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Located in the [[Bashurat River Basin]], home to one of the {{wp|Cradle of civilization|cradles of civilisation}}, the valley was first united under the [[Sangma Dynasty]] in 12 BC, which would last for the next 1200 years, although a scholarly consensus has emerged that the Sangma Dynasty was not one continuous line of descent, but rather to the concept of the {{wp|Chakravarti (Sanskrit term)|Chakravarti}}, the ruler of the Bashutat Valley and the surrounding regions. The Sangma Empire can be split into three periods, the Early Period, lasting from the founding of the dynasty in 12 BC to the disposition of [[Vikramaditya Jatavarman III]] in a coup in 311 AD and the following First Interregnum, a period of civil war from 311 AD to the reunification of the empire in 399 AD by [[Vikramaditya Mahendra I]], the Middle Period from 399 AD to 812 AD, which ended with the Second Sangma Interregnum, which would last for most of the 9th Century until Susarman I reunified the lands and claimed the mantle of the Sangma. | Located in the [[Bashurat River Basin]], home to one of the {{wp|Cradle of civilization|cradles of civilisation}}, the valley was first united under the [[Sangma Dynasty]] in 12 BC, which would last for the next 1200 years, although a scholarly consensus has emerged that the Sangma Dynasty was not one continuous line of descent, but rather to the concept of the {{wp|Chakravarti (Sanskrit term)|Chakravarti}}, the ruler of the Bashutat Valley and the surrounding regions. The Sangma Empire can be split into three periods, the Early Period, lasting from the founding of the dynasty in 12 BC to the disposition of [[Vikramaditya Jatavarman III]] in a coup in 311 AD and the following First Interregnum, a period of civil war from 311 AD to the reunification of the empire in 399 AD by [[Vikramaditya Mahendra I]], the Middle Period from 399 AD to 812 AD, which ended with the Second Sangma Interregnum, which would last for most of the 9th Century until Susarman I reunified the lands and claimed the mantle of the Sangma. | ||
What followed was the HLate Period of the Sangma Dynasty, lasting from 812 AD until 1133 AD. This period saw a series of wars as the empire gradually contracted and then expanded again in wars against its neighbours. The period ended with the defeat and death of [[Khengara I]] in battle against the [[Great | What followed was the HLate Period of the Sangma Dynasty, lasting from 812 AD until 1133 AD. This period saw a series of wars as the empire gradually contracted and then expanded again in wars against its neighbours. The period ended with the defeat and death of [[Khengara I]] in battle against the [[Great Nam]]. From 1133 until the 1300s, the Bashurat Valley was ruled by the Great Nam, with the only remnant of the Sangma being the [[Thakurate of Zubad]]. | ||
The | The Great Nam collapsed into a series of successor states around 1300 following a extended period of decline. None of the successor states was able to successfully conquer the others, and the Bashurat Valley remained divided for the next two centuries, paying tribute to the [[Ansan Empire]] for the 13th and 14th centuries until the invasions of the [[Togoti Khanate]] under [[Manzur Khan]] and [[Arslon Khan]] conquered the various independent Thakurates in the mid to late 1500s. Under [[Gurkhan]] the Togoti would grown into one of the largest empires in history, destroying the Gorsanid Empire and conquering southern [[Zorasan]] and invading the Ansan Empire and [[Shangea]]. Although not successful in his conquests, and dying in 1662, Gurkhan's invasion weakened the Jiao Dynasty and allowed the [[Senria|Senrian]] Toki Dynasty to take power. Gurkhan's empire did not survive his death, and after a brief war his sons [[Ajahad I|Ajahad]] and [[Khardar]] agreed to split the empire between them, with Ajahad inheriting the Satrian lands and Khardar the Zorasani lands. | ||
The Rajadom of Ajahadya, as Ajahad's territory would become known, would reconquer parts of the former Togoti Khanate from other successor states and would fight a series of wars to retain its independence in the face of [[Euclea|Euclean]] {{wp|colonialism}} throughout the later 1700s and 1800s, eventually securing its nominal independence through a diplomatic balancing act between Euclean powers. The Rajadom became a colonial {{wp|puppet government}} of [[Etruria]] after its surrender in the [[Great War (Kylaris)|Great War]], with the current government being established after obtaining independence after the [[Solarian War]] following a period of [[Ajahadyan Civil War|civil war]]. | The Rajadom of Ajahadya, as Ajahad's territory would become known, would reconquer parts of the former Togoti Khanate from other successor states and would fight a series of wars to retain its independence in the face of [[Euclea|Euclean]] {{wp|colonialism}} throughout the later 1700s and 1800s, eventually securing its nominal independence through a diplomatic balancing act between Euclean powers. The Rajadom became a colonial {{wp|puppet government}} of [[Etruria]] after its surrender in the [[Great War (Kylaris)|Great War]], with the current government being established after obtaining independence after the [[Solarian War]] following a period of [[Ajahadyan Civil War|civil war]]. | ||
Line 207: | Line 207: | ||
-Bumistan reconquered (1097 AD)<br> | -Bumistan reconquered (1097 AD)<br> | ||
-Vijay reconquered (1101 AD)<br> | -Vijay reconquered (1101 AD)<br> | ||
-[[Great | -[[Great Nam]] invades, [[Khengara I]] killed in battle, marks end of High Period and end of the Sangma (1127 - 1133 AD)<br> | ||
<br> | <br> | ||
===Medieval Ajahadya/Post-Sangma Period (1133 AD - 1665 AD)=== | ===Medieval Ajahadya/Post-Sangma Period (1133 AD - 1665 AD)=== | ||
====Great | ====Great Nam Period (1133 AD - 1300 AD)==== | ||
-All the stuff about the Great | -All the stuff about the Great Nam goes here | ||
====Hundred States Period (1300 AD - 1500 AD)==== | ====Hundred States Period (1300 AD - 1500 AD)==== |
Revision as of 23:19, 6 August 2022
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Union of Federal Republics of Satria Native Names
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Anthem: Song of the Free Satrian Army | |||||||||||
Capital | Banabadura | ||||||||||
Largest city | Vadavarja | ||||||||||
Recognised national languages | Vespasian | ||||||||||
Recognised regional languages | Himavantan Zubadi Prasumi Togoti Ranindi Guran | ||||||||||
Ethnic groups | Himavantan (36%) Zubadi (26%) Prasumi (10%) Ranindi (10%) Togoti (7%) Guran (7%) Others (7%) | ||||||||||
Demonym(s) | Ajahadyan | ||||||||||
Government | Unicameral Federal Presidential Republic | ||||||||||
Salil Balchandra | |||||||||||
• Premier | Vimala Balchandra | ||||||||||
Legislature | Parliament of the Union of Federated Republics of Satria | ||||||||||
Area | |||||||||||
• Total | 1,055,891.2 km2 (407,681.9 sq mi) | ||||||||||
• Water (%) | 1.7% | ||||||||||
Population | |||||||||||
• 2019 estimate | 188,112,000 | ||||||||||
• Density | 178.15/km2 (461.4/sq mi) | ||||||||||
GDP (PPP) | 2020 estimate | ||||||||||
• Total | $2,317,539,840,000 | ||||||||||
• Per capita | $12,320 | ||||||||||
GDP (nominal) | estimate | ||||||||||
• Total | $919,491,456,000 | ||||||||||
• Per capita | $4,888 | ||||||||||
Gini (2018) | 38.1 medium | ||||||||||
HDI (2018) | 0.681 medium | ||||||||||
Currency | Suvarnarupa | ||||||||||
Time zone | UTC-1 1/2 (Ajahadyan Time, AJT) | ||||||||||
Date format | dd-mm-yy | ||||||||||
Driving side | left | ||||||||||
Calling code | +80 | ||||||||||
ISO 3166 code | AJA | ||||||||||
Internet TLD | .aj |
Ajahadya (Etrurian: Ajadia), officially the Union of Federal Republics of Satria (Etrurian: Unione delle Repubbliche Federali di Satria) is a is a federal presidential republic in Satria. It is bordered to the east by Zorasan and Oyithpath, to the south by Duran and Ansan, to the west by xx and Rajyaghar and to the north by Patharistan. It has a population of 188,112,000, a nominal GDP of $811,955,456,000, and is a founding member of ROSPO. It is regarded as a regional power in Satria.
Located in the Bashurat River Basin, home to one of the cradles of civilisation, the valley was first united under the Sangma Dynasty in 12 BC, which would last for the next 1200 years, although a scholarly consensus has emerged that the Sangma Dynasty was not one continuous line of descent, but rather to the concept of the Chakravarti, the ruler of the Bashutat Valley and the surrounding regions. The Sangma Empire can be split into three periods, the Early Period, lasting from the founding of the dynasty in 12 BC to the disposition of Vikramaditya Jatavarman III in a coup in 311 AD and the following First Interregnum, a period of civil war from 311 AD to the reunification of the empire in 399 AD by Vikramaditya Mahendra I, the Middle Period from 399 AD to 812 AD, which ended with the Second Sangma Interregnum, which would last for most of the 9th Century until Susarman I reunified the lands and claimed the mantle of the Sangma.
What followed was the HLate Period of the Sangma Dynasty, lasting from 812 AD until 1133 AD. This period saw a series of wars as the empire gradually contracted and then expanded again in wars against its neighbours. The period ended with the defeat and death of Khengara I in battle against the Great Nam. From 1133 until the 1300s, the Bashurat Valley was ruled by the Great Nam, with the only remnant of the Sangma being the Thakurate of Zubad.
The Great Nam collapsed into a series of successor states around 1300 following a extended period of decline. None of the successor states was able to successfully conquer the others, and the Bashurat Valley remained divided for the next two centuries, paying tribute to the Ansan Empire for the 13th and 14th centuries until the invasions of the Togoti Khanate under Manzur Khan and Arslon Khan conquered the various independent Thakurates in the mid to late 1500s. Under Gurkhan the Togoti would grown into one of the largest empires in history, destroying the Gorsanid Empire and conquering southern Zorasan and invading the Ansan Empire and Shangea. Although not successful in his conquests, and dying in 1662, Gurkhan's invasion weakened the Jiao Dynasty and allowed the Senrian Toki Dynasty to take power. Gurkhan's empire did not survive his death, and after a brief war his sons Ajahad and Khardar agreed to split the empire between them, with Ajahad inheriting the Satrian lands and Khardar the Zorasani lands.
The Rajadom of Ajahadya, as Ajahad's territory would become known, would reconquer parts of the former Togoti Khanate from other successor states and would fight a series of wars to retain its independence in the face of Euclean colonialism throughout the later 1700s and 1800s, eventually securing its nominal independence through a diplomatic balancing act between Euclean powers. The Rajadom became a colonial puppet government of Etruria after its surrender in the Great War, with the current government being established after obtaining independence after the Solarian War following a period of civil war.
Etymology
The name Ajahadya, as used commonly by Eucleans, is derived from the Ajahadid Dynasty that ruled the area following the collapse of the Togoti Khanate from 1665 until 1935, which is usually called the Rajadom of Ajahadya although this name was not used formally. The dynasty in turn takes its name from its founder, Ajahad I, the first Raja of the dynasty and from where it derives its name. Within Ajahadya itself, the name is used to refer to the territorial area of the states of Zubad, Togotistan, Himavanta and Prasumidesa which were ruled by the Rajadom, but formally the state's full title of Union of Federal Republics of Satria is used to reflect the state ideology of Pan-Satrianism.
History
Prehistoric Ajahadya
-First arrival of humans circa 65,000 BC
-Migration of Satari-Euclean people into Ajahadya circa 10,000 BC
Ancient Ajahadya (~2850 BC - 12AD)
Dynastic/Mythic Era (~2850 - ~1250 BC)
-Bashurat River Valley culture
-Development of river kingdoms
-Creation of mythic oral histories
-Patchy historical records
River Kingdoms Period (~1250 BC - ~450 BC)
-Minor wars between river kingdoms and river city states
-Rise and fall of various hegemonic states
-Beginning of proper historical records
-Most information about previous period comes from texts and records made in this time
Archaic Period (~450 BC - 12 BC)
Classical Ajahadya/Sangma Period (12 BC - 1247 AD)
Sangma Early Period (12 BC - 311 AD)
-Founding of Sangama Dynasty
-Arrival of Sotirianity according to Satrian Sotirian traditions (42 AD)
-Conquest of Togotistan from Uluchig Confederacy (44 - 54 AD)
-Deposition of Vikramaditya Jatavarman III in palace coup (116 AD)
-Arasanid invasion wins decisive battle at the Bashurat (185 AD)
-Popular uprisings following major famine
-Unsuccessful wars against the Sarmin Khanate
-Death of childless Vikramaditya Mahendra III causes War of the Great Bastards among his illegitimate offspring (302 - 311 AD)
-Death, suspected assassination, of Vikramaditya Mahendra IV, victor of the War of the Great Bastards starts Second Interregnum (311 AD)
First Sangma Interregnum (311 AD - 399 AD)
-Civil war between ambitious governors and generals
-Multiple sub-states named after cities established
-Long and bloody series of wars and backstabbings
-Victor, Susarman I, claims descent from Vikramaditya Mahendra IV, declares restoration of the Sangma Dynasty
Sangma Middle Period (399 AD - 812 AD)
-Empire reunified under Susarman I in 399 AD
-Golden age of the Sangma
-Flourishing of art, philosophy and culture
-First records of Badi followers living within the Sangma Empire, earlier but unrecorded arrival assumed
-Wars against Second Heavenly Dominion
-Invasion and destruction of Kingdom of Eunyeon under Rama II (463 - 471 AD)
-Spread of Irfan into Bashurat Valley by trade
-Attempted invasions of Peshkal Khanate, wars against Second Heavenly Dominion and Eunyeon successors weaken Empire (608 - 812 AD)
-Death of Kapatu I in 812 AD leads to succession crisis
Second Interregnum (812 AD - 839 AD)
-Civil war between various sons of Kapatu I and Thakurs trying to claim the throne for themselves
-Rebellions in more distant parts of the empire seeking independence
-Empire reunified under Indra III in 839 AD
Sangma Late Period (839 AD - 1133 AD)
-Empire reunified under Indra III in 839 AD (ruled 839 AD - 877 AD)
-Reconquest of Togotistan (839 - 861 AD)
-Conquest of Avanidhara (864 - 877 AD)
-Payment of tribute to Tao Dynasty as gifts
-Indra IV conquers Antarita, Daksina, Pushkarma Valley (909 AD - 921 AD)
-Sangma at greatest extent (922 AD)
-Ansan Empire conquers Bumistan and Vijay (941 - 946 AD)
-Breakaway of most distant provinces, formation of the Madhyarajyas in Rajyaghar (990 - 1050 AD)
-Resurgence under Khengara I (ruled 1092 - 1133 AD)
-Bumistan reconquered (1097 AD)
-Vijay reconquered (1101 AD)
-Great Nam invades, Khengara I killed in battle, marks end of High Period and end of the Sangma (1127 - 1133 AD)
Medieval Ajahadya/Post-Sangma Period (1133 AD - 1665 AD)
Great Nam Period (1133 AD - 1300 AD)
-All the stuff about the Great Nam goes here
Hundred States Period (1300 AD - 1500 AD)
Togoti Khanate (1358 - 1497)
-Formed by Shavkat Khan after Great Togoti Revolt (1337 - 1358)
-Yarmat Khan, Khan of the Togoti Khanate, invades Zubad, defeated (1408)
-Proclamation of Togoti Khanate (1497)
Thakurate of Himavanta (xxxx - yyyy)
-Conquered by Togoti Khaghanate (1551)
Rajadom of Zubad (xxxx - yyyy)
-Never militarily powerful afterwards, prone to raids by Togoti Khanate
-Conquered by Togoti Khaghanate (1538)
Rajadom of Zubad (xxxx - yyyy)
Rajadom of Prasumidesa (xxxx - yyyy)
Togoti and Ansene Period (1500 - 1665)
Togoti Khaghanate (1497 - 1665)
-Formed by Consolidation of Mirghazab; Tsustemori Khan under with absorption of Khorshid Confederacy (1497)
-Death of Tsustemori Khan sparks civil war, Khaghanate reunited under Nurmat Khan (1511 - 1515)
-Conquest of the Lower Steppe under Nurmat Khan (1527 - 1538)
-Death of Nurmat Khan (1539)
-Conquest of Zubad under Manzur Khan (1543 - 1547)
-Death of Manzur Khan (1550)
-Conquest of Thakurate of Himavanta under Arslon Khan (1551 - 1553)
-Conquest of Dashkin Bumi and Vijay from Ansan Empire under Arslon Khan (1555 - 1559)
-Death of Arslon Khan (1593)
-Period of consolidation and inconclusive wars against Rajadom of Pali and Naratha Confederacy under Ruslan Khan (1589 - 1611)
-Rustam later known as Gurkhan, son of Ruslan Khan born (1594)
-Death of Ruslan Khan (1611)
Gurkhan's Reign (1611 - 1665)
-Conquest and vassalization of Rajadom of Pali in modern Arthasthan by Gurkhan (1613 - 1626)
-Invasions of First Gorsanid Empire by Gurkhan, conquest of Pardaran, causes collapse of First Gorsanid Empire into Emirates, makes Naratha Confederacy in modern Rajyaghar pay tribute (1630 - 1648)
-First invasion of Ansan in reprisal for Ansan invading while campaigning in the Gorsanid Empire, burns Paglan to the ground and takes tribute, leaves to consolidate northern conquests (1653)
-Second invasion of Ansan, burns Sangang to the ground, executes the Seonggol, leaves subjugating Sindae to subordinate and continues into Shangea (1657)
-Invasion of Shangea, rampages across countryside for 7 years winning several battles, Gurkhan killed in Battle of Saqalaskar, invading army returns to Satria (1657 - 1665)
-Civil war between Gurkhan's two sons Ajahad and Khardar, surrounding nations invade to take parts of the empire back or local rulers declare independence, Gurkhan's sons eventually agree to split the empire between them into Rajadom of Ajahadya and Khardarid Khanate (1665)
Early Modern Ajahadya/Post-Togoti Period (1665 - 1935)
Second Thakurate of Prasumidesa (1665 - 1684)
-Broke away from Togoti Khaghanate, effectively autonomous from death of Gurkhan
-Short-lived, only ruler was Thakur Aryabhata Pandya
-Spent most of its existence playing the Rajadom of Akdoğan and Rajadom of Ajahadya off against each other
-Successful until Prasumidesan War of 1680-1684, annexed by Rajadom of Ajahadya (1680 - 1684)
Rajadom of Ajahadya (1665 - 1935)
-Southern successor state of the Togoti Khaghanate
-Fought over Thakurate of Prasumidesa, conquered it in Prasumidesan War of 1680-1684 (1680 - 1684)
-Several inconclusive conflicts against Rajadom of Akdoğan weakens both it and the Rajadom of Ajahadya (1690 - 1720)
-Arrival of Euclean presence in region (1720s onwards)
-Series of colonial wars against Etrurian expeditions into Satria and Etrurian-allied Thakurs (1750s to 1850s)
-Treaty of Vadavarja grants concessions of extraterritoriality and reductions of tariffs and allowing Etrurian companies preferential treatment in Ajahadya in exchange for recognition of Raja Shahu I's rule over Ajahadya (1864)
-Balancing act of Etrurian and Gaullican influence under Kulachandra I (1869 - 1909)
-Coup against Kaval I leads to Shahu II becoming Raja after death of Kulachandra I (1905)
-Bashurat Crisis shifts balance of influence to firmly pro-Gaullican (1909)
-Growth of Pan-Satrianism (1909 - 1927)
-Great War (1927 - 1934)
-Peace of Vadavarja signed, ending Aja's involvement in the Great War (1934)
Interwar Period and Solarian War (1935 - 1941)
Etrurian Rule (1935 - 1943)
Following Ajahadya's unconditional surrender after the Great War, the country's fate was dictated by Etruria. Although right-wing factions within Etruria sought to annex Ajahadya outright, the government of Marco Antonio Ercolani instead installed Kaval I, the former Raja of Ajahadya from 1905 to 1906, who had been removed in a palace coup and had been living in exile in Etruria and had headed a government-in-exile since the start of the Great War. The previous Raja, Shahu II, went into exile.
Following the end of the war, Etruria imposed military limits on the Rajadom, restricting its formerly large army to 100,000 men, disbanding the nascent Ajahadyan Air Force and ceding several fortresses and military barracks in perpetuity to Etruria for colonial garrisons in the country. From 1935 to 1937, the Rajadom of Ajahadya was unstable and faced a number of minor rebellions, primarily by royalist groups that sought to restore Shahu II as Raja and expel the Etrurians. Several coup plots by lower-ranking members of the army were thwarted along with a series of minor revolts among the Togoti tribes but these were crushed by the Etrurian garrisons stationed in the country and Etrurian air power. There were also numerous protests and strikes demanding an end to the Raja's absolute rule, which had been greatly undermined by Shangean presence in Ajahadya during the Great War and his post-War status as an Etrurian puppet.
Following the Legionary Reaction of 1937, the new Greater Solarian Republic sought to avenge what it regarded as Etruria's unjust treatment in the peace terms following the Great War. On October 24th 1937 the Greater Solarian Republic forced Kaval I to abdicate and cede the entirety of Ajahadya to them as the new colonial territory of Satria Libera. In response, the Ajahadyan Army led by Field Marshal Zalim Kumar, with the support of the Minister of War, General Srijan Chadda, and prominent generals and war heroes such as Jalander Sarai and Arjuna Kalsarah, staged a coup in the Orange Triangle Revolution on October 25th, deposing and executing the Raja and proclaiming the Republic of Ajahadya.
In response the Etrurian Army invaded Ajahadya in Operation Lexicon on October 27th, successfully defeating the smaller and ill-equipped Ajahadyan Army by the end of November and relieving the Etrurian forces already in the country, which had resisted Ajahadyan assaults inside their fortresses and fortified barracks. After their defeat, Zalim Kumar and Srijan Chadda were captured and executed by the Etrurians. Arjuna Kalsarah escaped to hide among the Togoti tribes in the backwater regions bordering Zorasan and Jalander Sarai fled to Senria where he reformed the Azad Fauj in 1938, primarily from fellow recent Ajahadyan exiles and other Satrian exiles with Senrian support.
Kalsarah's Togoti would be a major problem for the Etrurian occupation of Ajahadya, relying on their mobility and knowledge of the country to expel the Etrurians from Togotistan in 1939. A major Etrurian offensive in 1940 called Operation Terracotta, although successful in heavily weakening the Togoti and forcing Kalsarah to flee across the border into Zorasan, left the Etrurian army overstretched.
In this period the main source of opposition came from the peasant-based Green Bashurat Movement led by Mohan Balchandra, a leftist movement drawing inspiration from the initial peasant revolt of the Bashurat Crisis. Although unable to undertake large-scale resistance, the Green Bashurat Movement did undertake small raids and terror attacks against Etrurians within the country.
Non-violent opposition to the Etrurian occupation was also common. Aman Sabanis, who had been Minister for Finance since 1933 until the end of the Rajadom, founded the Free Satrian Congress, a moderate republican anti-colonial group. The Congress operated largely underground due to Etrurian bans on all nationalist and leftist groups. It gained members primarily from the middle and upper classes, who resented the Etrurian occupation and their loss of power and status, but were unwilling to use violent methods and feared the Green Bashurat Movement.
The Free Satrian Congress gradually expanded, absorbing smaller anti-Etrurian groups and previously existing anti-royalist groups and becoming the dominant anti-Etrurian group in Ajahadya by 1943, eclipsing the Green Bashurat Movement. The Green Bashurat Movement would continue to agitate and operate underground, occasionally organising small revolts and attacks on Etrurian barracks and businesses, but also targeted the Free Satrian Congress in street battles. Sarai's Azad Fauj, in exile in Senria, failed to gain a sizable base within Ajahadya as exiles returned, despite training from Senria in leadership, espionage, guerrilla warfare and political tactics.
The Solarian War (1943 - 1946)
Following the outbreak of the Solarian War in 1943, the Azad Fauj numbered 2,300 men and crossed the border into Ajahadya from Ansan, while the Togoti under Kalsarah revolted in the east of the country, quickly expelling the small Etrurian garrison in the city of Svaragni. Both groups refused to cooperate owing to personal dislike between their leaders. Although initially successful, the anti-Etrurian forces lacked the numbers to oppose the Etrurian army in conventional warfare and the Azad Fauj and Togoti swiftly changed to fighting an insurgency against the Etrurians, as the Green Bashurat Movement had been doing.
As the scope of the war expanded, Etruria began a mass conscription of Satrians into the Corpo di Soldati Ausiliario Satriani which was deeply unpopular with many Satrians, especally in Ajahadya. Many conscripts deserted to join the Azad Fauj or the Green Bashurat Movement, bolstering their numbers. Senrian intervention in 1944 proved decisive, allowing the anti-Etrurian forces to transition to conventional warfare. By early 1946, Etruria had completely abandoned Satria.
Post-Solarian War (1946 - 1951)
Ajahadyan Republic (1946 - 1949)
In the aftermath of the Etrurian withdrawal, Jalander Sarai was named as the first Prime Minister of the Ajahadyan Republic, which would be modelled on Senrian lines and under the protection of Senria through a Community of Nations mandate, following the success of Senra's mandate over Ansan. Katurou Imahara, Prime Minister of Senria, believed that the mandate over Ajahadya could be handled through similar policies and be turned into an ally against Shangea.
The situation in Ajahadya was, however, very different to Ansan. Unlike Ansan, the anti-Etrurian movement was heavily divided among different factions, some of which were opposed to the new republic. The Green Bashurat Movement immediately declared the People's Councilist State of Ajahadya in response in Parvat, requiring Senrian intervention to crush the rival government and starting the Ajahadyan Civil War. The Free Satrian Congress declared the Senrian-backed republic and CN mandate to be 'colonial rule under a different name and master' and called for an immediate end to the Senrian occupation, leading protests and strikes. The 1946 Ajahadyan general election, which resulted in a decisive victory for the Free Satria Party of Jalander Sarai, was marred by a turnout of 20% owing to a boycott of the elections by the FSC and the banning of the Green Bashurat Movement from fielding candidates, leaving only the FSP as a major political party.
Widely seen as little more than a Senrian puppet regime, the Sarai government proved extremely unpopular and ineffectual. A split in the Free Satria Party between Sarai's liberal wing and Udit Dhinsa's socialist wing over the role of the government in implementing the Imaharist principle of national prosperity in 1947 led to the loss of the FSP's majority in the Parliament of the Ajahadyan Republic, with Sarai continuing as leader of a minority government.
By 1948, the Senrian government had concluded that stabilizing Ajahadya would require more men, money and material than it was willing to commit, and began to withdraw troops, with the last Senrian soldiers leaving by the end of the year. Without Senrian support, the weak Army of the Republic of Ajahadya was defeated in a series of battles as the Satrian Green Army advanced on Banabadura, taking the city on July 7th 1949 after a five-month campaign.
People's Councilist State of Ajahadya (1949 - 1950)
The People's Councilist State of Ajahadya, led by Mohan Balchandra, faced immediate opposition internally and externally. Within the Red Bashurat Movement the question of state organisation which could no longer be put aside until the conflict was won was brought up. Mohan Balchandra led the Anti-Revisionist faction, which advocated for an orthodox interpretation of leftist political theory and organising the new state similarly to Lavana or Dezevau. The Revisionist faction was led by Gen. Arjuna Kalsarah, who had led the Satrian Green Army's victorious campaigns against the Ajahadyan Republic, and advocated for a unique, 'Ajahadyan Path' taking elements from Sattarism and National Principlism.
The Free Satrian Congress was banned as a 'reactionary, counter-revolutionary organisation' and brutally suppressed. Despite the lack of external opposition, Councilist Ajahadya's internal divisions reached the point where at the Inaugural Congress of the Green Bashurat Movement Mohan Balchandra's reformation of the movement into the Satrian Section of the Worker's International, the ejection of several thousand Anti-Revisionist faction members including Arjuna Kalsarah, and the announcement of the intent to implement a 'peasants' democracy', based on councilist concepts of federalism, direct democracy, localism and nonpartisanism.
In response, Arjuna Kalsarah led the Satrian Green Army in a coup against the Councilist State on September 22nd, 1950, toppling the councilist regime and declaring himself the President of the United Republic of Ajahadya.
Modern Ajahadya (1950 - Present)
Ajahadya under Arjuna Kalsarah (1950 - 1964)
Below is no longer canon and is being retained solely for reference purposes while new canon is figured out
Mohan Balchandra and Jalander Sarai (1946 - 1955)
In the aftermath of the Solarian War, several new states were established from the former Etrurian colonies in Satria in the peace treaty rather than being made states of the UFRS as Mohan Balchandra, the newly-elected President of the Union of Federal Satrian Republics and other Pan-Satrian League and Azad Fauj leaders had envisaged. Seeking to secure a fait accompli by taking over these new states before they could be securely established and develop their own sense of identity in opposition to the pan-Satrian identity espoused by Ajahadya and while the reformed Ajahadyan Army remained the largest and most experienced in Satria, Ajahadya invaded the new states in 1946 in the First Satrian War.
Euclean and CN assistance provided to the new states, along with the rapid creation of armies for the new states from Great War and Solarian War surplus would by 1948 see to Balchandra's plan to quickly unify Satria by violent means defeated, with Ajahadya and the new states signing a ceasefire, but crucially the Ajahadyan government refused to acknowledge the new states as legitimate entities. Mohan Balchandra would fall into a depressive state following the war, which in addition to a kidney wound sustained in the Etrurian invasion of Ajahadya, Operation Lexicon, that had never properly healed led to the country effectively being run by the Premier Aman Sabanis until 1950 when Mohan Balchandra died.
Ajahadya's first president, Mohan Balchandra, is widely regarded as being a compromise candidate after the Ajahadyan Civil War between the major factions during the formation of the Pan-Satrian League , rather than being the best candidate as he lacked the military records of Jalender Sarai or the administrative skills and academic qualifications of Aman Sabanis. Following his death, the 1950 Ajahadyan presidential election saw Jalender Sarai, running for the Pan-Satrian League, defeat Aman Sabanis who was running for the same party, in Ajahadya's first democratic elections, with Sabanis retaining the post of Premier that he had held under Balchandra.
Having campaigned on a platform of rapid modernisation, industrialisation and rearmament, Jalender Sarai presided over a period of state-led industrialisation that would last for most of the 1950s, prioritising heavy and military-related industries, modelling his economic policy off of the Shangean economic policies of import substitution industrialisation, central planning and the nationalisation of Ajahadya's limited heavy industry and rail networks, along with the extension of invitations to Euclean and Senrian technical experts to establish universities and military-technical institutes, as well as the secret establishment of a secret program to produce nuclear, biological and chemical weapons.
Although only having extremely limited success in increasing living standards, Sarai's economic policies, guided by Aman Sabanis in his role as Premier, created a solid industrial base within Ajahadya and a small research and development community, while purchasing modern weaponry from Soravia and Senria to equip its armed forces, supplementing limited domestically-produced equipment. Internationally, Sarai aligned Ajahadya more towards Senria than its more traditional ally of Shangea which proved to be a controversial choice with his Premier, Aman Sabanis and the head of the Ajahadyan Armed Forces, Arjuna Kalsarah.
The 1957 Ajahadyan presidential election saw Jalander Sarai elected relatively unopposed with Aman Sabanis declining to stand for election, campaigning on the same platform that he had in 1950 but as a 'safe pair of hands'. In September 1958 Ajahadya invaded Ansan in the Dakian War, falsely believing that he would have Senrian support from his prior relationship with the Senrian government and quickly achieving a decisive victory by October over the unprepared Ansene army and annexing Vijay and Bumikam. By 1959, Ajahadya had recovered from the Dakian War and militarised to the point where Sarai ordered the invasion of Arthasthan and Rajyaghar in the Second Satrian War. Achieving a quick and decisive victory by 1960, Ajahadya annexed large swathes of Arthasthan and parts of Rajyaghar but failed to achieve a complee victory due to international pressure to withdraw, international assistance provided to Arthasthan and Rajyaghar and growing resistance.
Declaring victory and with a post-war economic upswing, Jalander Sarai swept to victory in the 1966 Ajahadyan presidential election but died later that year died in 1966 at the age of 72. Although domestically regarded as Ajahadya's greatest president for his victories in the the Dakian War and the Second Satrian War and for the initial rapid industrialisation of Ajahadya, internationally he is regarded as a Satrian ultranationalist, a warmonger and a military strongman. Many blamed Sarai's pro-Senrian attitudes and military aggression for Ajahadya's following international isolation by other Coian states which would contribute to its defeat in the Third Satrian War.
Aman Sabanis and Arjuna Kalsarah (1966 - 1978)
Jalander Sarai was succeeded by his Premier, Aman Sabanis. Rather than sitting the remainder of Sarai's full 7 year term, Aman Sabanis held the 1967 Ajahadyan presidential election following Sarai's death. Although facing opposition from Nishant Balchandra and Amal Hathiwala, Sabanis emerged victorious as his almost three decades as Premier for Mohan Balchandra and Jalander Sarai had given him a reputation for competence in government, especially in economic affairs, and following the Second Satrian War and the Dakian War there was less of a desire to continue Balchandra and Sarai's policy of unification by violence as advocated for by Amal Hathiwala due to domestic demands for more of a focus on improving the standard of living than waging further wars.
From 1967 to 1972, Sabanis gradually reoriented the state's priority away from the military-first nature of the Balchandra and Sarai presidencies, instead focusing the Ajahadyan government's efforts on investments in light industry, public health and agriculture while cutting back on military spending, especially Ajahadya's programs focused on weapons of mass destruction, while also cutting back partially on the extensive licensing and regulation on private businesses that had been implemented under Sarai's economic plans. Sabanis' term saw Ajahadya continue its international isolation from the later period of Sarai's presidency, as the unexpected military triumphs of the early 1960s marked a fear among other states in Coius about the prospect of the formation of a unified pan-Satrian state that would disrupt the post-Solarian War order. Although not achieving the fast rates of economic growth seen in other parts of Coius during this timeframe, Sabanis' policies succeeded in improving the agricultural yields of the already fertile Bashurat Valley, leading Ajahadya to be nicknamed the 'Breadbasket of Coius', and saw a moderate increase in the standard of living for the average citizen with the opening of several new state-run hospitals.
In 1972 a coalition of Ansan, Arthasthan and Rajyaghar invaded Ajahadya seeking to regain the territories lost during the Second Satrian War, starting the Third Satrian War. The Ajahadyan Army, which had suffered from funding cuts under Sabanis and an inability to buy foreign imports forcing it to rely on less advanced domestic military hardware, was caught by surprise. By the end of 1972 Ajahadya was defeated by Ansan and the territory taken from it in the Second Satrian War returned. Aman Sabanis was killed in late 1972 when an Arthasthani airstrike struck his convoy, unaware that it was carrying him, although some conspiracy theorists allege that it was an assassination plot by the Arthastani government.
Although lauded for his accomplishments in improving the Ajahadyan economy and standard of living, many nationalists blame Aman Sabanis for Ajahadya's defeat in the Third Satrian War and believe that if he had instead continued the policies of Balchandra and Sarai, Satria could have been unified by 1975. Upon his death, his Premier, Nishant Balchandra, son of Mohan Balchandra, temporarily assumed the Presidency but citing his lack of military experience and reputation, instead proposed that Arjuna Kalsarah, the last living of the Founding Fathers of Ajahadya, be named President by the Parliament after suspending the 1974 Ajahadyan presidential election. The Parliament agreed, citing the 'national state of emergency', and voted to confirm Kalsarah as the new Emergency Acting President with Nishant Balchandra returning as his Premier.
Kalsarah's emergency presidency was dominated by the Third Satrian War, which by 1974 had devolved into an attritional war as Ajahadya's peace with Ansan had freed up large numbers of forces to move to other fronts, and support had begun to arrive from Shangea as well as arms purchases from Soravia, shipped in via Zorasan which also supplied both arms and troops following a diplomatic visit by Kalsarah in 1975. Chemical weapons were extensively used during the war, both against conventional forces and in missile strikes against enemy civilian populations, leading to Kalsarah being named a war criminal. The Third Satrian War ended with a CN-brokered ceasefire agreement in 1978 that saw Ajahadya return all territories gained after the Second Satrian War. With the end of the war, Arjuna Kalsarah resigned the emergency presidency to retire peacefully, letting it pass to his and Sabanis' Premier, Nishant Balchandra.
Nishant Balchandra (1978 - 2000)
Nishant Balchandra continued the state of martial law originally imposed in 1974, suspending the 1981 presidential election, citing the need to rebuild the country without the 'distractions of petty electoral politics' and the 'threat to national unity posed by nationalist subversives'. Ajahadya was in economic ruin at the start of the 1980s, with the loss of sea access that it had relied on economically for the past decade harming long-term economic prospects. Nishant Balchandra embarked on an ambitious economic reconstruction program following the same basic principles as Sarai's economic policy of the 1950s of of import substitution industrialisation and central planning but paired with the expansion of subsidies to small businesses and farmers to aid in reconstruction. Nishant Balchandra's reconstruction program was paired with an increase in the use of authoritarian measures such as the creation of a secret police and the expansion of public surveillance domestically against growing ethnic nationalist and religious groups that threatened the existence of the UFRS, and an increase in ties with Shangea and Zorasan, becoming a founding member of ROSPO out of a desire to avoid the diplomatic isolation prior to the Third Satrian War.
Sometimes called the Ajahadyan Normalisation, Nishant Balchandra's brutal methods were able to hold the then-fragile state together while Ajahadya was rebuilding during the 1980s, but the suspension of the 1988 presidential election led international observers to conclude that Nishant Balchandra intended to transform Ajahadya from a nominally democratic dominant party system under the Pan-Satrian League into a dictatorial one party state. Balchandra faced substantual opposition to the suspension of the 1988 general election from student groups, who demanded the return of democracy and the end of the state of martial law, and minority ethnic groups, who had suffered the most under the Normalisation and crackdown on separatist groups.
The 1990s saw the modernisation of the Ajahadyan economy and an increase in urbanisation. Nishant Balchandra's continued suspension of elections, along with slowing economic growth and poor living conditions for urban migrants led to a growing urban protest movement against his government in the early 1990s born from the student and minority protest groups of the late 1980s. Other political parties made public demands for the return of democracy, while elite groups within Ajahadyan society that had previously been among Nishant Balchandra's main supporters became concerned about Nishant Balchandra's potential dictatorial tendencies. Waging a campaign of protest and non-violent resistance and unifying multiple sectors of Ajahadyan society, these groups, in nominal alliance, succeeded in making Nishant Balchandra declare an end to martial law in 1999, with elections scheduled for January 2000.
Ajahadya in the 21st Century (2000 - Present)
Nishant Balchandra and the Pan-Satrian League, which had ruled Ajahadya since the end of the civil war in 1935, were defeated in the 2000 Ajahadyan presidential election by Vimal Sarai and the New Satria Party, formed from elements of the PSL that had grown disaffected with Nishant Balchandra's growing authoritarian and autocratic tendencies. This was the first ever defeat of an incumbent in an election in Ajahadya and the first election in Ajahadya for 33 years. Vimal Sarai, the grandson of Jalender Sarai, undertook a period of economic and social liberalisation, repealing the anti-union and anti-assembly laws passed by Nishant Balchandra while continuing the work of Aman Sabanis in rolling back business regulations along with the privatisation of while supporting an enlargement and modernisation of the Ajahadyan Army. The 2005 global recession, substantial dissatisfaction within the New Satria Party from more reformist elements over the slow pace of reforms, and fear over the scope of Sarai's economic reforms, culminated in their breakaway to form the Satrian National People’s Party under Diya Kalsarah. This splintering of the New Satria Party led to Vimal Sarai's defeat in the 2007 Ajahadyan presidential election by Diya Kalsarah and the SNPP, and to Vimal Sarai's removal as party leader in favour of Salil Balchandra. Vimal Sarai rejoined the Pan-Satrian League after his ousting as leader, weaking the NSP and rejuvenating the moribund PSL.
Diya Kalsarah was Ajahadya's first female head of state and reverted some of Vimal Sarai's economic reforms, re-nationalising the telecoms industry, steel industry, chemical industry, transport industry and the rail network while creating a fund to further increase crop yields. Her idea to create a 'Satrian Community' in 2008, modelled off the Euclean Community, was rebuffed as decades of war and a mistrust of Ajahadyan intentions led to other Satrian states largely viewing it as another means for Ajahadya to unify Satria under its control. Diya Kalsarah alienated the military and the right wing domestically which contributed to her defeat in the 2014 Ajahadyan presidential election by Salil Balchandra and the New Satria Party.
Under Salil Balchandra Ajahadya has seen a renewed military build-up, although not to the same extent as under Vimal Sarai, coupled with a modernisation of Ajahadya's aging rail and road networks and a re-privatisation of the steel, chemical and transport industries. He has also increased Ajahadyan involvement in ROSPO operations through the provision of support personnel and air power. Salil Balchandra is also believed to have increased support for pan-Satrian militas abroad, although the extent to which this is the case is extremely hard to verify.
Politics and Government
The federal government of Ajahadya is established in a presidential framework as established in the Constitution of 1937, loosely modelled after Euclean democracies. However, the leaders of the UFRS did not believe that a Euclean-style democracy would work in a unified Satria, and several notable differences have led Ajahadya to be considered a southern democracy by many Euclean commentators. Ajahadyan governments have routinely protested this classification, citing its commitment at the federal and state levels to creating a 'people's democracy with Satrian characteristics.' Elections at the federal level are considered to be largely free and fair by international electoral observers, as the populous nature of Ajahadya prevents the use of political machines to shape electoral results at the federal as has regularly been seen in state-level Ajahadyan politics.
Executive
Executive power at the federal level in Ajahadya is held by the President of the Union, elected by direct popular vote every 7 years, unless a President dies in office in which case their Premier sits the remainder of their term, or if unwilling or unable, the Parliament elects a replacement or asks for a new presidential election. The current President, Salil Balchandra was elected to a second term following the 2021 Ajahadyan presidential election.
The President has some influence over the legislative through the Premier of the Union, who is appointed and dismissed at will by the President and serves as the Speaker of Parliament and by appointing members of the Satrian Federal Court. The President has the powers to name their cabinet, can veto legislation, can dissolve the Parliament with a supermajority vote and can declare martial law with a supermajority vote in Parliament.
The President has no formal term limits, however it is rare for a President to serve more than a single term in office in the modern era. Two-term presidents were more common historically, with Jalender Sarai serving two full terms from 1950 to 1966, being elected for a third time in 1966 only to die shortly after his election and Nishant Balchandra who served as President from 1978 to 1999 following the resignation of Arjuna Kalsarah in 1978.
Legislative
Ajahadya has a unicameral legislative, formally the Parliament of the Union of Federated Republics of Satria, normally referred to as the Ajahadyan Parliament. The Ajahadyan Parliament elects 450 members through a closed party list system every four years, and is currently composed of five parties, with the New Satria Party holding a majority as of the 2021 Ajahadyan Legislative Election. The Premier of Ajahadya serves as the presiding officer for the Parliament.
The ability of the Premier to get legislation passed by the Parliament is often seen as a measure of confidence in the President's ability to rule and in their policies as well as the Premier's own skill, and it is rare for an ineffective Premier to last long before they are dismissed by the President. Equally, an especially effective Premier can emerge as a political rival to a President and may use the position to attempt to build up a power base within the legislative with the intent of challenging the President at the next election, as happened under Vimal Sarai's term from 1997 to 2005, as his Premier, Diya Kalsarah, positioned herself and her allies within the New Satria Party as opposition to Sarai while exploiting her political allies position as kingmakers within the New Satria Party to prevent Diya Kalsarah's dismissal from the post. Diya Kalsarah left the New Satria Party in 2004 due to dissatisfaction with the pace of reform within Ajahadya to form the Satrian National People’s Party, defeating Vimal Sarai in the 2007 Ajahadyan presidential election.
Euclean commentators consider Ajahadya to have a dominant party system, previously oriented around the Pan-Satrian League that ruled the country from 1943 to 1997 and currently under the New Satria Party that ruled the country from 1997 to 2005, and from 2013 to the present. Commentators have noted the difficulty in getting new parties onto the ballot, and that independent candidates are constitutionally illegal, as are parties created specifically to represent individual religious or ethnic groups.
Judiciary
The judicial branch of the Ajahadyan government is formed by the Satrian Federal Court which serves as the nation's supreme court. Its members are appointed by the President, and it functions as the main court for matters of constitutional and civil law.
Administrative Divisions
Ajahadya is composed of four constituent states, Prasumidesa, Zubad, Himavanta and Togotistan. Constitutionally, Ajahadya claims the entirety of Satria as x other states, but only the prior four are functioning governing entities. State governments are granted a great degree of autonomy in regards to internal matters, including education, healthcare and some powers over levying taxes and provision of business subsidies.
Geography and Climate
Ajahadyan geography is dominated by the Bashurat River Basin, which covers the vast majority of the nation's land, with parts of eastern Ajahadya being included in the Great Steppe. Ajahadya is mostly covered by a humid subtropical climate in its northern areas, becoming a warm semi-arid climate closer to the border with Duran in the Himavanta region. Ajahadya has four general seasons; a hot, rainy season from December though March, a cooler wet season prone to heavy thunderstorms from March through to June, a cool, dry and foggy winter from June through September and a hot, dry spring from September to December.
Demographics
Ethnicity
Ajahadya is a multiethnic country, with no single ethnic group making up a majority of the population. The largest ethnic group in Ajahadya are the Himavantans, compromising roughly 36% of the population according to the 2018 Federal Census who live in the southwest of the country. The next largest group, the Zubadi people make up around 26% of the population and live primarily in the north-west and center of the country. The Prasumi, compromise roughly 10% of the population and live in the west of the country, primarily centered along the river networks that flow through the region in the Bashurat Valley. The remaining 27% are a series of smaller ethnic groups such as the Ranindi (9%), and Dhanu (4%) that live in the areas between the Himavantans and Prasumi, and the Guran (7%), Togoti (7%) and Khlon (2%) who live mainly in the sparsely-populated east of Ajahadya which is part of the Great Coian Steppe or the lands neighbouring it. The remaining 1% are largely Satrian ethnic groups that have migrated from Ajahadya's neighbours.
Despite the lack of an ethnic majority, the country is largely united under a single Ajahadyan identity that first began to form under Euclean colonialism in the Satrian subcontinent.
Ajahadya is notable among Coian states for its strict anti-discrimination laws on ethnic or religious grounds, which have been noted to be more extensive than those in some Euclean states. Some political commentators have criticised these laws for curtailing freedom of speech and free assembly, such as the ban on organisations representing a single ethnic or religious group being formed.
Religion
Ajahadya is a religiously diverse country, and has sometimes been called the 'religious crossroads of Coius', centered between Irfanic Zorasan, the Great Steppe, coastal Satria and the Shalegho Mountains. The Bashurat Valley has a strong tradition of religious pluralism and syncreticism, with multiple religious groups coexisting in the valley for millennia.
The largest religious group in Ajahadya is Tulyata, a school of the Jati philosophy that takes influences from Badi and is native to the Bashurat Valley. Adherents number roughly 38.4% of Ajahadya's population, and mainly live in Himavanta and Prasumidesa, although substantial populations can be found throughout the country.
Zohism is the second largest religion in the country, numbering approximately 19.2% of the population. Zohist missionaries are first recorded as arriving around the 100s, and the Zohist community along the southern Bashurat River is believed to originate from their efforts. They mostly live in the state of Himavanta, with some presence in the southern parts of Zubad and the eastern parts of Prasumidesa.
Other notable religions include Irfan and Badi, both of which arrived in the region during the rule of the Sangma and which number 17.4% and 15.1% of the population respectively. Both religions have had a large presence in the region, arriving in the region under the Sangma Empire with their practices being first recorded around the years 50 and 344, and are mostly found in the east and north of the country in the states of Zubad and Togotistan respectively.
Followers of Sotiranity number around 9.7% of the population. A native branch, the Aradist Sotirians and a branch of the Brethren Church carried to Ajahadya by missionaries and traders in the 500s and 600s both existed prior to the colonial era along with a branch of the Solarian Catholic Church from Euclean missionaries in the colonial period all within Ajahadya, with the former being the more prominent branch. Followers of Sotiranity can be found as minority groups across the whole of Ajahadya.
Economy
Ajahadya is a mixed economy where the state controls 'strategic industries' such as telecommunications, railways, arms production, the national airline and some parts of heavy industry, while the rest of the economy is privately owned.
Approximately two thirds of the Ajahadyan population works in the agricultural industry, primarily centered around the Bashurat River Basin which dominates central Ajahadya and which supports several other industries around the marketing, processing and export of agricultural goods. Ajahadya is one of the world's largest producers of foodstuffs as the vast majority of its land area is both arable and is easily irrigated from the Bashurat River or a tributary. Principal crops include cereals, especially wheat, tea, sugarcane and vegetables. Cattle grazing is common in Togotistan and is the largest industry in that state, as the land is not suited for farming but is ideal for cattle grazing. Agriculture is the largest industry by employment numbers.
Industry in Ajahadya is primarily focused around the production of textiles for export, and textiles are by far the largest single industry in Ajahadya. The cities of Vadavarja and Nicava are both major centers for textile and garment manufacturing. Heavy industry is primarily oriented to supporting the construction and defence sectors through the production of products such as steel and cement and the support of Ajahadya's agricultural industries through the production of domestic fertilizer. Ajahadya has a large chemical industry that produces agrochemicals, fertilizers and synthetic polymers, primarily located in the city of Phata.
Services in Ajahadya account for the largest proportion of Ajahadya's GDP as a sector. Ajahadya has a large and vibrant domestic film industry, primarily based in Banabadura, and small but growing sectors in finance, banking and insurance. Retail in Ajahadya mostly consists of small, family-run stores, primarily due to a lack of supporting infrastructure that would be required for larger chains to exist.
Ajahadya's lack of coastline, and unfriendly relations with its neighbours have led many domestic economic commentators to say that Ajahadya's potential for further economic growth compared to the rest of the Satrian region despite its large population is hamstrung by its lack of access to cheap sea transport, limiting its ability to export its agricultural and industrial products at commercially viable prices due to the increased cost of transportation.
Culture
Military
The Ajahadyan Armed Forces are the xth largest in Coius and the yth largest in the subcontinent of Satria.
Ajahadya does not practice peacetime conscription, but financial incentives are provided to join paramilitary groups and the military's reserve forces, and all citizens over the age of 18 are expected to register for conscription. Conscription has been enacted once in Ajahadyan history, from 1972 until 1978.