National Functionalism: Difference between revisions
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National Functionalism | |
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| File:NationalFunctionalistAxe.png | |
| Ideology | Cultural Nationalism Corporatism Militarism Syncretism Reactionary Modernism Totalitarianism Chauvinism |
| Political position | Far-Right |
National Functionalism is a far right, authoritarian, culturally nationalistic political ideology. It is loosely based on the sociological theory of functionalism and is characertised by traditional beliefs in a strong centralised state, a rejection of individualism, superiority based on cultural origins and that the state is a living organism of which individuals are merely constituent parts, commonly referred to as the communauté populaire.
National Functionalism arose in Gaullican militaristic political circles in the late 19th century; following the war of the Triple Alliance. Gaullica's defeat in the war, the removal of 'Gaullican' territories such as Kesselbourg and Hennehouwe and the fragmentation of its traditional allies in Soravia and Valduvia left the nation diplomatically isolated and with a strong revanchist sentiment.
Its tenants can be traced to Gaullican Field Marshal Gaëtan de Trintignant, who wrote numerous political treatise demanding a rejection of 'modernity'; principally the constitutional amendments that had whittled the power of the Gaullican monarchy post the Age of Revolutions. In two political treatises, de Trintignant outlined his beliefs on the necessity of a strong central authority, a rejection of both capitalism and socialism, a strong sense of social cohesion underpinned by a civic national identity and the establishment of the means to spread this identity. Inspired by the growing field of sociology, de Trintignant viewed the state as a parallel to the human body - and health achieved when its parts were working in concert.
Whilst some scholars argue that National Functionalism as an ideology is specifically tailored to Gaullican political development, it is clear that it has influenced the development of political thought outside of Gaullica's borders. Some have argued that Shangea's National Principlism was directly inspired by National Functionalism, whilst in Euclea itself Functionalism entered southern Euclean countries like Etruria, Paretia, Piraea and Amathia through pro-Gaullican elements of the military. In Ruttland, Functionalism gave birth to the National Resurrection movement.
Since the end of the Great War, National Functionalism has been outlawed as a political ideology within Gaullica - though several groups have been accused of being "neo-functionalist". Since 2010, 'functionalist' has re-entered political discourse as a pejorative term for those on the far-right, especially in the context of Paretian and Etrurian nationalist groups like the Tribune Movement.
Etymology
The Gaullican term fonctionnalisme is in explicit reference to the sociological term, derived from the works of René Dajuat and his student Hugues Subercaseaux, which itself stems from the medieval Solarian word functionalis. Gaëtan de Trintignant aimed to present a political theory that was based in empirical science and during his post-war years as a writer and fringe political figure, he became increasingly enamoured with the developing school of thought of sociology within Gaullican academic circles.
In a series of letters published in weekly editions of the 'Verlois Herald' throughout March and April of 1861, de Trintignant wrote that: "if we were to understand society, we would understand everything! By understanding social structure, we can create a society that is, of course, greater than all others."
His desires to formulate a political theory on the basis of this idea of 'purpose' or 'function' led to his creation of the Function of Man, published in 1881. In it, he repeatedly calls on a form of 'functionalism' to identify the functions of Gaullican society that had, in his words, driven it to become the pre-eminent world power, before discussing the moral obligations and functions of that society in spreading it to the rest of the world.
Fonctionnalisme national was specifically curated as a term to distinguish it from its sociological point of inspiration, though structural functionalism has increasingly been referred to as "structuralism". During the early 1900s and especially after the 1910 election, when Functionalism first appeared in the Imperial Senate, left-wing opposition began to refer to it as a "fon-fou", a portmanteau of "fonctionnalisme du fou".
History
War of the Triple Alliance
The outbreak of war in May of 1852 plunged Euclea into an enormous conflict, that saw over half a million military casualties in the space of three and a half years of war. Whilst Gaullica did not suffer the catastrophic defeats that rendered Valduvia as Euclea's "Sick Man" or plunged Soravia into civil war, the defeat left a lasting effect on the public and political consciousness about the future.
The Function of Man
Âge des Gens Heureux
The Great Collapse
Rise of the Parti Populaire
The Great War
Tenets
Functionalism is characterised as being a particularly non-traditional form of conservativism. A highly statist ideology, Functionalism's main aims and concerns as outlined by the theories of Trintignant and their adaptations into the framework of the Parti Populaire by Rafael Duclerque were to "bring about and maintain the ideal society". This often led to a largely pragmatic approach to economic policies depending on the situation and a fairly overall socially conservative policy focused on traditional gender roles, deference to authority and the idealisation of traditional institutions in society. However, according to Olivia Édouard's assessment of the ideology, "Functionalism, at times, practiced pragmatic social policy - as was the case with women being encouraged to enter the workforce during the war."
Civic nationalism
Unlike most other Euclean political entities which developed nationalism as an ethnic identity, Gaullican political theorists were often critical of that concept. Traditionally, nationalism has been held to have been born by the Weranian Revolution of 1785, with Weranian radicals associating their ideas of radical republicanism with that of a unified Weranian ethnic identity.
In Gaullica, by contrast, the idea of ethnic nationalism was in principle rejected. Instead, some scholars have argued that a separate strain of nationalism grew there. Porthos Asselineau, writing in the early 1900s, compared the 'identities of the peoples of Euclea' and described of the Gaullican thought process that: "ethnic nationalism makes no sense, Gaullican identity is achievable. It is a civic identity, beyond the constraints of blood and ancestry." According to Porthos, the 'nationalism' present within Gaullica was a "nationalism of culture; one not set in on racial or ethnic lines, but on values and a way of life that others can be educated into."
In his seminal work, The Function of Man, Gaëtan de Trintignant wrote on the topic of race extensively. In the opening of his chapter: "The Peoples of Gaullica" de Trintignant states that "race is not real". Functionalist doctrine and ideology on race was largely dismissive of race as a factor of identity. Trintignant surmised his belief on what it meant to be 'Gaullican' as not being attached to the 'fabrication of the Gaullican ethnic group', but a set of cultural, linguistic, moral and value-based institutions and practices. He compared it extensively to what he called 'Weranic Nationalism', which he argued was exclusively concerned with "linguistic brotherhood".
To Trintignant the Gaullican identity was a civic and cultural identity that one could join into by assimilation; it was an inclusive identity that individuals from around the globe could and should aspire to be apart of. He described the primary goal of Gaullican imperialism to be a great "mission to spread civilisation". In this regard, many contemporary thinkers describe Gaullican nationalism to have evolved into that of 'civilisational identity', with Estmerish historian Paige Moss referring to it as a "a mimicry of Solarian identity".
The way in which this approach to nationalism was adopted has been brought into question by theorists from within and without Gaullica. In spite of what the Functionalist belief may have outlined, many policies within the empire were implemented strictly on a racial basis. Blanchiment was a Gaullican colonial policy adopted by the empire and maintained and expanded by the Functionalist regime that encouraged white men in the colonies to marry indigenous women in the hopes of 'whitening' their progeny.
Additionally many critics of the theory including Gaullican socialist thinker Éliane Bruguière argue that the functionalist idea of the 'civic-cultural identity' was an exportable form of 'ethnic nationalism'.
Authority
At its core, Functionalism is an authoritian political system because it views any form of differing from the opinion of the sovereign to be detrimental to the 'good' of society Functionalism espouses the belief that the state exists beyond the structures and institutions of society and is actually a physical representation of collective cultural consciousness. In this regard, it is an extremely statist ideology. In the eyes of the ideology the states' apparatuses exist to serve cohesive functions for the betterment of society and its inhabitants. Rafael Duclerque famously compared the state to the intricacies of machine: "each part is unique, individual and special; but a gear has no purpose unless it is within a grander concert."
Opposed to democracy, liberalism and socialism, Functionalism mandates the investiture of power in a strongly centralised authority. Whilst Trintignant exclusively referred to this entity as an absolute monarch, ostensibly the Gaullican Emperor, when implemented in Gaullica the investiture of power was focused in the position of Premier; Rafael Duclerque.
Basile Vaugrenard, a Functionalist jurist, wrote several treatise in which he supported the Parti Populaire's measures of negating the influence of the Senate: "Democracy, the idea of voting in governments, does nothing but foster divisions within society. People become affiliated with political parties, and their identity to a greater collective is superseded by party-membership."
Throughout its existence in dominating politics in Gaullica following the end of the Great Collapse, the Parti Populaire aimed to curtail the influence of the democratic systems of government by numerous means. Initially, numerous political associations were branded as 'enemies of the state' including the SGIO - at the time the second largest party. Following this the party granted the position of premier numerous executive powers over the course of late 1919 all the way through 1921. These ranged from the ability to dismiss members of the senate, to dissolving the senate at will, the ability to supersede the senate on its duties of appointments unilaterally as well as complete subvert the institution in regards to assessing the budget. At the conclusion of his term's limit, Rafael Duclerque declared a motion in which his term limits were suspended.
Communauté populaire
Trintignant surmised that "if a state has an institution within it; it serves a purpose. If it served no purpose, it would have no use to the state." Whilst he did argue that you could divide the constituent parts of the nation into as many arbitrary pieces as you wanted, Trintignant settled on four distinct social groups that encompassed all others: the government, the family (or women, depending on publication), the armed forces and the church.
These four social groups are at the forefront of Functionalist belief in the Communauté populaire, (People's Community), the mechanisms used to keep people - and therefore society - united, prosperous and happy. Each of the four social groups had a specific duty in the theories of de Trintignant.
- Women/The Family: In functionalist thought, the family was seen as the primary unit of socialisation. Family units had to instil in young people the norms and values of the Gaullican culture at its most basic stage; and needed to continue to repopulate the Gaullican nation. To enforce this in practice, the Parti Populaire offered great incentives for families to continue having children, instituted a far stronger and robust model of welfare for those children, and provided tax rebates to families with many children (as from three or more.) Women were permitted to enter 'non-traditional' areas of employment through a policy known as 'National Necesssity', especially during the time of total war.
- The Church: de Trintignant remarked that "faith builds community and provides direction". In the view of the functionalists, religion, even if not factual, provided a strong sense of communal bond and was the base of all forms of identity that superseded it. As far as they were concerned moral direction, subservience to authority, and these strong communal bonds were best exemplified by Gaullica's largest religion: Solarian Catholicism. Because of its established authority within Gaullica, the Parti Populaire was forced to compromise on issues with the Church. In this regard, whilst the functionalists may have wanted to centralise authority within the secular government, they were forced to maintain clerical involvement in all sectors of society.
- The Military: Viewed both as an honourable institution and an exemplification of human duty as well as a necessity in a view of the way states function, Trintignant viewed the military highly positively. This largely stemmed from his own service. He viewed the military as a defence of the communal body of the nation by itself, and that increasing it's strength would achieve success for the nation. As a realistic ideology, it viewed the strength of a nation to be the predicate to its success. The Parti Populaire adhered to the existing empire's reliance on the military, yet continued its expansion, prestige and dedication to innovation within the military - such as allocating enormous resources to research and development in the field of armoured warfare, aircraft, rocketry and the like.
- The Government: The government, being viewed as an organic entity, and often compared by analogy to the body, found itself as the primary facilitator for all facets of life. Trintignant viewed the government as a 'mother for all society' and instilled in it the responsibilities of rearing up the collective children; but also providing work, security, safety, good health and education for all of society. Because of this, he viewed elements of non-compliance as in democratic and liberal societies as weakening this message. To consolidate this vision of a 'paternal' state, functionalism in Gaullica worked at eroding away at the elements of democracy within its governing system and sought to entrench itself within power.
These four sections were often compared, via analogy, to the human body. They were argued to work best together for a unified goal, and both Trintignant and Duclerque simplified the explanation by comparing them to the organs of the human body.
Action and conflict
Functionalism is predicated on the necessity of political violence, as an integral part of the mechanism to both create and defend the environment for the 'perfect state'. This view on violence is one that glorifies it as a direct aspect of humanity. Trintignant often referred to it as a "natural" state of the human condition; and that violence had served as a legitimate means for settling disagreements, disputes, territorial issues and breaches of the law. In this sense, it was rooted in some of the elements of the applications of Mersenne's biological discoveries to politics.
This predication on legitimate political violence led to the creation of numerous paramilitaries, most famed were those of the Parti Populaire during their rise to power in the 1910s. These were the Chevaliers de l'Empereur and the Veuves de Sainte Chloé, led by Gwenaëlle Cazal, one of Duclerque's most trusted associates. In practice, these organisations were used to intimidate political opponents, beat opposition on the street, instigate violence and carry out terrorist attacks.
These principles glorifying violence also translated onto how Functionalism views inter-state relations. A realistic political position in the topics of international relations, Duclerque emphasised the necessity for the projection of power - and that the only "currency respected in the international order is monopolised violence". This view of military action, conflict and violence led to Functionalism preoccupying itself in an ever-increasing armament for an eventual global conflict.
The institution of the military itself was praised, adored and almost venerated by Functionalists. Trintignant, a serviceman himself, viewed the military as a structure to imitate. He praised the meritocratic yet hierarchical nature of the Gaullican military, and exemplified its use as a model for some levels of bureaucratic government. Functionalist attitudes towards the military are universally positive, in both propaganda and legislation. The Parti Populaire increased the funding of the military substantially, including to its pension funds to widows and children.
Economic policies
Functionalism described itself as being anti-capitalist and anti-socialist. Trintignant's writings explicitly reference the ideology as a "syncretic solution to the question of economics", and he himself maintained that capitalism was a system that was inherently unconcerned with the state and socialism was too preoccupied with achieving a stateless society. Trintignant wrote within his works that the efficacy of capitalism must be controlled by the state to ensure complete subservience to the Communauté populaire, and that the profits turned for social good and state success rather than economic gain. Socialism, on the other hand, he disparaged as being too "societally destructive" and viewed their ideas of a stateless society to be naïve. One of his proposed purposes of the duties of the state was to deal with the economic concerns of the working class.
Duclerque, he himself originally holding left-wing economic views in his youth, was far more vocally critical of capitalism in his remarks and positioned his party as an "alternative to economic determinism". Officially, Duclerque made corporatism the economic policy of the Functionalist movement. He believed in an irrevocable "moral evil" within capitalism, decrying it as an individualistic, materialistic and liberal quest for "infinite profit on a finite world". Duclerque was strongly influenced by Catholic positions on economic justice and tried to reconcile the economic elements of socialism whilst detaching them from their internationalist positions. His corporatism aimed to reconcile the "best of both systems" by placing the state as an arbiter between corporate workers and labourers. Duclerque eventually denounced the socialist idea of class conflict and instead championed the cause of class collaboration.
The extent to which Functionalism operated as pro-worker or pro-business fluctuated. Żyścin "Justin" Żowanu, three time Minister of Finance for the Functionalist Regime, was replaced over his opposition to implement "pragmatic policies". Duclerque privately held that "economic ideology isn't important, what the nation requires is". The Parti Populaire backtracked on several of their public positions of the nationalisation of the businesses that many had viewed as being responsible for the Great Collapse, though the threat of nationalisation was utilised to ensure businesses kept aligned to the regime and its "economic realities".
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Functionalism passed many pro-worker pieces of legislation in its initial period of control, though would often juggle this with the demands of the business sector. Within six months of coming to power the Parti Populaire mandated compulsory union membership across Gaullica under the 'Fédération du travail', a Functionalist trade-union organisation. Despite this, corporate interest was maintained in Functionalist economic poilicy and the regime later reneged the right to strike on the basis that as the negotiator between workers and business it would ensure equity through the Ministry of Corporations and Labour. The Parti Populaire brought about a series of progressive economic reforms as part of its renegotiation including increases to disability and unemployment benefits and the guaranteeing of paid vacations and sick leave, among other policies. Functionalist social programmes were described as "robust and generous", rivalling or eclipsing all Euclean societies.
One of the most notable elements of the Functionalist economic agenda were numerous immense public works and infrastracture projects to revitalise the economy following the Great Collapse. These included the building of important civilian and military infrastructure in both the metropole and the colonies, including the completion of the highly prestious Trans-Bahian Railway. The Ministry of Public Works oversaw the creation of hundreds of new schools and hospitals as part of this programme. Additionally, Gaullica's hydroelectric power output increased eightfold during the 1920s through the creation of numerous dams across the Aventines.
The desire for economic self sufficency was also a driving force behind the pragmatic approach Functionalists took to the economy, but their belief in 'self-sufficiency' extended to all aspects of the empire as a single entity.
Modern commentators have tried to concisely describe Functionalist economic policy. According to Magnus Fleischmann the economy displayed "clear elements of dirigiste thinking, though that style of economic thinking was first used to describe Gaullican economic policy post-Great War. Most modern scholars agree that Functionalism is strictly corporatist in economic terms, though "highly pragmatic".
The 'Nostalgic Future'
Functionalism maintains a view on society that has been described as a 'synthesis' between palingenesis and modernism. This synthesis is best exemplified in a declaration from Duclerque, who during his first speech as Premier in 1919 declared that to prepare Gaullica for the future it needed to "born anew". The Functionalist view of modernism was fixated on scientific and industrial advances, praising the modern world for the great leaps of human ingenuity and intelligence in the creation of new fields such as aviation, cinema and industrial management. In this way, Functionalism selectively chose what elements of modernism it deemed as ideal for a national rebirth whilst rejecting those it did not deem suitable. For instance, Functionalism rejected the sceptical nature of the modernist movement's uncertainty in science and dismissal of religion.
Ultimately, Functionalism viewed societies developing on a path towards an idealised goal of perfection. The developments of the modern era were espoused as necessary and to be celebrated if they could be controlled by a 'benevolent state' and utilised for righteous purposes, as opposed to contribute to a "culture of decadence". Functionalists were highly critical of the individualistic aspects of modernism as an affront for the human collective, and aimed to purge these elements from their movement. Instead they aimed to bring about the concepts of modernism they found agreeable in the 'national reawakening' of Gaullica, whereby the nation would finally "purge itself" free of the corruptions of liberalism, socialism and individualism and recreate new classes of "dedicated warriors to civilise the world".
Such a synthesis of ideas was named the "Nostalgic Future" by Functionalists, indicating that there would be elements of a traditional past in a better tomorrow. Much of this was related to the Gaullican idea of the "la Perpétuation" and the need to continue it, harkening back to a proposed continuous existence of knowledge that had been disrupted by the Age of Revolutions.
Aesthetics and culture
Trintignant described Functionalism as a "manner of being" as opposed to a simple political ideology. Duclerque, in the charter of the Parti Populaire, included the lines that state: "Functionalism is more than a political ideology; it is a movement of the human being to achieve perfection. Perfection in the arts, physical, political and spiritual." This attitude towards the ideology deeply intertwined Functionalism with art movements, such as Futurism, and reinforced the Functionalist view that their movement should encompass radical changes or safeguarding of all aspects of Gaullican society.
Architecture
Art
Displays of art were directed to note physical fitnness, communal cooperation, the idealisation of national heroes, the unity of the Gaullican civilisation and the foundational principles of the Communauté populaire. Prominent artists of the time include: Florentin Delsarte, Victoria Legaullois and Gérôme Matthieu. Each aimed to exemplify Functionalist principles through their art form, and many personally agreed with the ideology through their work. Delsarte, famed for his artwork depicting Functionalism as a social movement, utilised broadly interpretive styles to convey his messages. Work like his has led art critics, like Sophie Brown, to describe Functionalism as having underlying artistic themes of "submission, duty and glorification of violence".
Perhaps the most famous of the Functionalist Futurists was Matthieu, who was one of the first Euclean artists to travel across the world for reference in his paintings that showcased an idealised, racially harmonious Gaullican Empire.
Cuisine
Fashion
Film
Literature
Music
Theatre
Age and gender roles
Functionalist Ideologies
National Solarianism
Palmeirism
Notable Functionalists
- Karl Åberg.png
Greater Blostland
Karl Åberg
Anförare of Greater Blostland, 1923–1934 
Capria
Autit Farooqui
President of Capria, 1927–1932
Delland
Mario Alver
President of Delland 1928–1931
Template:Country data Estmere
A. J. Arundel
Leader of Estmerish Popular Action 1921–1933
Gaullica
Pierre-Antoine Baudet
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1925 - 1934
Gaullica
Édouard d'Aubusson
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1919 - 1925
Minister of the Dominions, 1925 - 1931
Gaullica
Gwenaëlle Cazal
Directeur-Général of the Maréchaussée, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Abélard Cochet
Minister of the Interior, 1923 - 1934
Gaullica
Constantine III
Emperor of Gaullica, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Serge Desmarais
Minister of Justice, 1922 - 1934
Gaullica
Rafael Duclerque
Premier of Gaullica, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Pierre-Louis Gavreau General
Gaullica
Léonard Bouvier
Minister of the Colonies, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Bruno Lavigne
Admiral of the Fleet, Minister of the Navy 1919 - 1927
Gaullica
File:BLFlag.png Baséland
Julien Sontonga
Senator from Sainte-Germaine, 1928 - 1934
Gaullica
Gaëtan de Trintignant
Marshal of Gaullica, author of The Function of Man- LeonDegrelleYelling.png Gaullica
Simon Vandame
Minister of Popular Culture, 1920 - 1930, Minister of Communications, 1930 - 1934 
Gaullica
Alexandre Verninac
Chief of Staff of the Imperial Armed Forces
Gaullica
Żyścin "Justin" Żowanu
Minister of Finance, 1919 - 1921, 1922 - 1923, 1927 - 1933- ThiranaiRatana2.jpg
Kuthina
Thiranai Ratana
Deputy Viceroy of Kuthina, 1923 - 1935 
Paretia
Carlos Palmeira
Premier of Paretia, 1925–1934- Roberta.jpeg Paretia
Roberta II
Queen of Paretia, 1921–1934 
Paretia
Rafael Azevedo
Minister of the Interior, 1927–1934
Paretia
Joaquim Fidalgo
Minister of War, 1926–1934
Paretia
André Morais
Minister of Justice, 1925-1933
Paretia
Justí Retuerta
Chief of General Staff, 1925-1934
Paretia
Hèctor Clar
Minister of Propaganda, 1925-1933
Paretia
Diogo Rangel Faria
Leader of the Reservistas, 1919-1932
Piraea
Nikolaos II of Piraea
King of Piraea, 1924–1938
Piraea
Theodoros Strakidis
Premier of Piraea, 1925–1938
Piraea
Konstantinos Athanopoulos
President de facto of Piraea, 1948–1978, and Leader and founder of National Alignment
Ruttland
Zydrunas Biržiška
Tautos Vadas of the Liplisqués Government 1929–1933
Dominion of Satucin
Henri Masson,
Premier of Satucin, 1922 – 1931, 1940 – 1947
Senria
Yosito Otuzi
Chief Minister of the Reformed Government 1927–1932
Senria
Yosimoto Hideaki
Minister of Foreign Affairs & Propaganda of the Reformed Government 1927–1934- Cao Ghuozhang.jpg
Shangea
Cao Ghuozhang
Leader of the Political Wing of the Nanqing Clique 1924-1934 
Greater Solarian Republic
Leonardo Furio Gennari
Prefect-General of Rahelia Etruriana 1921-1945, author of The Solarian Solution
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Criticism
Gaullican President Sotirien Roche described Functionalism as "revolutionary conservativism", noting that whilst it found itself rooted in conservative principles many of its policies brought it into conflict with established elements of society. Functionalism challenged the position of women in society and was willing to go against societal convention for the necessity of war and the economy, fought the church over the role of the state as an apparatus of identity and placed a great emphasis on an imagined future rather than a historic glory. In this sense, Roche's assessment was that "Functionalism merged the carefully drawn lines of public and private life, as it aimed to consume all facets of it". Because of these factors, Roche called the movement "a conservative socialism" or a "socialist conservatism", to much criticism, though he clarified he did not truly mean 'socialist' in the political sense, but as a comparative point.