User:Holyfordus/Kuthban
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State of the Kuthban دولة الكوثبان (Rahelian) Dawlat al-Kuthban | |
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 Flag
 Emblem
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| Motto: الاخوة ، التقدم ، السيادة al-'Akhuat , al-Taqadum , al-Siyada Brotherhood, Progress, Sovereignty | |
| Anthem: فصاعدا Fasaeidan Onwards | |
| Capital and largest city | Ngousou |
| Official languages | |
| Recognised national languages | |
| Religion | Irfan · Sotirianity · Traditional religions |
| Demonym(s) | Kuthbani Kuthbanite (archaic) |
| Government | Federal semi-presidential republic with councilist elements |
| Mahamat Rahid | |
| Ser'ada ag Amma | |
List
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| Legislature | Federal Council |
| Independence from Estmere | |
• Emirate | 195X |
| 1974 | |
| 1979 | |
| 1991 | |
| Population | |
• 2021 estimate | 4,978,365 |
| GDP (PPP) | 2021 estimate |
• Total | $6.52 billion |
• Per capita | $1,309.66 |
| GDP (nominal) | 2021 estimate |
• Total | $2.11 billion |
• Per capita | $423.83 |
| Gini (2021) | 37.5 medium |
| HDI (2021) |  .365low |
| Currency | Kuthbani saqaa |
Kuthban (Rahelian: الكوثبان tl. al-Kuthban), known officially as the State of the Kuthbane is a landlocked nation located in western Bahia. It is geographically bounded by the nations of Sabaw to the north, Asase Lewa to the east, Nahrun to the south, Behera to the southwest, and Sohar to the west. Governed as a federal semi-presidential republic with councilist elements, its estimated population of 5,978,365 makes it the second smallest by population. However, latent internal displacement stemming from conflict, the still-commonplace practice of nomadic pastoralism, administrative limitations and inefficient counting mechanisms has made accurate figures difficult to ascertain. Likewise, it's area of 351,922 square kilometers (135,877.84 square miles) makes it the second smallest nation in Bahia. The capital city, N'gousou serves as the political, social, and economic capital of the nation. However other cities, such as Beso or Djemesenya, also represent places of religious or cultural significance. Due to its geographic location at the peripheries of both Bahia and Rahelia the region has seen influences from both sides, which has resulted in the Kuthban being home to numerous ethnic groups.
The area which would come to be the Kuthban has been inhabited by human beings since around the time of the XXth millinium, with most early settlements occuring largely around both the Keya and Lake Hadi. Various pre-historic cultures such as the nomadic Sayighi and al-'Atali inhabited the area for a time, though many of these groups or their descendants would ultimately leave the area. The first true examples of a united polity would come in the form of the Madhhab Empire, which would also see the region's first significant event as a place of trade between powers. Artifacts such as coins, pottery, trinkets, linens, and other goods of either Solarian or Atudite origination have been discovered at numerous archeological sites throughout the nation. The Madhhab Empire would exist, seeing multiple dynasties, before the increasing aridity of the empire's grain basket regions and an inopportune interregnum would see the area overcome by Irfanic powers. The increasing desertification of the region, which would come to be dominated almost entirely by the Fersi desert, would prevent outside powers from influencing the region. As a result, Hourege never fully took root throughout the whole of the region. Instead, the area existed as an area of transition between the Houregic states of Bahia, and the Irfanic states of Rahelia. The Bolo Sultanate would once again reunite the region and its trade routes, loosely governing the various peoples therein. This would last until 18XX, when the region would be taken over by Estmere and incorporated into the wider Estmerish Viceroyalty of Bahia.
Estmerish colonization would not see significant change within the region, which was largely seen as an arid backwater full of restive, nomadic natives. Colonial authority essentially amounted to the region's few major urbanizations and the routes between them. Vast swaths of the hinterlands remained largely either ungoverned, or governed via traditional structures. The advent of better agricultural methods resulted in the region becoming a minor producer of cotton, sugar cane, and peanuts, though this would ultimately not change the state of the area significantly. The Great War would see the region's era of insignificance end, as it became both a major thoroughfare for the forces of the Grand Alliance to move both men and material throughout the continent as well as a frontline abutting Gaullican Behera. As such, many within the region's Baggara Rahelian, Masa, and Sara peoples would be conscripted as Askari for Estmerish forces while the population as a whole was subjected to stricter colonial controls under the Estmerish Protectorate of the Khutban. The new regulations were a significant change to the fairly relaxed policy of previous generations, and as such engendered simmering discontent within the region.
This discontent, initially only displayed via minor protests in occasional bouts of violence, would escalate following both the end of the Great War. By the end of the Solarian War vast tracts of the country were considered to be ungovernable, and colonial authority extended only to major urban cities. Within these major cities, Kuthbani intellectuals of various ethnic groups formed political organizations aimed at securing the full independence and sovereignty of the country. These organizations would hold increasingly effective strikes and other disruptive actions, forcing the local colonial authorities to attempt harsher methods in order to suppress the unrest. This would ultimately be seen by authorities in Morwall as untenable, given Estmere's weak post-War position and lack of desire to hold the region, thus independence would be granted in 195X.
Established as the Emirate of the Kuthban, the new nation was quickly beset by a myriad of issues. It's landlocked geography left it dependent on its neighbors for export, while its limited economic and infrastructural development—paired with damage caused by conflict, the flight of what limited Estmerish investment was pre-existing, and an inability to ensure favorable market rates for what it could export—resulted in an almost immediate economic downturn. The emirate's tendency towards ethnic favoritism exacerbated the situation. Discontent within society would eventually witness the radicalization of far-left forces, with many seeing the successful socialist revolutions in Sohar, Asase Lewa, Behera, Nahrun, and other regional states as portending a similar oucome within their own. This discontent would ultimately see numerous uprisings in the east of the country in what would come to be known as the Kuthbani Revolution by 1974. In response, government forces would pursue close political and military relationships with both Estmere and neighboring Sabaw in an attempt to stave off its overthrow. This would be unsuccessful, however, and the government would be overthrown in 1979.
The conclusion of the Kuthbani Revolution would see the emergence of the People's State of the Kuthban, though this would not resolve the issues of the nation. Though many within the country were united in their distaste for both the Estmerish, the former emirati authorities, and their wish to pursue socialism in order to alleviate national inequality, they did not share a common vision for the shape the nation would ultimately take. This would, ultimately, lead to the fragmentation of the ruling government into a myriad of political cliques. Though this situation would merely exist as a governmental one, rival political and ethnic groups would eventually take up arms at various times to fight the central government. These conflicts would frequently result in sharp leadership changes between ethnic groups, ideological strand, and policy. While not officially termed a civil war by government authorities, this period would come to be colloquially referred to as the Tempest. Influenced by external powers, the Tempest would roil the country and largely halt most attempts at stabilization. A 1985 intervention by XXX would result in the convening of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution for the country. While the assembly would conclude its work later that year and form a provisional government under a power-sharing agreement, continued fighting by insurgent rebels would prevent its full implementation until 1991.
The promulgation of the nation's current constitution also marked the beginnings of stability and change for the country for the first time in decades. Eschewing many of the more radical tenets of its ideology, the government opened the country up to external aid and investment whilst also attempting to maintain geopolitical neutrality. This has resulted in an economic turnaround in some areas of the country, though the benefits are unevenly distributed amongst the various segments of the population. In recent years the country has begun to drift away from its neutral positioning, balancing itself more closely with neighbors such as Behera, regional powers such as Asase Lewa, and continental powers such as Zorasan and Shangea. Rights and freedoms remain shakey within the country, with occasional bouts of repression not uncommon, and while the government is dominated by civilian bureaucrats the influence of both the military as well as councilist cadres remains pronounced. The country's current President is Mahamat Rahid, while its current Prime Minister is Ser'ada ag Amma.
Despite attempts to recover from its history of unrest, the Kuthban nevertheless ranks as one of the poorest both in Bahia and Kylaris as a whole. Most of the agricultural production within the country is reserved for subsistence farming, which combined with frequent droughts results in much of the country being dependent on outside aid. What agricultural products the nation does export come from its historical output: cotton, sugarcane, peanuts, cattle and livestock, and some grain products. There is also a limited market for small-holder gold mining, natron, textiles, The development of oil fields by XXX-based XXX company has led to the hopes of increased prosperity, though this remains to be seen as the site has been under delays for years. The State of the Kuthban is a member of the Community of Nations, the ICC, the CBS, the GIFA, and the IFDS. In addition it is a former member of the AIS with close ties to current members.