wp|general strike}} over the government's control over the upper echelons of the trade union movement. The protests severely undermined the NKP's credibility for governance resulting in the Wagenaar government's resignation and the holding of snap elections. The 1967 election saw the NKP lose a large portion of seats but retain its majority under the leadership of the charismatic [[Rodolf Van Der Werf]].
===Party of power===
[[File:Piet de Jong 1970.jpg|thumb|175px|left|[[Rodolf Van Der Werf]], Prime Minister from 1967-1973]]
The NKP in its first election in 1959 scored a decisive victory getting 302 of 586 seats enabling it to govern with a majority. Like the preceding National Bloc the NKP benefited from divisions in the left with the OSAI, SPO and [[Radical Party (Werania)|Radical Party]] often competing for votes. As well as that parties to the right of the NKP such as the ORP and OBb were seen as being {{wp|far-right}} in character meaning that the NKP was able to present itself as the only credible non-socialist political force in the country.
The Van Der Werf government implemented several socially progressive legislation such as the legalisation of homosexuality and divorce, with Van Der Werf being credited with creating a dialogue with trade unions and student groups following the protests. As well as this in 1970 Van Der Werf announced that the NKP would oversee a shift in energy production from fossil fuels to nuclear energy. However Van Der Werf however the economy started to slow down due to {{Wp|stagflation}} and a decline in Ruttland's steel industry, which had driven the Ruttish economy since the 1860's. Van Der Werf's government responded with implementing more comprehensive incomes policy and cutting public service wages, leading to tensions between the NKP and its traditional trade union partner, the Confederation of Catholic Labour. The poor economic situation meant the plans to move to nuclear energy were dropped.  


Van Der Werf, a committed pro-Eucleanist, during his term also conceived of the Van Der Werf plan that aimed to introduce the first steps towards a single currency, calling for a gradual realignment of exchange rates which would be irreversibly fixed and eventually replaced with a single currency. Van Der Werf's proposals were not adopted due to a lack of support from the NKP to propose them proper to the EC.  
The party's big-tent nature meant it primarily promoted centre-right policies with former KSP parliamentarians becoming the dominant tendency. Nevertheless the party still exhibited ideological diversity particularly on the issue of the [[Euclean Community]], ranging from pro-EC {{wp|European federalism|federalists}} to proponents of {{Wp|souverainism}}. Vogel, a moderate pro-Eucleanist, focused on sound economic management through a promotion of private enterprise and competition between Euclean nations.
[[File:Wiefelspütz 1967 election.jpeg|thumb|right|NKP leader [[Rudolf Wiefelspütz]] celebrating the results of the 1967 election.]]
In 1960 Vogel announced his retirement from politics preceding elections that year after developing early signs of {{Wp|lung cancer}}. His successor was [[August von Münstermann]] who shared much of his centre-right positions declaring the party stood against the "''revolutionary radicalism''" of the OSAI and SPO. However whilst the 1960's were marked by economic prosperity there were shifts in social attitudes with the rise of {{Wp|second-wave feminism}}, the {{wp|new left}} and immigration from former Euclean colonies. The NKP was largely unresponsive to these social changes shifting to a gradual loss of support. As such in 1966 the NKP lost its majority in the Reichstag getting only 292 seats, albeit remaining the largest party by a large margin (the second ranked party, the OSAI, gained only 169 seats). Although the NKP could've formed a majority government with the SPO party leaders refused this possibility with NKP Finance Minister [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]] declaring that the NKP "''doesn't do coalitions''". As such the NKP agreed to a minority government with the [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland]] with von Münstermann continuing his role as premier. He resigned after declining to run for re-election for NKP president and replaced with [[Rudolf Wiefelspütz]].


In 1972 due to a balance of payments crisis Van Der Werf was forced to devalue the sceat - whilst economically sound the move led to widespread public dissatisfaction resulting in Van Der Werf to resign in 1973, being succeeded by the Foreign Minister [[Ant Stellingwerf]].  
Prior to the 1966 election economic growth stalled leading to Wiefelspütz to cut public expenditure. Wiefelspütz was seen as a technocratic figure with the government being re-elected in 1966 but his weak health meant he resigned in 1969 being replaced by Welskopf-Henrich.


Stellingwerf continued the policies of Van Der Werf but was forced to cut public spending to deal with the recession, most notably slashing agricultural subsidies. Rising inflation meant that in the 1975 election the NKP recorded its worst result ever in its history, with its vote share dropping below 50%. The failure of Stellingwerf to deal with the economic crisis caused many younger members of the party to start to challenged the ideological orthodoxy of the party with Sotirian democracy, agrarian populism and pork-barrel politics becoming increasingly unpopular. {{wp|Neoliberalism|Neoliberal}} and {{Wp|Monetarism|monetarist}} thought became dominant in party think tanks such as the Centre of Economic Policy although the government was dominated by centrists.
At the 1970 election the NKP under Welskopf-Henrich secured re-election despite Welskopf-Henrich's wooden personality. Welskopf-Henrich continued moderately progressive social reforms whilst co-currently implementing budget cuts and reducing some of the welfare programmes started by the previous government, in line with policies pursued by previous NKP governments. The NKP remained popular thanks to dizzying economic growth due to the continued rise of großkombinat's, which accounted for over three-quarters of national output with many expanding further into other industries fuelled by state support due to loans given out by state-owned banks.  


Due to the poor results in the 1975 election and increasing pressure from economic liberals in the party, in 1977 Stellingwerf was forced to resign being replaced by Economy Minister [[Ludolf Attema]].
Welskopf-Henrich was premier during the 1972 student protests which started due to the government's controversial control over university curriculum's. The protests eventually became a broader movement for social justice and economic equality with the Amalgamated Federation of Trade Unions holding a {{Wp|Wildcat strike action|wildcat}} {{Wp|general strike}} over the government's control over the upper echelons of the trade union movement. The country briefly came to an economic standstill with the government fearing revolution; as a result Welskopf-Henrich resigned as premier whilst calling a snap election. His successor was [[Renatas Vinkauskas]] who became the NKP's first [[Ruttland|Ruttish]] leade and premier. Calling on the "''{{wp|silent majority}} to vote against socialism''" Vinkauskas led the NKP a large electoral victory an effort largely seen as down to Vinkauskas's personal popularity and much of the electorate voting against the instability the protests had caused.  
[[File:Ruud Lubbers 1985.jpg|thumb|[[Ludolf Attema]] was the longest serving Ruttish prime minister, serving from 1977 to 1989|200px]]
Following the appointment of Attema as leader, the NKP would start to radically move from the old consensus driven, centrist Sotirian democracy to move in a more {{Wp|populism|populist}}, {{Wp|free market}} direction. Attema and his supporters believed the old system of nationalisation, strong labour unions, heavy regulation, high taxes, and a generous welfare state was leading to Ruttland's economic malaise, recommending instead a programme of {{wp|privatisation}}, {{wp|deregulation}} and a reduction of trade union power.  


The Attema government upon coming to office implemented a strict programme of {{Wp|monetarism}} in order to reduce Ruttland's record inflation as well as the sale of several state-owned enterprises such as the Air Ruttland, the Ruttish Investment and Savings Bank, Ruttish Telephones and Telecommunications, National Express, Ruttish Gas, Northern Medical, Ruttish Shipbuilders, Ruttish Coal, National Grid, Ruttish Water and most contentiously Ruttish Steel. The widespread privatisation programme resulted in the sale of $3 billion worth of state-owned businesses with the government using that money to invest in new infrastructure and provide venture capital for new companies.  
A member of the NKP social Sotirian faction, Vinkauskas was credited with creating a dialogue with trade unions and student groups following the protests. A charismatic politician known for his wide factional support Vinkauskas attempted to present himself as a moderniser heardling a move towards {{wp|liberal conservatism}}. Vinkauskas modernised the party's electoral apparatus, using television extensively crafting an image of himself as a modern leader who focused on long term development.


The economic reforms resulted in economic growth but widening inequality, unemployment and opposition from trade unions. As a result Attema passed legislation that limited the power of trade unions in 1986 resulting in the Confederation of Catholic Labour to distance itself from the party.  
As premier Vinkauskas attempted to oversee large infrastructure projects, most ambitiously aiming to oversee a decline in the power of Großkombinats in favour of mittelstand's, the traditional backbone of Weranian industry. However under his premiership the economy continued to record solid growth due to the continued aggressive expansion of the großkombinat's, despite economic slowdowns in [[Senria]] and other parts of Euclea. In order to avoid recession Vinkauskas's government responded with implementing more comprehensive incomes policy and cutting public service wages, leading to tensions between the NKP and its traditional trade union partner, the Confederation of Catholic Labour. This policy was at the time hailed by economists who credited the strong output of großkombinat's as saving the Weranian economy, but was later seen as flawed as it stunted domestic consumption leading to the großkombinat's to incur far higher debt through borrowing.
[[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F050938-0023, Bonn, Tagung CDU-Bundesausschuss, Tindemans.jpg|thumb|200px|left|[[Renatas Vinkauskas]] served as NKP leader and premier from 1972-1980, leading the NKP to its greatest electoral success in 1972 but also its first loss in 1980.]]
In 1976 the NKP once again secured a majority government. However several factors would lead to the NKP to enter a decline over the 1976-1980 term. Patronage politics had led to several voters to desert the NKP whilst the emergence of centrist forces such as the PMZ would present an attractive alternative to what was seen as an increasingly right-wing NKP. Most damaging was the merger of the SPO and the RP into the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania]] (SRPO) in 1977 which emerged as the first big tent centre-left party in the country's history.  


Attema led the NKP to a majority government in the 1979 and 1983 elections with the NKP's traditional support base largely being protected from the most damaging effects of the new economic reforms. However the rapid economic reform performed by what was a traditionally cautious, conservative party, increasing precedence given to big business over the traditional support base of farmer's, workers' and small business owners and accusations of corruption that long dogged the party resulted in the NKP to lose its majority for the first time in its history in the 1987 election. After a fortnight of negotiations the NKP formed a coalition government with the {{Wp|liberalism|liberal}} [[Party for Freedom and Progress (Ruttland)|Party for Freedom and Progress]] (PFP) who agreed on a common programme on further economic reform, tax cuts and pro-Euclean integration. The PFP also successfully pushed for a reduction in the electoral threshold from 10% to 4%.  
In 1979 the Steinman Scandal had broken out which saw the NKP accused of soliciting favours from the Steinman großkombinat through an illegal {{wp|slush fund}} that funnelled Steinman donations to the party.


In 1989 after 12 years in office Attema's internal opponents believed the premier to be a liability to the party and were concerned regarding the pace of economic reform, especially proposals to reform the healthcare system to a more private model. As such in an internal party vote the NKP voted to remove Attema from office and replace him with a party traditionalist, [[Wydtsje Yntema]]. Yntema retained the coalition government with the PFP but endeavoured to take the government in a more conservative direction being more skeptical of EC integration and wanting to reassert the old corporatist, consensus model of politics. Despite this in 1993 Yntema passed through a capital gains tax cut that set off a massive housing boom in line with the government's reform strategy.
In 1980 as the balance of payments crisis worsened Vinkauskas made the decision to revalue the Reichsmark which incurred a loss of popularity for the NKP. The devaluation of the Reichsmark helped lead to the {{wp|Economic bubble|bubble}} of constant mergers and acquisitions by the großkombinat's to burst when the fourth largest company in Werania, the Einem Group, to file for bankruptcy. The großkombinat's debts were not only to state industrial banks but also to independent banks and their own financial services subsidiaries. The scale of the loan defaults meant that banks could neither foreclose nor write off bad loans without themselves collapsing, so the failure to service these debts quickly caused a systemic banking crisis leading to the Weranian government had to pump billions into banks and take a loan from the [[Global Institute of Fiscal Affairs]], seen as a humiliation by large swathes of the population.  
[[File:DrEdmundStoiber.jpg|thumb|left|200px|[[Wydtsje Yntema]] served as Prime Minister from 1989-1995 and was the first NKP leader to lead the party in opposition]]
Yntema led the NKP to victory in the 1991 election maintaining the coalition with the PFP, but the NKP saw a loss of seats and the beginning of the unravelling in its electoral coalition. In 1992 after the government passed a bill limiting the right to strike the Confederation of Catholic Labour officially broke its remaining ties with the NKP and switched its support to the opposition [[Cooperative Party (Ruttland)|Cooperative Party]] (KÖP). As well as this the opposition had begun to unite behind the Cooperative leader [[Loadewyk Damstra]] who forged an electoral alliance with the centre-right [[Modern Centre Party (Ruttland)|Modern Centre Party]]. Damstra was a charismatic leader who abandoned the traditional {{Wp|socialism}} of the KÖP instead promoting {{wp|third way}} politics. As well as this, the NKP's political machine - which had been adept at acting as a locus for matching interest group money and votes with bureaucratic power and expertise - was beginning to fade as society became less pillarised and the party's rank corruption became less tolerated by voters.  


During the 1991-1995 term the NKP suffered factional infighting and more frequent accusations of {{wp|sleaze}} which had built up over decades. Yntema himself was personally accused of corruption surrounding the selloff of private companies to NKP business partners. In the leadup to the 1995 elections for the first time the NKP lagged in the opinion polls behind the KÖP. Despite a well funded campaign warning of the threat to stability a KÖP-MS government would bring the 1995 election saw the NKP score its worst result ever, getting only 33.96% of the vote and 74 seats - despite still being the largest party in the Folkskrammer the KÖP's 71 seats meant it was able to form a coalition government with the MS. As a result after 55 years in government the NKP went into opposition as a KÖP-MS coalition government under Damstra took power.  
Loans from foreign banks meant that Vinkauskas was forced to cut public spending to deal with the recession, most notably slashing agricultural subsidies as well as undertaking a substantial devaluation of the Reichsmark. As well as this Vinkauskas was seen as uncharismatic and confrontational to trade unions, leading to more frequent strikes and economic disruption during the early 1980's.  


Following the electoral defeat of 1995 the NKP struggled to adjust to their new role in opposition. Party leader Yntema faced a strong challenge from party rival [[Uif Bloemsma]] in 1997 in a leadership election which saw Yntema only narrowly re-elected as party leader. The NKP's formerly dominant role meant it has traditionally relied on large patronage networks within its internal party structure to appease its constituents - with the lack of capital being in opposition entailed the NKP lost these patronage networks and as such haemorrhaged further support. Despite this in the lead up to the 1999 election the NKP led in some polls, leading to some to interpret that the NKP had regained its support.  
The Steinman scandal combined with the economic crisis led to a collapse in support for the NKP and led to 32 of the party's deputies to form a new {{Wp|Liberal conservatism|liberal conservative}} party, the [[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]].  


A strong campaign by the KÖP and MS however saw NKP support evaporate resulting in the party to get its worst result in its history, losing 7 seats and coming second to the KÖP, becoming the second largest party in the legislature for the first time in its history. Discontent with Yntema's leadership continued as polls showed the NKP's support dwindling to 25%. However Yntema was in 2000 able to sustain another leadership challenge from Bloemsma, who was seen as more unpopular and controversial than Yntema. However younger MP's in the party began to agitate more against Yntema and in 2002 were able to oust him from the party leadership, with [[Eilkje Koopmans]] - who had never held a cabinet post - being appointed the party's first female leader.
The emergence of SRPO leader [[Ludolf Ostermann]] saw the NKP increasingly regarded as a party of old men out of touch with younger voters who had led to a historic mismanagement of the economy and sold Werania out to the GIFA. In the 1980 election the NKP remained the largest party with 196 seats whilst the SRPO overtook the OSAI for the second time as the second largest party, with the two parties together getting the best result ever for the Weranic left since the {{wp|popular front}} took power in 1918. As a result of the NKP losing its majority Ostermann formed a left-wing coalition between the SRPO and the OSAI putting the NKP into opposition for the first time since its creation.
[[File:Mari Kiviniemi 0c181 8532-2.jpg|200px|[[Eilkje Koopmans]], Prime Minister from 2003-2007|thumb]]
Koopmans rise to the leadership saw the NKP's support surge in the polls against the incumbent KÖP-MS government. At the 2003 election however the NKP lost seats and votes - despite this it still remained the largest party and was subsequently able to form a coalition government with the PFP and green conservative [[Ecological Action]] party.  


The NKP-PFP-EA government immediately implemented a programme of tax cuts and a raise in public expenditure in response to healthy economic growth. The government also lessened the social liberalism of the KÖP-MS government tightening drug laws and implementing tough new laws regarding immigration, with the system being transformed into a skills based points system for non-EC migrants.  
===Wilderness years===
The failure of the NKP to present a credible and attractive alternative to the left caused many younger members of the party to start to challenge the ideological orthodoxy of the party with Sotirian democracy, agrarian populism and pork-barrel politics becoming increasingly unpopular. {{wp|Neoliberalism|Neoliberal}} economics and {{Wp|populism|populist}} {{Wp|nationalism}} became popular amongst party activists who advocated a radical shift from the old consensus driven, centrist Sotirian democracy to a more {{Wp|populism|populist}}, {{Wp|free market}} direction. These activists believed the old system of nationalisation, strong labour unions, heavy regulation, high taxes, and a generous welfare state had led to Werania's economic malaise, recommending instead a programme of {{wp|privatisation}}, {{wp|deregulation}} and a reduction of trade union power being inspired by [[Patrica Flowers]] in [[Caldia]]. This faction was known as the ''neue rechte'' ({{Wp|new right}}) with proponents within the party including [[Egon Geisel]], [[Oskar Schweidnitz]] [[Elisabeth von Neudeck]] and [[Dietrich Wittmann]] who became known as the "[[Gang of Four (Werania)|Gang of Four]]".  


In the initial years of Koopmans government the NKP benefited from good polling and the weak state of the opposition, being on course to win another term. However in 2005 at the start of the global financial crisis Ruttland's economy entered the worst recession in its history with the collapse of the Ruttish Investment and Savings Bank and  the bursting of the housing market bubble resulting in sales and property values collapsing. As a result of the recession the government in 2005 announced a 2 year unlimited guarantee of all debt for 4 leading banks, with the debts totalling €440 billion at the start of the guarantee. To ensure it could take on such debts, the government announced severe cuts to education, healthcare, defence, welfare and pensions as well as reversing income tax cuts and beginning to run a deficit. These measures were unpopular with the NKP's support collapsing and anti-austerity protests being held around the country. The economic situation worsened as the government refused to apply for a bailout from the EC.
Prior to the 1981 NKP conference the gang of four plotted to forward a {{Wp|vote of no confidence}} towards Vinkauskas's leadership with the intention of putting forward Geisel as party leader. Unwilling to allow the ''neue rechte'' to dominate the party Vinkauskas unexpectedly announced he would not run for another term as NKP president prior to the conference recommending his deputy [[Maximilian Frommel]] as leader. Enraged that Vinkauskas avoided a no confidence vote Geisel, Schweidnitz and von Neudeck alongside several other ''neue rechte'' deputies split from the party forming the [[Democratic Alternative (Werania)|Democratic Alternative]] (DA). The DA soon became popular with voters concerned about rising immigration and deeper Euclean integration as well as arousing the approval of the business community who wished for an economically liberal but anti-trade union party. Concerns were raised surrounding Frommel, who was seen as an {{Wp|apparatchik}} with little charisma or vision. Unbeknownst at the time was that Frommel was suffering from cancer which resulted in him to limit his public appearances which created an image of him as being aloof and out of touch. As well as this, the NKP's political machine - which had been adept at acting as a locus for matching interest group money and votes with bureaucratic power and expertise - weakened due to being in opposition.


The 2007 election saw the NKP get the worst result for a governing party ever in Ruttland, losing 13 seats and getting only 24.84% of the vote, the first time the party had gone under the symbolic 30% mark. The PFP only barely retained seats in parliament whilst the EA lost all its seats. As a result Koopmans announced her resignation as NKP leader with former Home Affairs Minister [[Ultsje Van Der Heide]] (considered the highest ranking NKP politician not associated with the fiscal crisis) being appointed leader.
Frommel like his predecessors as leader was a pro-business conservative representing continuity within the NKP and as such initiated no major policy differences. In opposition Frommel advocated a relatively passive strategy believing the traditional divisions of the left would discredit the Ostermann government and that voters would quickly return to the NKP. In 1982 after facing severe economic problems the SRPO-OSAI government abandoned its radical {{Wp|socialism|socialist}} programme and adopted free-market policies at the insistence of the Euclean Community. This led to a large decline in support for the government leading to Frommel at the 1984 NKP party conference to declare for the party to "''ready itself for government''". However this looked unlikely as the split with the DA had resulted in approval for the NKP sharply declining hurting its image as a safe pair of hands for government and the economy.
[[File:Sybrand van Haersma Buma 2012.jpg|thumb|200px|left|[[Elbrich Lautenbach]], the current leader of the NKP]]
[[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F054634-0014, Ludwigshafen, CDU-Bundesparteitag, von Weizsäcker.jpg|[[Adolf Stahl]] (left) would lead the NKP briefly into government from 1987 to 1991.|thumb|250px|right]]
Van Der Heide called for the NKP to be a party of the "progressive centre-right" and as party leader criticised the bailout renegotiation sponsored by the Wijngaarden government, calling it a "''deal that prolongs the economic hardship of ordinary Ruttish people''" and called for a deal that better suited economic conditions. During the 2007-2011 parliament the NKP were largely seen as lacking in dynamism with the party's poll results staying consistent at around 25% of the electorate. Despite four years of austerity the incumbent MS-KÖP government was re-elected in 2011 with the NKP once again losing seats and votes.  
An uptick in the economic situation and perceptions that the NKP was a divided party that stood for few core principles meant that in the 1984 election the SRPO was elected to a record second term in government. The NKP suffered a catastrophic result falling from 202 to 108 seats, easily its worst result up until that point attaining the second most amount of seats for the first time in its history. Many NKP seats went to the DA which debuted with 78 seats along with the Ruttish [[Sotirian Democratic Homeland]] which gained 36 seats. As a result of the terrible result Frommel resigned from the party leadership and politics in general.  The 1984 leadership election was seen as a defining one for the party as the centre-right candidate [[Adolf Stahl]] faced off the ''neue rechte'' and former gang of four member Dietrich Wittmann for the leadership. By a narrow vote Stahl won.


Following the 2011 defeat Van Der Heide resigned. A leadership contest emerged between former Industry Minister [[Elbrich Lautenbach]] and the ''hearkommissar'' of the Noardken county [[Hannes Smeding]]. Smeding, seen as a unity candidate due to the strong support he courted from rural areas and his centrist political views, was elected leader. Smeding attempted to move the party in embracing its classical agrarian populism but concentrated power amongst his colleagues from his time in Noardken, leading to much of the party to actively agitate against his leadership, especially the party's reformist wing. As well as this Smeding was seen to be lacking in principles, making a policy u-turn from supporting to opposing the government's proposed surveillance laws. As a result the NKP's support declined in the polls further and in 2015 saw its worst result with 23.06% of the vote, making it the ninth consecutive election in which the NKP lost seats.
The government formed after the 1984 election was a coalition between the SRPO and the [[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]]. The new government would subsequently begin to promote a radical programme of reform supporting {{wp|social liberalism|social}} and {{Wp|economic liberalism}}. This led to several progressive social reforms such as the legislation of homosexuality and divorce and economic reforms in the form of {{Wp|privatisation}} and {{wp|deregulation}} particularly in the public sector. The new government saw a shift of economic power from {{Wp|state-owned enterprise}}s and the großkombinat's towards mittelstands and other {{wp|small and medium-sized enterprises}} (SME's). These measures were seen as highly reformatory to the Werania the NKP led prompting discussion within the party of the direction forward following the 1984 result.
 
Stahl started the process of party modernisation mainly with an overhaul of party financing and its ability to reach voters as well as setting up an array of {{wp|think tank}}s to support the party's ability to formulate new policies. However the issue of whether to accept coalition government remained divisive within the party with the old guard refusing to accept the idea on principle. In 1986 Blaurock announced that in the next election the NKP would be willing to offer coalition agreements with "''likeminded parties'' if the NKP attained less then 200 seats heralding a major shift in NKP policy.
 
In 1987 the SRPO and PMZ government fell apart over differences in economic policy. Discontent with the government led to an uptick in support for the NKP which emerged as the lagrest party. The NKP however did not secure a majority and despite getting over 200 seats Stahl elected to form
a coaltion with the PMZ. This move was incredibly controversial and the government was plagued with factional disputes. The NKP-PMZ government continued economic reform but in contrast to the SRPO led government introduced austerity and attempted to implement union busting and right to work legislation. As a result they quickly became unpopular and the NKP suffered a defeat at the 1991 elections to the SRPO led by [[Wolfgang Löscher]]. Stahl resigned as leader and was replaced by Edmund Blaurock.
 
Although being associated with the old guard of the party Blaurock recognised that the NKP needed to reinvent itself if it was to credibly challenge the SRPO and maintain its position as the leading party of the right over the DA. Blaurock also recognised that the party was seen by voters as being out of touch with modern Werania and that it appealed solely to rural, conservative Catholics. Blaurock started the process of party modernisation mainly with an overhaul of party financing and its ability to reach voters as well as setting up an array of {{wp|think tank}}s to support the party's ability to formulate new policies. Nevertheless the NKP was unable to win the 1995 election due to the excellent economic conditions at the time with the SRPO government of Wolfgang Löscher being re-elected.
 
Following the 1995 election Blaurock committed several institutional reforms within the party instituting an age limit of 75 for parliamentary candidates and promoting more women within the parliamentary party. Blaurock also abolished term limits for the NKP president to give stability to the post of leader. Blaurock also shifted the party to the right, promoting a more stringent form of {{Wp|economic liberalism}} declaring upon his election that "''{{Wp|there is no alternative}} to an economic based on entirely free-market principles''" whilst also differentiating the NKP from the SRPO-led government by promoting an explicitly souverainist policy regarding the Euclean Community.
 
The 1995-1999 legislature saw Blaurock continue to modernise the party placing more power in its executive and reaching out to opposition parties such as the SDT and the DA which were seen as potential coalition partners. In the runup to the 1999 election the NKP were confident they would become the largest party and form government for the first time since 1979. Blaurock's campaign as such in February 1999 unveiled an extremely right-wing programme that called for amongst other things rescinding many labour protections, restricting the right to industrial action, implementation of a {{wp|flat tax}} and raising {{wp|value added tax|VAT}}. These proposals led to Löscher to embark on a vigorous campaign painting the NKP as a party that was solely supported by the wealthy, running a {{wp|negative campaign}} that also portrayed Blaurock as a weak and indecisive leader. As a result of the right-wing proposals and the negative campaigning by the SRPO the NKP's polling lead narrowed as the SRPO regained lost support. Although the NKP would get the most amount of votes their seat count - 187 - was exactly the same as the SRPO who formed a coalition with the OSAI. As a result Blaurock resigned as party leader in 2001 stating two electoral losses meant "''it is clear that I do not hold the support of the Weranian people''" retiring from politics completely.
[[File:Wulff Christian 6059.jpg|thumb|300px|[[Sotirian Lowenstein]] led the NKP to two election victories in 2003 and 2007.|left]]
Following Blaurock's resignation party elites soon supported [[Sotirian Lowenstein]] for leader. Although never serving in the federal government Lowenstein had been the Minister-President of Roetenberg and was respected for his consensus driven style. He was elected unopposed as party leader representing a victory for the moderate wing of the party.
 
The SRPO-OSAI government during the early 2000's was marked by infighting and fatigue after 16 years of SRPO governance. The 2000 election saw the NKP achieve 240 seats due to the unpopularity of the centre-left coalition. Lowenstein formed a government with the Democratic Alternative party, marking the end of the NKP's 12 years in opposition and the first time the NKP formed a coalition government.


As a result of the election Smeding was challenged for the leadership by Lautenbach who was elected by a large margin. Lautenbach's leadership has seen a shift to {{Wp|right-wing populism|right-wing populist}} rhetoric calling for a more Euclesceptic foreign policy opposing greater Euclean integration, a referendum on the Eucluo and ending freedom of movement in the community. Lautenbach has also began to focus more on cultural issues criticising minority religions in Ruttland such as Salam and Atudaism as "''inherently violent''" and has called for a reduction in immigration. Whilst Lautenbach has been perceived as a controversial and polarising figure in Ruttish politics under his leadership the NKP has risen dramatically in the polls.
</div>
===Early years===
===Wildness years===
===Modern history===
===Modern history===
The Lowenstein government came to power under a context of healthy economic growth but a poor employment rate with Lowenstein declaring that conquering unemployment would be the government's priority. Lowenstein himself was seen as {{Wp|fiscal conservatism|fiscally conservative}} supporting a restraint on public expenditure and tax cuts whilst also being socially conservative. However Lowenstein was also seen as being pro-Euclean supporting deeper integration in contrast to his DA coalition allies.
Upon coming to power Lowenstein implemented a programme of tax cuts and a raise in public expenditure due to the budget surplus left by the prior government. The government also lessened some of the liberal policies of the previous government tightening drug laws and implementing tough new laws regarding immigration, with the system being transformed into a skills based points system for non-EC migrants. The government also slashed the {{wp|capital gains tax}} in 2000 leading to a housing boom. In the initial years of Lowenstein government the NKP benefited from good polling and the weak state of the opposition, but tensions over Euclean policy mounted with the DA coalition partners. In 2004 DA leader and Finance Minister [[Egon Geisel]] unexpectedly announced he would resign from government and withdraw the DA from the coalition agreement. A large amount of the DA disagreed with this proposal with Health Minister [[Theodore Goetzberger]] and the more centre-right faction of the party staying in government as part of the [[Reform Conservatives Party]]. During his preimiership Lowenstein built a close relationship with her [[Gaullica|Gaullican]] counterpart, [[Alexandre Lévesque]].
In 2005 at the start of the global financial crisis Werania's economy entered a severe recession with the collapse of the Stiemark Investment and Savings Bank and  the bursting of the housing market bubble resulting in sales and property values collapsing. As a result of the recession the government in 2005 announced a 2 year unlimited guarantee of all debt for 4 leading banks, with the debts totalling €700 billion at the start of the guarantee. To ensure it could take on such debts, the government announced severe cuts to education, healthcare, defence, welfare and pensions as well as reversing income tax cuts and beginning to run a deficit. These measures were unpopular with the NKP's support dissipating and anti-austerity protests being held around the country. The economic situation worsened as the government refused to apply for a bailout from the EC.
In the 2007 election the NKP again came first with 215 seats whilst radical parties on the right and left rose in seats. The NKP formed a coalition with the RKP and the SDT continuing a programme of austerity to prevent any need for a bailout from the EC.
In 2009 Lowenstein decided not to run for another term as NKP leader and thereby premier. The party as such elected finance minister [[Dietrich Wittmann]] as his successor. Although formally a major figure in the ''neue rechte'' faction Wittmann since shifted to a more moderate position albeit still being a strong advocate of further economic liberalisation. His government continued austerity measures but without the popular figure of Lowenstein the reforms were seen as increasingly unfair with the NKP losing popularity. Wittmann was unable to revive the party's electoral fortunes and they were heavily defeated in the election although Schaefer stayed on as leader.
In opposition the new leader Gustav Schaefer attempted to present the NKP as a "''party of the progressive centre-right''" whilst continuing to support austerity policies in order to maintain fiscal credibility to the Euclean Community .He emphasised the party's fiscal responsibility against the SRPO-PMZ coalition whom he accused of "''reckless tax and spend''" policies urging fiscal restraint. The party also became more overtly Euclesceptic with Schaefer declaring that he would hold a referendum on the Euclo if Werania was forced to finance a bailout for countries such as [[Amathia]].
[[File:President Emmanuel Macron at the 59th MSC, Munich, 2023-02-17.jpg|thumb|[[Anton Raicevich]] led the NKP to a majority government in the [[2023 Weranian federal election]].]]
Schaefer had been the Minister-President of Wolfsfled and as a result concentrated power amongst his colleagues from his time in Wolfsfled, leading to much of the party to actively agitate against his leadership, especially the party's conservative wing. Schaefer was unable to increase support for the NKP especially following the Kleinmann Affair where Schaefer was accused of taking undisclosed political donations from the construction company Kleinmann. At the 2013 House of Councillors elections - considered a barometer for public support - the NKP saw only marginal gains compared to the 2009 election. Under Schaefer the NKP opposed the legislation of same-sex marriage.
Nevertheless an unpopular pension reform plan by the SRPO-PMZ government in 2014 saw the NKP regain their place in the polls leading to the SRPO to oust their leader and premier [[Emilia Koopmann]] and replace her with [[Viktor Oberhauser]]. This led to the SRPO to regain their place in the polls getting 157 seats in the 2015 election with the NKP gaining only 9 seats at the election. Oberhauser formed a government with the PMZ whilst Schaefer tendered his resignation as party leader facing criticism from all quarters of the party.
Following Schaefer's resignation former Defence Minister [[Otto von Hößlin]] was elected as the NKP incumbent leader. Von Hößlin's leadership has seen a shift to {{Wp|right-wing populism|right-wing populist}} rhetoric calling for a more Euclesceptic foreign policy, tougher immigration policy and economic nationalist measures such as a promotion of Weranian goods, {{wp|welfare chauvinism}} and ending the neoliberal policies of the SRPO-PMZ-SDT government. Von Hößlin's leadership in opposition saw support for the NKP increase due to a rightward, Euclesceptic shift in Weranic public opinion partly in response to the unpopularity of the Oberhauser government. Much of the shift to the right was promoted by NKP deputy leader [[Jörg Bullmann]] who was close to the [[Etruria|Etrurian]] [[Tribune Movement]]. Von Hößlin was re-elected to the party leadership in 2018.
The 2019 election saw the NKP attain 244 seats, the party's best result since mid-2000's. Von Hößlin form a coalition government with the Democratic Alternative with von Hößlin becoming the tenth NKP premier. The NKP-DA coalition had since coming to power largely focused on implementing tougher rules regarding immigration, liberalising sectors of the economy and expanding various welfare programmes. In 2022 von Hösslin resigned as premier being replaced by [[Anton Raicevich]]. In the [[2023 Weranian federal election]] the NKP won a majority government enabling them to form a single-party cabinet.
==Ideology==
==Ideology==
The National Consolidation Party is seen as a {{wp|catch-all}} party identifying as a "''{{Wp|broad church}} party of society''". The NKP was formed to represent the predominantly rural [[Solarian Catholic Church|Catholic]] community and as such adopted policies in spirit with {{wp|Christian Democracy|Sotirian democratic}} and {{Wp|Agrarianism|agrarian}} philosophy. Over time it has developed into a {{Wp|centre-right}} {{Wp|Conservatism|conservative}} party. Whilst similar to the [[Modern Centre Party (Werania)|Modern Centre Party]], the NKP tends to be more {{Wp|social conservatism|conservative}} in social matters and {{wp|Economic interventionism|interventionist}} in economic matters. The NKP is a strong proponent of {{Wp|Subsidiarity (Catholicism)|subsidiarity}}.  
{{multiple image
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|caption1=Federal president [[Anton Raicevich]]
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|caption2=Vice-President [[Andrea Däubler]]
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}}
The National Consolidation Party is seen as a {{wp|big tent|catch-all}} party with it's traditional slogan - ''[[Sotirianity|Gott]], {{wp|Heimat}}, {{wp|Liberty|Freiheit}}'' - intending to exemplify it's fusion of {{wp|Christian democracy|Sotirian democracy}}, {{wp|nationalism}} and {{wp|liberalism}} into a single {{wp|conservatism|conservative}} party. The NKP was formed to represent the predominantly rural [[Solarian Catholic Church|Catholic]] community and as such adopted policies in spirit with Sotirian democratic and {{Wp|Agrarianism|agrarian}} philosophy. Over time it has developed into a {{Wp|centre-right}} {{Wp|Conservatism|conservative}} party supporting {{Wp|social conservatism}} and {{wp|economic liberalism}} although has more {{wp|liberal conservatism|liberal}} and {{wp|Economic interventionism|interventionist}} tendencies. The NKP is a strong proponent of {{Wp|Subsidiarity (Catholicism)|subsidiarity}}.  


On economic matters, the NKP is strongly influenced by {{wp|ordoliberalism}}, being the main party responsible for the creation of Ruttland's {{Wp|social market economy}}. Since the 1980's the NKP has promoted {{wp|neoliberalism|neoliberal}} economic policies such as {{Wp|privatisation}} and {{Wp|deregulation}}. Generally the NKP's economic policies have been described as populist due to their support of high agricultural subsidies, low taxes and generous social spending.  
On economic matters, the NKP is strongly influenced by {{wp|economic liberalism}}, being the main party responsible for the creation of Werania's {{Wp|social market economy}}. Prior the collapse of the großkombinat's in the 1970's the NKP strongly supported their development over mittelstands but by the 1990's has re-orientated to support a mix of large conglomerates and SME's. Since the 1980's the NKP has promoted {{wp|neoliberalism|neoliberal}} economic policies such as {{Wp|privatisation}} and {{Wp|deregulation}}. Generally the modern NKP's economic policies have been described as populist due to their support of low taxes and generous social spending despite a rhetorical commitment to small government. Since the 1990's the NKP have supported {{wp|supply-side economics}} seeing higher taxes on the wealthy as detrimental for economic growth. The NKP opposed the introduction of a federal {{wp|minimum wage}} and oppose further increases to it on the grounds it is bad for job creation. In recent years the NKP have spearheaded moves to introduce a {{wp|balanced budget amendment}} (''{{wp|Debt brake (Germany)|Schuldenbremse}}'') to the Weranian constitution.  


On social policy, the NKP has been traditionally seen as conservative opposing legalised {{Wp|euthanasia}}, supporting greater restrictions on {{wp|abortion}}, favouring tight {{wp|immigration}} laws and supporting {{Wp|nationalism|nationalist}} policies. However, the NKP has generally been pragmatic in certain areas promising in the 2015 election not to amend the current laws surrounding abortion.   
On social policy, the NKP has been traditionally seen as conservative opposing legalised {{Wp|euthanasia}}, supporting greater restrictions on {{wp|abortion}}, favouring tight {{wp|immigration}} laws and supporting {{Wp|nationalism|nationalist}} policies. However, the NKP has generally been pragmatic in certain areas promising in the 2015 election not to amend the current laws surrounding abortion.   


On foreign policy the NKP for much of its history has been moderately Euclesceptic party, being a founding member of the Party of Euclean Conservatives. The NKP currently support reforming the [[Euclean Community]] to be more focused on economic rather than political integration. They strongly support increasing defence spending.  
On foreign policy the NKP for much of its history has been moderately Euclesceptic party, with their position being described as supporting ''{{wp|Souverainism|souverainisme}}''. The NKP currently support reforming the [[Euclean Community]] to be more focused on economic rather than political integration. The party was split over the prospect of [[Etruria]] joining the bloc in 2016 with some factions supporting it's membership whilst others were strenuously opposed on financial grounds although the [[Etruria Euclean Community membership referendum, 2016|failure of the 2016 referendum]] made the debate within the party moot. The NKP has also traditionally supported close relations with [[Senria]] in [[Coius]] being strongly critical of [[Shangea]] and [[Dezevau]]. In the mid-20th century the NKP was more dovish towards [[Soravia]], but have increasingly taken a hardline anti-Soravian stance since the [[Sostava War]] when Werania supported the independence of Soravia's former constituent states. They strongly support increasing defence spending.
==Leaders==
 
The NKP see environmental regulations as a burden on the economy and support market based solutions to climate change. Although the NKP does support the validity of {{wp|climate change}} they are split on whether humans contribute to it with a significant amount being {{wp|climate change denial|climate change deniers}}. The NKP oppose a {{wp|carbon tax}} and other command and control methods of environmental regulation. The NKP support {{wp|Hydraulic fracturing|fracking}}.
===Factions===
Due to the nature of the NKP's creation - that of a merger of parties intending to represent the broad right-wing spectrum of Weranian politics - the party contains several informal ideological factions ranging from {{wp|liberalism|liberal}}s to {{wp|right-wing populism|populists}}. Factions tend to within them contain various ideological strands being organised by charismatic figures. Factions play a large role in the NKP's internal politics although their influence has weakened over time as the NKP has become more ideologically homogenous.
*{{wp|Christian democracy|Sotirian democrats}} - the historically dominant faction of the party. They mainly consist of Sotirian democrats tracing their heritage to the [[Catholic Social Party (Werania)|Catholic Social Party]] and {{wp|Agrarianism|agrarianists}}. The mainstream conservatives traditionally opposed both free-market capitalism and socialism, instead promoting a "{{wp|social market economy}}" based on the principles of {{wp|sphere sovereignty}} and {{Wp|subsidiarity}}. In the 1980's they became more economically liberal and now are seen as supporting free-market economics and small government whilst maintaining a welfare state. Mainstream conservatives in the party tend to support the [[Euclean Community]] with a minority favouring Euclean federalism. Since the 2000's the mainstream conservatives influence has weakened in favour of the new right and populists and have increasingly transitioned to {{wp|liberal conservatism}} supporting a more conciliatory social policy whilst defending {{Wp|neoliberalism}}. Former premiers [[Konstantin Vogel]], [[Adolf Stahl]], [[Rudolf Wiefelspütz]], [[Johannes Zollitsch]] and [[Renatas Vinkauskas]] were from the mainline conservative faction although [[Sotirian Lowenstein]] was considered close to this faction.  
*{{wp|Traditionalist conservatism|Traditionalist conservatives}} - mainly descending from the [[Weranian Fatherland Party]]. Traditionalist conservatives tend to be extremely socially conservative and nationalist with some supporting völkisch politics. They also are opposed to the Euclean Community. The traditionalist conservatives largely declined in the 1970's with the right-wing of the NKP being supplanted by populists and the new right. Former premier [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]] were from the conservative faction.
*{{wp|Liberalism|Liberals}} - Historically coming from the [[National Liberal Party (Werania)|National Liberal Party]] they are considered the most pro-business faction and largely support {{Wp|economic liberalism}}, free trade, privatisation, individualism and {{wp|secularism}}. Liberals in the NKP are divided between {{wp|National liberalism|national liberals}} who support a more conservative form of {{Wp|cultural nationalism}}, {{Wp|Social liberalism|social liberals}} who support more liberal policies in the social sphere and {{wp|green liberalism}} and {{wp|neoliberalism|neoliberals}} who mainly focus on economic liberalism. Former premier [[August von Münstermann]] was from the liberal faction.
*{{wp|Neoconservatives}} - the neoconservatives are characterised by support for free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax cuts, Weranic nationalism, traditional values, privatisation, populism and hard Euclescepticism. They also support an interventionist policy abroad and are adamantly anti-socialist. The neoconservatives tend to be {{Wp|fiscal conservatism|fiscal conservatives}} supporting balanced budgets as well as low taxation. Although the neoconservative faction declined following the creation of the Democratic Alternative the rose to prominence during the 1990's particularly due to the decline of the liberal conservatives and Sotirian democrats. Premiers Sotirian Lowenstein, [[Dietrich Wittmann]] and incumbent [[Otto von Hößlin]] are most heavily associated with the neoconservatives.
*{{wp|Populism|Populist}}s - emerging from the protectionist, populist tradition of the [[Rural Federation]] the populist faction has historically been the weakest. They tend to support forms of {{Wp|national conservatism|national conservatism}} and {{Wp|economic nationalism}}. They tend to be the most interventionist on economic issues being more critical of {{wp|economic liberalism}} then the other faction. The populists are also the most strongly anti-immigration heavily using nationalist rhetoric and also tend to be {{wp|Souverainism|souverainist}} supporting a "Euclea of nations". Of all the factions the populists are the strongest supporters of political reform. Incumbent premier [[Anton Raicevich]] comes from the populist faction with Johannes Zollitsch and Otto von Hösslin also being seen as close to this faction.
 
==Organisation==
{{Infobox political party
| country =
| name = State Lower House Seats
| native_name =
| colorcode = #FF6A00
| seats1_title = [[Landtag of Bonnlitz-Ostbrücken|Bonnlitz-Ostbrücken]]
| seats1 = {{Composition bar|30|105|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats2_title = [[Landtag of Cislania|Cislania]]
| seats2 = {{Composition bar|82|202|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats3_title = [[Landtag of Elbenweis|Elbenweis]]
| seats3 = {{Composition bar|26|95|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats4_title = [[Landtag of Kolreuth|Kolreuth]]
| seats4 = {{Composition bar|5|48|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats6_title = [[Landtag of Prizen|Prizen]]
| seats6 = {{Composition bar|38|113|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats7_title = [[Seimas of Ruttland|Ruttland]]
| seats7 = {{Composition bar|11|125|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats8_title = [[Landtag of Rotenberg|Rotenberg]]
| seats8 = {{Composition bar|51|121|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats9_title = [[Landtag of Westbrücken|Westbrücken]]
| seats9 = {{Composition bar|8|83|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats10_title = [[Landtag of Wittislich|Wittislich]]
| seats10 = {{Composition bar|22|35|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
| seats11_title = [[Landtag of Wolfsfled|Wolfsfled]]
| seats11 = {{Composition bar|42|101|color=#FFF|hex=#FF6A00}}
}}
The National Consolidation Party organises itself on a federal, provincial and municipal level running in every province. At the apex of the NKP's organisation its the party federal president. The NKP president when in government is the [[Premier of Werania|premier]] and when in opposition serves as the party's leader in the [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies]]. The federal president is elected to three year terms, with the president having no term limits. If a president resigns a replacement is elected to serve the rest of their term.
 
The other leaders in the party include the vice-president and the party's leaders in the [[House of Councillors (Werania)|House of Councillors]] and the House of Deputies. The party president is elected by the parliamentary party in the Bundestag through preference voting whenever a vacancy appears or if the party leader loses a {{Wp|vote of no confidence}}.
 
The highest body in the NKP is the Federal Executive Committee (''Bundesvorstand''), which serves as the highest executive body in the NKP. The Bundesvorstand is made up of 20 voting members and 5 non-voting members and is elected by delegates at the annual party conference with the exception of the party president and vice-president who are ex-officio voting members.
 
Unlike other parties such as the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania]] the NKP has a relatively decentralised organisational structure with federal branches of the party having large degrees autonomy. The relatively diffuse origins of the NKP means the party's federal branches have strong ideological and personal rivalries. Party policy is made almost entirely by the parliamentary parties, not by the party's rank-and-file members, although NKP members do have a degree of influence over party policy within the federal conference.  
 
The key to the NKP's success is its highly developed network of patron-client relationships on both national and local levels. Within single member districts NKP representatives manage local support groups to keep in touch with public opinion and gain votes and financial backing. These local support groups often were connected to the Catholic Confederation of Labour, rural mutual aid groups and the Catholic Church enabling the party to act as a locus point for financial support and mobilisation of voters. Since the 1980's there has been a decline in these local support groups with the NKP's ability to utilise patronage and {{wp|pork barrel spending}} to farm votes being weakened.
 
The NKP is a member of the [[Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea]] joining the group in 1997 under [[Rasa Šimonytė]]. As of 2019 it is the largest party in the group holding 42 seats in the Euclean parliament.
===Leaders===
{|class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|-
! No.
! width=150|Name<br /><small>(Born–Died)</small>
! Portrait
! colspan=2|Term in Office
! Party leadership<br>elections
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 1
| [[Konstantin Vogel]]<br /><small>(1898-1980)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Einde bezoek bondskanselier dr Ludwig Erhard en gaf persconferentie in het Haag, Bestanddeelnr 916-1332.jpg|60px]] || 13 May 1957 || 16 May 1960 || 1957
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 2
| [[August von Münstermann]]<br /><small>(1902-1984)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Rudolf Wiefelspütz.jpg|60px]] || 16 May 1960 || 5 July 1963 || 1960
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 3
| [[Rudolf Wiefelspütz]]<br /><small>(1892-1973)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Rudolf Wiefelspütz 1965.png|60px]] || 5 July 1963 || 22 April 1969 || 1963<br>1966
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 4
| [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]]<br /><small>(1902-1986)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F024017-0001, Oberhausen, CDU-Parteitag Rheinland, Kiesinger.jpg (cropped).jpg|60px]] || 22 July 1969 || 7 March 1972 || 1969
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 5
| [[Renatas Vinkauskas]]<br /><small>(1922-2017)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F050938-0028, Bonn, Tagung CDU-Bundesausschuss, Tindemans.jpg|60px]] || 7 March 1972 || 30 June 1980 || 1972<br>1975<br>1978
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 6
| [[Maximilian Frommel]]<br /><small>(1931-2016)</small> || [[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F067146-0013, Lothar Späth.jpg|60px]] || 30 June 1980 || 4 July 1984 || 1980<br>1983
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 7
| [[Adolf Stahl]]<br /><small>(1931-2016)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F040153-0028, Bonn, Pressekonferenz CDU-Vorstand, Weizsäcker.jpg|60px]] || 4 July 1984 || 17 October 1991 || 1984<br>1987<br>1990
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 8
| [[Edmund Blaurock]]<br /><small>(1934-2003)</small> || [[File:Edmund Blaurock.jpg|60px]] || 17 October 1991 || 24 July 2000 || 1991<br>1994<br>1997
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 9
| [[Sotirian Lowenstein]]<br /><small>(1954-)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:President Wulff.jpg|60px]] || 24 July 1997 || 12 July 2009 || 2000<br>2003<br>2006
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 10
| [[Dietrich Wittmann]]<br /><small>(1946-)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Sommer 2008 Oberahornhütte 2967a.jpg|60px]] || 12 July 2009 || 8 July 2011 || 2009
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 11
| [[Günter Schaefer]]<br /><small>(1956-)</small> || [[File:Christian Schmidt (51554749990) (cropped).jpg|60px]] || 24 July 2011  || 3 March 2016 || 2011<br>2014
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 12
| [[Otto von Hößlin]]<br /><small>(1952-)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:2017-01-20 Horst Seehofer CSU 6527.JPG|60px]] || 3 March 2016 || 30 June 2022 || 2016<br>2019
|-
! style="background:#FF6A00; color:white;"| 14
| [[Anton Raicevich]]<br /><small>(1979-)</small><br>[[File:Werania Chancellor symbol.png|50px]] || [[File:Эммануэль Макрон (20-07-2018).jpg|60px]] || 30 June 2022 || Incumbent || [[2022 National Consolidation Party leadership election|2022]]
|}
 
==Electoral results==
==Electoral results==
[[Category:Werania]]
===House of Deputies===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; line-height:16px;"
|-
! rowspan="2" style="width:60px;"| Election
! colspan="5"| [[House of Deputies (Werania)|House of Deputies]]
! rowspan="2" style="width:30px;"| Rank
! rowspan="2" style="width:145px;"| Government
! rowspan="2"| Leader
|-
! style="width:75px;"| Votes
! style="width:45px;"| %
! style="width:45px;"| ±pp
! style="width:100px;"| Seats won
! style="width:40px;"| +/−
|-
! align="center"|[[1959 Weranian federal election|1959]]
| 9,536,815
| 46.53%
| ''New''
| {{Composition bar|278|586|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 16<sup>1</sup>
| '''#1''' {{increase}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority government
| [[Konstantin Vogel]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1963 Weranian federal election|1963]]
| 9,429,683
| 45.67%
| -0.86%
| {{Composition bar|296|602|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 18
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority government
|rowspan=2|[[Rudolf Wiefelspütz]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1967 Weranian federal election|1967]]
| 9,296,847
| 44.64%
| -1.03%
| {{Composition bar|300|602|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 4
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority government
|-
! align="center"|[[1971 Weranian federal election|1971]]
| 9,585,051
| 44.33%
| -0.31%
| {{Composition bar|298|602|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 2
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority government
| [[Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1972 Weranian federal election|1972]]
| 10,157,683
| 46.82%
| +2.49%
| {{Composition bar|306|602|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 8
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority government
|rowspan=2|  [[Johannes Zollitsch]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1976 Weranian federal election|1976]]
| 10,384,732
| 43.28%
| -3.54%
| {{Composition bar|314|579|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 8
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority government
|-
! align="center"|[[1980 Weranian federal election|1980]]
| 10,144,835
| 41.63%
| -1.65%
| {{Composition bar|287|579|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 27
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority government
|rowspan=2| [[Renatas Vinkauskas]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1984 Weranian federal election|1984]]
| 7,126,832
| 28.86%
| -12.77%
| {{Composition bar|196|579|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 91
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
|-
! align="center"|[[1988 Weranian federal election|1988]]
| 6,448,392
| 26.79%
| -2.07%
| {{Composition bar|108|598|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 88
| #2 {{decrease}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
| [[Maximilian Frommel]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1992 Weranian federal election|1992]]
| 6,964,925
| 29.58%
| +2.79%
| {{Composition bar|156|598|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 48
| #2 {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Coalition government
|[[Adolf Stahl]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1996 Weranian federal election|1996]]
| 9,284,922
| 32.94%
| +3.36%
| {{Composition bar|187|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 31
| '''#1<sup>2</sup>'''{{increase}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
|rowspan=2| [[Edmund Blaurock]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1999 Weranian federal election|1999]]
| 11,583,941
| 40.21%
| +7.27%
| {{Composition bar|250|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 63
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
|-
! align="center"|[[2003 Weranian federal election|2003]]
| 11,848,371
| 38.46%
| -1.75%
| {{Composition bar|261|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 11
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Coalition government
|rowspan=2| [[Sotirian Lowenstein]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2007 Weranian federal election|2007]]
| 12,683,712
| 34.22%
| -4.24%
| {{Composition bar|228|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}}33
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Coalition government
|-
! align="center"|[[2011 Weranian federal election|2011]]
| 9,174,932
| 26.48%
| -7.74%
| {{Composition bar|135|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 80
| #2 {{decrease}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
| [[Dietrich Wittmann]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2015 Weranian federal election|2015]]
| 9,086,742
| 26.85%
| +0.37%
| {{Composition bar|151|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 9
| #2 {{steady}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Opposition
| [[Günter Schaefer]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2019 Weranian federal election|2019]]
| 13,257,365
| 36.61%
| +9.76%
| {{Composition bar|253|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 102
| '''#1''' {{increase}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Coalition government
| [[Otto von Hößlin]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2023 Weranian federal election|2023]]
| 13,758,503
| 41.16%
| +4.55%
| {{Composition bar|300|545|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 47
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority government
| [[Anton Raicevich]]
|}
<sup>1</sup>Compared to the [[1955 Weranian federal election|1955]] seats for the [[National Liberal Party (Werania)|NLP]], [[Conservative Party (Werania)|KP]] and the [[Catholic Social Party|KSP]].<br><sup>2</sup>Attained more votes then the [[Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania|SRPO]] but the same amount of seats.
 
===House of Councillors===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; line-height:16px;"
|-
! rowspan="2" style="width:60px;"| Election
! colspan="6"| [[House of Councillors (Werania)|House of Councillors]]
! rowspan="2" style="width:30px;"| Rank
! rowspan="2" style="width:145px;"| Status
! rowspan="2"| Leader
|-
! style="width:75px;"| Votes
! style="width:45px;"| %
! style="width:45px;"| ±pp
! style="width:100px;"| Contested seats
! style="width:100px;"| Total seats
! style="width:40px;"| +/−
|-
! align="center"|[[1989 Weranian House of Councillors election|1989]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| ''New''
| {{Composition bar|86|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|86|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 86
| '''#1''' {{increase}}
| style="background:#ffffbd;"| Majority
| [[Edmund Blaurock]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1993 Weranian House of Councillors election|1993]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|53|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|97|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 11
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#ffffbd;"| Majority
| [[Edmund Blaurock]]
|-
! align="center"|[[1997 Weranian House of Councillors election|1997]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|68|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|121|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 24
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority
|rowspan=3| [[Rasa Šimonytė]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2001 Weranian House of Councillors election|2001]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|50|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|118|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 3
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority
|-
! align="center"|[[2005 Weranian House of Councillors election|2005]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|32|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|82|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 36
| #2 {{decrease}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority
|-
! align="center"|[[2009 Weranian House of Councillors election|2009]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|37|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|69|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{decrease}} 13
| #2 {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Minority
| [[Dietrich Wittmann]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2013 Weranian House of Councillors election|2013]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|35|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|72|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 2
| #2 {{steady}}
| style="background:#fcc;"| Minority
| [[Günter Schaefer]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2017 Weranian House of Councillors election|2017]]
| TBA
| TBA%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|74|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|104|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 37
| '''#1''' {{increase}}
| style="background:#ffffbd;"| Majority
|rowspan=2| [[Otto von Hößlin]]
|-
! align="center"|[[2021 Weranian House of Councillors election|2021]]
| 10,059,483
| 41.53%
| TBA
| {{Composition bar|67|116|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{Composition bar|130|232|hex=#FF6A00}}
| {{increase}} 12
| '''#1''' {{steady}}
| style="background:#cfc;"| Majority
|}
==Logos==
<gallery class="center">
File:Old NKP logo2.png|1957-1989
File:NKP logo 1990's.png|1989-2002
File:NKP logo 2000s.png|2002-2018
File:NKP logo.png|2018-2022
File:NKP logo modern.png|2022-
</gallery>
 
{{Template:Political parties in Werania}}
[[Category:Werania]][[Category:Kylaris Articles of Recognition]]

Latest revision as of 22:33, 28 February 2024

Template:KylarisRecognitionArticle

National Consolidation Party
Nationale Konsolidierungspartei
Federal PresidentAnton Raicevich
Vice-PresidentAndrea Däubler
Leader in the House of DeputiesElisabeth Biedenkopf
Leader in the House of CouncillorsJakob Böckler
FounderKonstantin Vogel
Founded13th May 1954
Merger ofLDP, SDP
Headquarters17 Jorganberg Road, Westbrucken, Werania
Youth wingNew Generation Forum
Membership101,463Increase
IdeologyConservatism
Political positionCentre-right
Euclean parliamentary groupAlliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea
Euclean affiliationParty of Euclean Conservatives
Colors   Orange, blue
SloganGott, Heimat, Freiheit
House of Deputies (Werania)
244 / 545
House of Councillors
130 / 232
Landtags/Seimas
314 / 1,067
Minister-Presidents
5 / 11
Euclean Parliament
42 / 118

The National Consolidation Party (Weranian: Nationale Konsolidierungspartei) commonly abbreviated to the NKP is a conservative political party in Werania. It is currently the largest party in the country with a majority in both houses of the Bundestag.

Formed in 1957 as a merger of anti-socialist political parties with the intention to represent the right-wing of the political spectrum, the NKP under Konstantin Vogel firmly established itself as the main party operating within an asymmetric two-party system with the NKP competing with a range of left-wing opposition parties. The NKP served in government from its foundation in 1955 to 1983 serving under a total of seven premiers. It remains the longest stint in power of a single party in Weranian history.

In 1983 after economic difficulties the NKP would enter opposition for a 20 year period as it became the rival of the governing party, the Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania. During this period in opposition the NKP would become incredibly divided between its traditional Sotirian democratic faction and a new right faction focused more on right-wing populism and economic liberalism. In 2003 the NKP under moderate leader Sotirian Lowenstein led the NKP to a victory against the SRPO. Lowenstein implemented conservative fiscal policies, privatising industry and reinvesting it into supporting tech startups. Dealing with economic collapse in 2005 Lowenstein implemented austerity policies avoiding a bailout from the Euclean Community. In 2007 he led the NKP to a coalition government where Lowenstein supported Euclean integration and greater fiscal liberalisation. Resigning in 2009, his successor Dietrich Wittmann was unable to gain re-election placing it back into opposition.

In 2015 Otto von Hößlin became NKP leader. He has under the influence of deputy leader Jörg Bullmann moved the party to the populist right, supporting economic nationalism, social conservatism and soft-Euclescepticism. In 2019 the party became the largest in the House of Deputies and is expected to form the next government of Werania. In 2022 Anton Raicevich became leader and in 2023 led the party to a majority government.

The NKP is a member of the Party of Euclean Conservatives, a member party of the Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea. A centre-right party, the NKP is seen as more socially conservative and economically interventionist than other parties within the ACDE.

History

Formation

The NKP was founded as a merger of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Sotirian Democratic Party (SDP) in 1957 by SDP Chairman and Premier Konstantin Vogel. Between 1942 to 1950 the Catholic Social Party, National Liberal Party and Centre Party had governed the country as part of the Fatherland Bloc. The bloc during the 1940's became increasingly authoritarian as a result of the Valduvian-Weranian War that saw a destabilisation of the state culminating in the failed Colonels putsch and the break up of the Fatherland Bloc. The progressive, anti-war of the bloc formed the SDP which claimed to represent a break from the opd conservative parties.

The 1950 election saw the KSP, NLP and ZP collapse as the SFP formed the Tripartite coalition with the centre-left Social Democratic Party of Werania (SPO) and the Weranic Section of the Workers' International (OSAI). Subsequently the KSP and the NLP formed the LDP to represent a more conservative stance then the now ascendent SDP.

Konstantin Vogel (left) and Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich (right) two founders of the NKP and later premiers pictured in 1962.

The Tripartite government commanded large majorities in the 1950 and 1953 elections implementing several progressive reforms as well as leading Werania into the Euclean Community. However the government suffered from internal tensions due to the alliance of urban socialists with rural conservative Catholics. In 1955 Konstantin Vogel - an outspoken critic of the tripartite government - became SDP leader. Legislation to increase trade union influence in the economy gave the SDP pretext to end the coalition leading to a vote of no confidence in the government that passed. The subsequent election saw the right wing parties of the SDP and LDP gain a majority confirming Vogel as premier.

Vogel's SDP-LDP government implemented moderate policies, creating a social market economy based on the doctrine of Catholic social teachings. The new government followed a mostly demand-side economics with an active fiscal and monetary policy ensuring there was low unemployment, moderate inflation, an expansion of the welfare state, the maintenance of the nationalised natural monopolies from the Tripartite government and income redistribution through public works projects. Nevertheless the government did still pursue some traditional conservative policies such as privatising state-owned breweries. As well as this the government encouraged the growth of Großkombinats, large business conglomerates that were supported by state-intervention thanks to the nationalisation of banks by the Tripartite governments.

In the runup to the 1959 there were concerns of OSAI becoming the largest party and possibly forming a government with the SPO. Amongst the two coalition parties there was a feeling that the decline in both monarchist conservatism and classical liberalism meant the three parties increasingly came to resemble each other supporting Weranic nationalism, free-market economics and Catholic social values. As such in 1957 Vogel alongside LDP leader Ludwig Stadtbäumer announced the creation of the National Consolidation Party which would be a "big-tent" party representative of right-wing politics in Werania. In order to allow a constant rotation amongst the leadership of the constituent parties the NKP adopted a three-year term for federal president with re-election allowed only once. The NKP subsequently formed a close relationship with the Solarian Catholic church, Catholic trade unions, großkombinat's and mittelstand's in order to boost its outreach to the electorate gathering supporters from all economic and social backgrounds.

Party of power

The NKP in its first election in 1959 scored a decisive victory getting 302 of 586 seats enabling it to govern with a majority. Like the preceding National Bloc the NKP benefited from divisions in the left with the OSAI, SPO and Radical Party often competing for votes. As well as that parties to the right of the NKP such as the ORP and OBb were seen as being far-right in character meaning that the NKP was able to present itself as the only credible non-socialist political force in the country.

The party's big-tent nature meant it primarily promoted centre-right policies with former KSP parliamentarians becoming the dominant tendency. Nevertheless the party still exhibited ideological diversity particularly on the issue of the Euclean Community, ranging from pro-EC federalists to proponents of souverainism. Vogel, a moderate pro-Eucleanist, focused on sound economic management through a promotion of private enterprise and competition between Euclean nations.

NKP leader Rudolf Wiefelspütz celebrating the results of the 1967 election.

In 1960 Vogel announced his retirement from politics preceding elections that year after developing early signs of lung cancer. His successor was August von Münstermann who shared much of his centre-right positions declaring the party stood against the "revolutionary radicalism" of the OSAI and SPO. However whilst the 1960's were marked by economic prosperity there were shifts in social attitudes with the rise of second-wave feminism, the new left and immigration from former Euclean colonies. The NKP was largely unresponsive to these social changes shifting to a gradual loss of support. As such in 1966 the NKP lost its majority in the Reichstag getting only 292 seats, albeit remaining the largest party by a large margin (the second ranked party, the OSAI, gained only 169 seats). Although the NKP could've formed a majority government with the SPO party leaders refused this possibility with NKP Finance Minister Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich declaring that the NKP "doesn't do coalitions". As such the NKP agreed to a minority government with the Sotirian Democratic Homeland with von Münstermann continuing his role as premier. He resigned after declining to run for re-election for NKP president and replaced with Rudolf Wiefelspütz.

Prior to the 1966 election economic growth stalled leading to Wiefelspütz to cut public expenditure. Wiefelspütz was seen as a technocratic figure with the government being re-elected in 1966 but his weak health meant he resigned in 1969 being replaced by Welskopf-Henrich.

At the 1970 election the NKP under Welskopf-Henrich secured re-election despite Welskopf-Henrich's wooden personality. Welskopf-Henrich continued moderately progressive social reforms whilst co-currently implementing budget cuts and reducing some of the welfare programmes started by the previous government, in line with policies pursued by previous NKP governments. The NKP remained popular thanks to dizzying economic growth due to the continued rise of großkombinat's, which accounted for over three-quarters of national output with many expanding further into other industries fuelled by state support due to loans given out by state-owned banks.

Welskopf-Henrich was premier during the 1972 student protests which started due to the government's controversial control over university curriculum's. The protests eventually became a broader movement for social justice and economic equality with the Amalgamated Federation of Trade Unions holding a wildcat general strike over the government's control over the upper echelons of the trade union movement. The country briefly came to an economic standstill with the government fearing revolution; as a result Welskopf-Henrich resigned as premier whilst calling a snap election. His successor was Renatas Vinkauskas who became the NKP's first Ruttish leade and premier. Calling on the "silent majority to vote against socialism" Vinkauskas led the NKP a large electoral victory an effort largely seen as down to Vinkauskas's personal popularity and much of the electorate voting against the instability the protests had caused.

A member of the NKP social Sotirian faction, Vinkauskas was credited with creating a dialogue with trade unions and student groups following the protests. A charismatic politician known for his wide factional support Vinkauskas attempted to present himself as a moderniser heardling a move towards liberal conservatism. Vinkauskas modernised the party's electoral apparatus, using television extensively crafting an image of himself as a modern leader who focused on long term development.

As premier Vinkauskas attempted to oversee large infrastructure projects, most ambitiously aiming to oversee a decline in the power of Großkombinats in favour of mittelstand's, the traditional backbone of Weranian industry. However under his premiership the economy continued to record solid growth due to the continued aggressive expansion of the großkombinat's, despite economic slowdowns in Senria and other parts of Euclea. In order to avoid recession Vinkauskas's government responded with implementing more comprehensive incomes policy and cutting public service wages, leading to tensions between the NKP and its traditional trade union partner, the Confederation of Catholic Labour. This policy was at the time hailed by economists who credited the strong output of großkombinat's as saving the Weranian economy, but was later seen as flawed as it stunted domestic consumption leading to the großkombinat's to incur far higher debt through borrowing.

Renatas Vinkauskas served as NKP leader and premier from 1972-1980, leading the NKP to its greatest electoral success in 1972 but also its first loss in 1980.

In 1976 the NKP once again secured a majority government. However several factors would lead to the NKP to enter a decline over the 1976-1980 term. Patronage politics had led to several voters to desert the NKP whilst the emergence of centrist forces such as the PMZ would present an attractive alternative to what was seen as an increasingly right-wing NKP. Most damaging was the merger of the SPO and the RP into the Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania (SRPO) in 1977 which emerged as the first big tent centre-left party in the country's history.

In 1979 the Steinman Scandal had broken out which saw the NKP accused of soliciting favours from the Steinman großkombinat through an illegal slush fund that funnelled Steinman donations to the party.

In 1980 as the balance of payments crisis worsened Vinkauskas made the decision to revalue the Reichsmark which incurred a loss of popularity for the NKP. The devaluation of the Reichsmark helped lead to the bubble of constant mergers and acquisitions by the großkombinat's to burst when the fourth largest company in Werania, the Einem Group, to file for bankruptcy. The großkombinat's debts were not only to state industrial banks but also to independent banks and their own financial services subsidiaries. The scale of the loan defaults meant that banks could neither foreclose nor write off bad loans without themselves collapsing, so the failure to service these debts quickly caused a systemic banking crisis leading to the Weranian government had to pump billions into banks and take a loan from the Global Institute of Fiscal Affairs, seen as a humiliation by large swathes of the population.

Loans from foreign banks meant that Vinkauskas was forced to cut public spending to deal with the recession, most notably slashing agricultural subsidies as well as undertaking a substantial devaluation of the Reichsmark. As well as this Vinkauskas was seen as uncharismatic and confrontational to trade unions, leading to more frequent strikes and economic disruption during the early 1980's.

The Steinman scandal combined with the economic crisis led to a collapse in support for the NKP and led to 32 of the party's deputies to form a new liberal conservative party, the Modern Centre Party.

The emergence of SRPO leader Ludolf Ostermann saw the NKP increasingly regarded as a party of old men out of touch with younger voters who had led to a historic mismanagement of the economy and sold Werania out to the GIFA. In the 1980 election the NKP remained the largest party with 196 seats whilst the SRPO overtook the OSAI for the second time as the second largest party, with the two parties together getting the best result ever for the Weranic left since the popular front took power in 1918. As a result of the NKP losing its majority Ostermann formed a left-wing coalition between the SRPO and the OSAI putting the NKP into opposition for the first time since its creation.

Wilderness years

The failure of the NKP to present a credible and attractive alternative to the left caused many younger members of the party to start to challenge the ideological orthodoxy of the party with Sotirian democracy, agrarian populism and pork-barrel politics becoming increasingly unpopular. Neoliberal economics and populist nationalism became popular amongst party activists who advocated a radical shift from the old consensus driven, centrist Sotirian democracy to a more populist, free market direction. These activists believed the old system of nationalisation, strong labour unions, heavy regulation, high taxes, and a generous welfare state had led to Werania's economic malaise, recommending instead a programme of privatisation, deregulation and a reduction of trade union power being inspired by Patrica Flowers in Caldia. This faction was known as the neue rechte (new right) with proponents within the party including Egon Geisel, Oskar Schweidnitz Elisabeth von Neudeck and Dietrich Wittmann who became known as the "Gang of Four".

Prior to the 1981 NKP conference the gang of four plotted to forward a vote of no confidence towards Vinkauskas's leadership with the intention of putting forward Geisel as party leader. Unwilling to allow the neue rechte to dominate the party Vinkauskas unexpectedly announced he would not run for another term as NKP president prior to the conference recommending his deputy Maximilian Frommel as leader. Enraged that Vinkauskas avoided a no confidence vote Geisel, Schweidnitz and von Neudeck alongside several other neue rechte deputies split from the party forming the Democratic Alternative (DA). The DA soon became popular with voters concerned about rising immigration and deeper Euclean integration as well as arousing the approval of the business community who wished for an economically liberal but anti-trade union party. Concerns were raised surrounding Frommel, who was seen as an apparatchik with little charisma or vision. Unbeknownst at the time was that Frommel was suffering from cancer which resulted in him to limit his public appearances which created an image of him as being aloof and out of touch. As well as this, the NKP's political machine - which had been adept at acting as a locus for matching interest group money and votes with bureaucratic power and expertise - weakened due to being in opposition.

Frommel like his predecessors as leader was a pro-business conservative representing continuity within the NKP and as such initiated no major policy differences. In opposition Frommel advocated a relatively passive strategy believing the traditional divisions of the left would discredit the Ostermann government and that voters would quickly return to the NKP. In 1982 after facing severe economic problems the SRPO-OSAI government abandoned its radical socialist programme and adopted free-market policies at the insistence of the Euclean Community. This led to a large decline in support for the government leading to Frommel at the 1984 NKP party conference to declare for the party to "ready itself for government". However this looked unlikely as the split with the DA had resulted in approval for the NKP sharply declining hurting its image as a safe pair of hands for government and the economy.

Adolf Stahl (left) would lead the NKP briefly into government from 1987 to 1991.

An uptick in the economic situation and perceptions that the NKP was a divided party that stood for few core principles meant that in the 1984 election the SRPO was elected to a record second term in government. The NKP suffered a catastrophic result falling from 202 to 108 seats, easily its worst result up until that point attaining the second most amount of seats for the first time in its history. Many NKP seats went to the DA which debuted with 78 seats along with the Ruttish Sotirian Democratic Homeland which gained 36 seats. As a result of the terrible result Frommel resigned from the party leadership and politics in general. The 1984 leadership election was seen as a defining one for the party as the centre-right candidate Adolf Stahl faced off the neue rechte and former gang of four member Dietrich Wittmann for the leadership. By a narrow vote Stahl won.

The government formed after the 1984 election was a coalition between the SRPO and the Modern Centre Party. The new government would subsequently begin to promote a radical programme of reform supporting social and economic liberalism. This led to several progressive social reforms such as the legislation of homosexuality and divorce and economic reforms in the form of privatisation and deregulation particularly in the public sector. The new government saw a shift of economic power from state-owned enterprises and the großkombinat's towards mittelstands and other small and medium-sized enterprises (SME's). These measures were seen as highly reformatory to the Werania the NKP led prompting discussion within the party of the direction forward following the 1984 result.

Stahl started the process of party modernisation mainly with an overhaul of party financing and its ability to reach voters as well as setting up an array of think tanks to support the party's ability to formulate new policies. However the issue of whether to accept coalition government remained divisive within the party with the old guard refusing to accept the idea on principle. In 1986 Blaurock announced that in the next election the NKP would be willing to offer coalition agreements with "likeminded parties if the NKP attained less then 200 seats heralding a major shift in NKP policy.

In 1987 the SRPO and PMZ government fell apart over differences in economic policy. Discontent with the government led to an uptick in support for the NKP which emerged as the lagrest party. The NKP however did not secure a majority and despite getting over 200 seats Stahl elected to form a coaltion with the PMZ. This move was incredibly controversial and the government was plagued with factional disputes. The NKP-PMZ government continued economic reform but in contrast to the SRPO led government introduced austerity and attempted to implement union busting and right to work legislation. As a result they quickly became unpopular and the NKP suffered a defeat at the 1991 elections to the SRPO led by Wolfgang Löscher. Stahl resigned as leader and was replaced by Edmund Blaurock.

Although being associated with the old guard of the party Blaurock recognised that the NKP needed to reinvent itself if it was to credibly challenge the SRPO and maintain its position as the leading party of the right over the DA. Blaurock also recognised that the party was seen by voters as being out of touch with modern Werania and that it appealed solely to rural, conservative Catholics. Blaurock started the process of party modernisation mainly with an overhaul of party financing and its ability to reach voters as well as setting up an array of think tanks to support the party's ability to formulate new policies. Nevertheless the NKP was unable to win the 1995 election due to the excellent economic conditions at the time with the SRPO government of Wolfgang Löscher being re-elected.

Following the 1995 election Blaurock committed several institutional reforms within the party instituting an age limit of 75 for parliamentary candidates and promoting more women within the parliamentary party. Blaurock also abolished term limits for the NKP president to give stability to the post of leader. Blaurock also shifted the party to the right, promoting a more stringent form of economic liberalism declaring upon his election that "there is no alternative to an economic based on entirely free-market principles" whilst also differentiating the NKP from the SRPO-led government by promoting an explicitly souverainist policy regarding the Euclean Community.

The 1995-1999 legislature saw Blaurock continue to modernise the party placing more power in its executive and reaching out to opposition parties such as the SDT and the DA which were seen as potential coalition partners. In the runup to the 1999 election the NKP were confident they would become the largest party and form government for the first time since 1979. Blaurock's campaign as such in February 1999 unveiled an extremely right-wing programme that called for amongst other things rescinding many labour protections, restricting the right to industrial action, implementation of a flat tax and raising VAT. These proposals led to Löscher to embark on a vigorous campaign painting the NKP as a party that was solely supported by the wealthy, running a negative campaign that also portrayed Blaurock as a weak and indecisive leader. As a result of the right-wing proposals and the negative campaigning by the SRPO the NKP's polling lead narrowed as the SRPO regained lost support. Although the NKP would get the most amount of votes their seat count - 187 - was exactly the same as the SRPO who formed a coalition with the OSAI. As a result Blaurock resigned as party leader in 2001 stating two electoral losses meant "it is clear that I do not hold the support of the Weranian people" retiring from politics completely.

Sotirian Lowenstein led the NKP to two election victories in 2003 and 2007.

Following Blaurock's resignation party elites soon supported Sotirian Lowenstein for leader. Although never serving in the federal government Lowenstein had been the Minister-President of Roetenberg and was respected for his consensus driven style. He was elected unopposed as party leader representing a victory for the moderate wing of the party.

The SRPO-OSAI government during the early 2000's was marked by infighting and fatigue after 16 years of SRPO governance. The 2000 election saw the NKP achieve 240 seats due to the unpopularity of the centre-left coalition. Lowenstein formed a government with the Democratic Alternative party, marking the end of the NKP's 12 years in opposition and the first time the NKP formed a coalition government.

Modern history

The Lowenstein government came to power under a context of healthy economic growth but a poor employment rate with Lowenstein declaring that conquering unemployment would be the government's priority. Lowenstein himself was seen as fiscally conservative supporting a restraint on public expenditure and tax cuts whilst also being socially conservative. However Lowenstein was also seen as being pro-Euclean supporting deeper integration in contrast to his DA coalition allies.

Upon coming to power Lowenstein implemented a programme of tax cuts and a raise in public expenditure due to the budget surplus left by the prior government. The government also lessened some of the liberal policies of the previous government tightening drug laws and implementing tough new laws regarding immigration, with the system being transformed into a skills based points system for non-EC migrants. The government also slashed the capital gains tax in 2000 leading to a housing boom. In the initial years of Lowenstein government the NKP benefited from good polling and the weak state of the opposition, but tensions over Euclean policy mounted with the DA coalition partners. In 2004 DA leader and Finance Minister Egon Geisel unexpectedly announced he would resign from government and withdraw the DA from the coalition agreement. A large amount of the DA disagreed with this proposal with Health Minister Theodore Goetzberger and the more centre-right faction of the party staying in government as part of the Reform Conservatives Party. During his preimiership Lowenstein built a close relationship with her Gaullican counterpart, Alexandre Lévesque.

In 2005 at the start of the global financial crisis Werania's economy entered a severe recession with the collapse of the Stiemark Investment and Savings Bank and the bursting of the housing market bubble resulting in sales and property values collapsing. As a result of the recession the government in 2005 announced a 2 year unlimited guarantee of all debt for 4 leading banks, with the debts totalling €700 billion at the start of the guarantee. To ensure it could take on such debts, the government announced severe cuts to education, healthcare, defence, welfare and pensions as well as reversing income tax cuts and beginning to run a deficit. These measures were unpopular with the NKP's support dissipating and anti-austerity protests being held around the country. The economic situation worsened as the government refused to apply for a bailout from the EC.

In the 2007 election the NKP again came first with 215 seats whilst radical parties on the right and left rose in seats. The NKP formed a coalition with the RKP and the SDT continuing a programme of austerity to prevent any need for a bailout from the EC.

In 2009 Lowenstein decided not to run for another term as NKP leader and thereby premier. The party as such elected finance minister Dietrich Wittmann as his successor. Although formally a major figure in the neue rechte faction Wittmann since shifted to a more moderate position albeit still being a strong advocate of further economic liberalisation. His government continued austerity measures but without the popular figure of Lowenstein the reforms were seen as increasingly unfair with the NKP losing popularity. Wittmann was unable to revive the party's electoral fortunes and they were heavily defeated in the election although Schaefer stayed on as leader.

In opposition the new leader Gustav Schaefer attempted to present the NKP as a "party of the progressive centre-right" whilst continuing to support austerity policies in order to maintain fiscal credibility to the Euclean Community .He emphasised the party's fiscal responsibility against the SRPO-PMZ coalition whom he accused of "reckless tax and spend" policies urging fiscal restraint. The party also became more overtly Euclesceptic with Schaefer declaring that he would hold a referendum on the Euclo if Werania was forced to finance a bailout for countries such as Amathia.

Anton Raicevich led the NKP to a majority government in the 2023 Weranian federal election.

Schaefer had been the Minister-President of Wolfsfled and as a result concentrated power amongst his colleagues from his time in Wolfsfled, leading to much of the party to actively agitate against his leadership, especially the party's conservative wing. Schaefer was unable to increase support for the NKP especially following the Kleinmann Affair where Schaefer was accused of taking undisclosed political donations from the construction company Kleinmann. At the 2013 House of Councillors elections - considered a barometer for public support - the NKP saw only marginal gains compared to the 2009 election. Under Schaefer the NKP opposed the legislation of same-sex marriage.

Nevertheless an unpopular pension reform plan by the SRPO-PMZ government in 2014 saw the NKP regain their place in the polls leading to the SRPO to oust their leader and premier Emilia Koopmann and replace her with Viktor Oberhauser. This led to the SRPO to regain their place in the polls getting 157 seats in the 2015 election with the NKP gaining only 9 seats at the election. Oberhauser formed a government with the PMZ whilst Schaefer tendered his resignation as party leader facing criticism from all quarters of the party.

Following Schaefer's resignation former Defence Minister Otto von Hößlin was elected as the NKP incumbent leader. Von Hößlin's leadership has seen a shift to right-wing populist rhetoric calling for a more Euclesceptic foreign policy, tougher immigration policy and economic nationalist measures such as a promotion of Weranian goods, welfare chauvinism and ending the neoliberal policies of the SRPO-PMZ-SDT government. Von Hößlin's leadership in opposition saw support for the NKP increase due to a rightward, Euclesceptic shift in Weranic public opinion partly in response to the unpopularity of the Oberhauser government. Much of the shift to the right was promoted by NKP deputy leader Jörg Bullmann who was close to the Etrurian Tribune Movement. Von Hößlin was re-elected to the party leadership in 2018.

The 2019 election saw the NKP attain 244 seats, the party's best result since mid-2000's. Von Hößlin form a coalition government with the Democratic Alternative with von Hößlin becoming the tenth NKP premier. The NKP-DA coalition had since coming to power largely focused on implementing tougher rules regarding immigration, liberalising sectors of the economy and expanding various welfare programmes. In 2022 von Hösslin resigned as premier being replaced by Anton Raicevich. In the 2023 Weranian federal election the NKP won a majority government enabling them to form a single-party cabinet.

Ideology

Federal president Anton Raicevich
Vice-President Andrea Däubler

The National Consolidation Party is seen as a catch-all party with it's traditional slogan - Gott, Heimat, Freiheit - intending to exemplify it's fusion of Sotirian democracy, nationalism and liberalism into a single conservative party. The NKP was formed to represent the predominantly rural Catholic community and as such adopted policies in spirit with Sotirian democratic and agrarian philosophy. Over time it has developed into a centre-right conservative party supporting social conservatism and economic liberalism although has more liberal and interventionist tendencies. The NKP is a strong proponent of subsidiarity.

On economic matters, the NKP is strongly influenced by economic liberalism, being the main party responsible for the creation of Werania's social market economy. Prior the collapse of the großkombinat's in the 1970's the NKP strongly supported their development over mittelstands but by the 1990's has re-orientated to support a mix of large conglomerates and SME's. Since the 1980's the NKP has promoted neoliberal economic policies such as privatisation and deregulation. Generally the modern NKP's economic policies have been described as populist due to their support of low taxes and generous social spending despite a rhetorical commitment to small government. Since the 1990's the NKP have supported supply-side economics seeing higher taxes on the wealthy as detrimental for economic growth. The NKP opposed the introduction of a federal minimum wage and oppose further increases to it on the grounds it is bad for job creation. In recent years the NKP have spearheaded moves to introduce a balanced budget amendment (Schuldenbremse) to the Weranian constitution.

On social policy, the NKP has been traditionally seen as conservative opposing legalised euthanasia, supporting greater restrictions on abortion, favouring tight immigration laws and supporting nationalist policies. However, the NKP has generally been pragmatic in certain areas promising in the 2015 election not to amend the current laws surrounding abortion.

On foreign policy the NKP for much of its history has been moderately Euclesceptic party, with their position being described as supporting souverainisme. The NKP currently support reforming the Euclean Community to be more focused on economic rather than political integration. The party was split over the prospect of Etruria joining the bloc in 2016 with some factions supporting it's membership whilst others were strenuously opposed on financial grounds although the failure of the 2016 referendum made the debate within the party moot. The NKP has also traditionally supported close relations with Senria in Coius being strongly critical of Shangea and Dezevau. In the mid-20th century the NKP was more dovish towards Soravia, but have increasingly taken a hardline anti-Soravian stance since the Sostava War when Werania supported the independence of Soravia's former constituent states. They strongly support increasing defence spending.

The NKP see environmental regulations as a burden on the economy and support market based solutions to climate change. Although the NKP does support the validity of climate change they are split on whether humans contribute to it with a significant amount being climate change deniers. The NKP oppose a carbon tax and other command and control methods of environmental regulation. The NKP support fracking.

Factions

Due to the nature of the NKP's creation - that of a merger of parties intending to represent the broad right-wing spectrum of Weranian politics - the party contains several informal ideological factions ranging from liberals to populists. Factions tend to within them contain various ideological strands being organised by charismatic figures. Factions play a large role in the NKP's internal politics although their influence has weakened over time as the NKP has become more ideologically homogenous.

  • Sotirian democrats - the historically dominant faction of the party. They mainly consist of Sotirian democrats tracing their heritage to the Catholic Social Party and agrarianists. The mainstream conservatives traditionally opposed both free-market capitalism and socialism, instead promoting a "social market economy" based on the principles of sphere sovereignty and subsidiarity. In the 1980's they became more economically liberal and now are seen as supporting free-market economics and small government whilst maintaining a welfare state. Mainstream conservatives in the party tend to support the Euclean Community with a minority favouring Euclean federalism. Since the 2000's the mainstream conservatives influence has weakened in favour of the new right and populists and have increasingly transitioned to liberal conservatism supporting a more conciliatory social policy whilst defending neoliberalism. Former premiers Konstantin Vogel, Adolf Stahl, Rudolf Wiefelspütz, Johannes Zollitsch and Renatas Vinkauskas were from the mainline conservative faction although Sotirian Lowenstein was considered close to this faction.  
  • Traditionalist conservatives - mainly descending from the Weranian Fatherland Party. Traditionalist conservatives tend to be extremely socially conservative and nationalist with some supporting völkisch politics. They also are opposed to the Euclean Community. The traditionalist conservatives largely declined in the 1970's with the right-wing of the NKP being supplanted by populists and the new right. Former premier Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich were from the conservative faction.
  • Liberals - Historically coming from the National Liberal Party they are considered the most pro-business faction and largely support economic liberalism, free trade, privatisation, individualism and secularism. Liberals in the NKP are divided between national liberals who support a more conservative form of cultural nationalism, social liberals who support more liberal policies in the social sphere and green liberalism and neoliberals who mainly focus on economic liberalism. Former premier August von Münstermann was from the liberal faction.
  • Neoconservatives - the neoconservatives are characterised by support for free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax cuts, Weranic nationalism, traditional values, privatisation, populism and hard Euclescepticism. They also support an interventionist policy abroad and are adamantly anti-socialist. The neoconservatives tend to be fiscal conservatives supporting balanced budgets as well as low taxation. Although the neoconservative faction declined following the creation of the Democratic Alternative the rose to prominence during the 1990's particularly due to the decline of the liberal conservatives and Sotirian democrats. Premiers Sotirian Lowenstein, Dietrich Wittmann and incumbent Otto von Hößlin are most heavily associated with the neoconservatives.
  • Populists - emerging from the protectionist, populist tradition of the Rural Federation the populist faction has historically been the weakest. They tend to support forms of national conservatism and economic nationalism. They tend to be the most interventionist on economic issues being more critical of economic liberalism then the other faction. The populists are also the most strongly anti-immigration heavily using nationalist rhetoric and also tend to be souverainist supporting a "Euclea of nations". Of all the factions the populists are the strongest supporters of political reform. Incumbent premier Anton Raicevich comes from the populist faction with Johannes Zollitsch and Otto von Hösslin also being seen as close to this faction.

Organisation

State Lower House Seats
Bonnlitz-Ostbrücken
30 / 105
Cislania
82 / 202
Elbenweis
26 / 95
Kolreuth
5 / 48
Prizen
38 / 113
Ruttland
11 / 125
Rotenberg
51 / 121
Westbrücken
8 / 83
Wittislich
22 / 35
Wolfsfled
42 / 101

The National Consolidation Party organises itself on a federal, provincial and municipal level running in every province. At the apex of the NKP's organisation its the party federal president. The NKP president when in government is the premier and when in opposition serves as the party's leader in the House of Deputies. The federal president is elected to three year terms, with the president having no term limits. If a president resigns a replacement is elected to serve the rest of their term.

The other leaders in the party include the vice-president and the party's leaders in the House of Councillors and the House of Deputies. The party president is elected by the parliamentary party in the Bundestag through preference voting whenever a vacancy appears or if the party leader loses a vote of no confidence.

The highest body in the NKP is the Federal Executive Committee (Bundesvorstand), which serves as the highest executive body in the NKP. The Bundesvorstand is made up of 20 voting members and 5 non-voting members and is elected by delegates at the annual party conference with the exception of the party president and vice-president who are ex-officio voting members.

Unlike other parties such as the Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania the NKP has a relatively decentralised organisational structure with federal branches of the party having large degrees autonomy. The relatively diffuse origins of the NKP means the party's federal branches have strong ideological and personal rivalries. Party policy is made almost entirely by the parliamentary parties, not by the party's rank-and-file members, although NKP members do have a degree of influence over party policy within the federal conference.  

The key to the NKP's success is its highly developed network of patron-client relationships on both national and local levels. Within single member districts NKP representatives manage local support groups to keep in touch with public opinion and gain votes and financial backing. These local support groups often were connected to the Catholic Confederation of Labour, rural mutual aid groups and the Catholic Church enabling the party to act as a locus point for financial support and mobilisation of voters. Since the 1980's there has been a decline in these local support groups with the NKP's ability to utilise patronage and pork barrel spending to farm votes being weakened.

The NKP is a member of the Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea joining the group in 1997 under Rasa Šimonytė. As of 2019 it is the largest party in the group holding 42 seats in the Euclean parliament.

Leaders

No. Name
(Born–Died)
Portrait Term in Office Party leadership
elections
1 Konstantin Vogel
(1898-1980)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Einde bezoek bondskanselier dr Ludwig Erhard en gaf persconferentie in het Haag, Bestanddeelnr 916-1332.jpg 13 May 1957 16 May 1960 1957
2 August von Münstermann
(1902-1984)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Rudolf Wiefelspütz.jpg 16 May 1960 5 July 1963 1960
3 Rudolf Wiefelspütz
(1892-1973)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Rudolf Wiefelspütz 1965.png 5 July 1963 22 April 1969 1963
1966
4 Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich
(1902-1986)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F024017-0001, Oberhausen, CDU-Parteitag Rheinland, Kiesinger.jpg (cropped).jpg 22 July 1969 7 March 1972 1969
5 Renatas Vinkauskas
(1922-2017)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F050938-0028, Bonn, Tagung CDU-Bundesausschuss, Tindemans.jpg 7 March 1972 30 June 1980 1972
1975
1978
6 Maximilian Frommel
(1931-2016)
Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F067146-0013, Lothar Späth.jpg 30 June 1980 4 July 1984 1980
1983
7 Adolf Stahl
(1931-2016)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F040153-0028, Bonn, Pressekonferenz CDU-Vorstand, Weizsäcker.jpg 4 July 1984 17 October 1991 1984
1987
1990
8 Edmund Blaurock
(1934-2003)
Edmund Blaurock.jpg 17 October 1991 24 July 2000 1991
1994
1997
9 Sotirian Lowenstein
(1954-)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
President Wulff.jpg 24 July 1997 12 July 2009 2000
2003
2006
10 Dietrich Wittmann
(1946-)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Sommer 2008 Oberahornhütte 2967a.jpg 12 July 2009 8 July 2011 2009
11 Günter Schaefer
(1956-)
Christian Schmidt (51554749990) (cropped).jpg 24 July 2011 3 March 2016 2011
2014
12 Otto von Hößlin
(1952-)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
2017-01-20 Horst Seehofer CSU 6527.JPG 3 March 2016 30 June 2022 2016
2019
14 Anton Raicevich
(1979-)
Werania Chancellor symbol.png
Эммануэль Макрон (20-07-2018).jpg 30 June 2022 Incumbent 2022

Electoral results

House of Deputies

Election House of Deputies Rank Government Leader
Votes % ±pp Seats won +/−
1959 9,536,815 46.53% New
278 / 586
Decrease 161 #1 Increase Minority government Konstantin Vogel
1963 9,429,683 45.67% -0.86%
296 / 602
Increase 18 #1 Steady Minority government Rudolf Wiefelspütz
1967 9,296,847 44.64% -1.03%
300 / 602
Increase 4 #1 Steady Minority government
1971 9,585,051 44.33% -0.31%
298 / 602
Decrease 2 #1 Steady Minority government Sigmar Welskopf-Henrich
1972 10,157,683 46.82% +2.49%
306 / 602
Increase 8 #1 Steady Majority government Johannes Zollitsch
1976 10,384,732 43.28% -3.54%
314 / 579
Increase 8 #1 Steady Majority government
1980 10,144,835 41.63% -1.65%
287 / 579
Decrease 27 #1 Steady Minority government Renatas Vinkauskas
1984 7,126,832 28.86% -12.77%
196 / 579
Decrease 91 #1 Steady Opposition
1988 6,448,392 26.79% -2.07%
108 / 598
Decrease 88 #2 Decrease Opposition Maximilian Frommel
1992 6,964,925 29.58% +2.79%
156 / 598
Increase 48 #2 Steady Coalition government Adolf Stahl
1996 9,284,922 32.94% +3.36%
187 / 545
Increase 31 #12Increase Opposition Edmund Blaurock
1999 11,583,941 40.21% +7.27%
250 / 545
Increase 63 #1 Steady Opposition
2003 11,848,371 38.46% -1.75%
261 / 545
Increase 11 #1 Steady Coalition government Sotirian Lowenstein
2007 12,683,712 34.22% -4.24%
228 / 545
Decrease33 #1 Steady Coalition government
2011 9,174,932 26.48% -7.74%
135 / 545
Decrease 80 #2 Decrease Opposition Dietrich Wittmann
2015 9,086,742 26.85% +0.37%
151 / 545
Increase 9 #2 Steady Opposition Günter Schaefer
2019 13,257,365 36.61% +9.76%
253 / 545
Increase 102 #1 Increase Coalition government Otto von Hößlin
2023 13,758,503 41.16% +4.55%
300 / 545
Increase 47 #1 Steady Majority government Anton Raicevich

1Compared to the 1955 seats for the NLP, KP and the KSP.
2Attained more votes then the SRPO but the same amount of seats.

House of Councillors

Election House of Councillors Rank Status Leader
Votes % ±pp Contested seats Total seats +/−
1989 TBA TBA% New
86 / 232
86 / 232
Increase 86 #1 Increase Majority Edmund Blaurock
1993 TBA TBA% TBA
53 / 116
97 / 232
Increase 11 #1 Steady Majority Edmund Blaurock
1997 TBA TBA% TBA
68 / 116
121 / 232
Increase 24 #1 Steady Majority Rasa Šimonytė
2001 TBA TBA% TBA
50 / 116
118 / 232
Decrease 3 #1 Steady Majority
2005 TBA TBA% TBA
32 / 116
82 / 232
Decrease 36 #2 Decrease Minority
2009 TBA TBA% TBA
37 / 116
69 / 232
Decrease 13 #2 Steady Minority Dietrich Wittmann
2013 TBA TBA% TBA
35 / 116
72 / 232
Increase 2 #2 Steady Minority Günter Schaefer
2017 TBA TBA% TBA
74 / 116
104 / 232
Increase 37 #1 Increase Majority Otto von Hößlin
2021 10,059,483 41.53% TBA
67 / 116
130 / 232
Increase 12 #1 Steady Majority

Logos