Foreign relations of Yisrael: Difference between revisions
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By the time of the 2017-18 [[Sydalene Revolution]], relations had settled warmly to such the extent that the fears of an Yisraeli {{wp|military intervention}} was perceived among the revolutionary Sydalene leadership not as a way to invade and annex Sydalon, but to support the [[Monarchy of Sydalon]] and the continuation of an independent Sydalene state. | By the time of the 2017-18 [[Sydalene Revolution]], relations had settled warmly to such the extent that the fears of an Yisraeli {{wp|military intervention}} was perceived among the revolutionary Sydalene leadership not as a way to invade and annex Sydalon, but to support the [[Monarchy of Sydalon]] and the continuation of an independent Sydalene state. | ||
Bilateral relations are warm and cordial, and as the two states enter {{wp|2020s (decade)|the 2020s}}, foreign policy analysts expect closer ties to continue to flourish. | |||
====Fabria==== | ====Fabria==== |
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Introduction
The foreign relations of the Kingdom of Yisrael are the responsibility of His Majesty's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (known alternatively as His Majesty's Foreign Ministry), which is currently headed by Foreign Minister Yitzchok Katz.
Yisrael is a major global economic and financial hub, along with neighboring Fakolana, and is informally known as the "Banker of Scipia". In addition to its economic strength, Yisrael possesses an advanced regional military presence.
The Royal Government in Yerushalayim pursues a strategy of principled stability and shared prosperity by promoting self government and free market capitalism. This has pitted it against the few remaining leftist powers left in the globe, who oppose the Jewish kingdom's anti-communism. Yisrael advocates neoliberal free markets and social conservatism, and these ideological aims are key determinants of its relationships with other world nations.
Overview of foreign bilateral relations
Country | Status of Relations | Visa requirements? | Embassy? | Interests section Only? | Foreign policy dispute? | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Direct | Indirect | None | |||||||
Aethele | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Almadis | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Arthurista | N/A | N/A | 2 | N/A | N/A | ||||
Ascalzar | 1 | N/A | N/A | 1 | N/A | N/A | |||
Belfras | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Benaajab | N/A | N/A | N/A | 3 | |||||
Cavarzere | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Deseret | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Drevstran | N/A | N/A | N/A | 4 | N/A | ||||
Enyama | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Fabria | N/A | 5 | N/A | 5 | N/A | N/A | |||
Fakolana | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Ghant | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Gelonia | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Gran Aligonia | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Iotopha | N/A | 6 | N/A | N/A | 6 | N/A | |||
Latium | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Lihnidos | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Lion's Rock | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Liothidia | N/A | N/A | 6 | 6 | |||||
Lusittia | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Lyncanestria | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Milostia | N/A | N/A | N/A | 8 | |||||
Mutul | N/A | N/A | N/A | 9 | 9 | ||||
Mundaqar | N/A | N/A | N/A | 10 | 10 | ||||
Nunaaqqinit | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Ostrozava | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Ottonia | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Polnitsa | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Sante Reze | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Seredinia | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Skaldafen | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Sydalon | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Talakh | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Tarsas | N/A | N/A | 11 | N/A | N/A | ||||
Tikal | N/A | N/A | N/A | 11 | N/A | ||||
Tsurushima | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |||||
Tulura | N/A | N/A | N/A | 13 | N/A | ||||
Vannois | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
Footnotes
1. As the Queen of Sydalon is the ruling Co-Prince of Ascalzar, all Ascalene affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Sydalon and the Yisraeli Embassy in Ostracine, Sydalon.
2. Arthurista, along with Tarsas, is among a narrow class of nations of whom Yisrael created bilateral visa-free reciprocal travel policies.
3. Yisrael and Benaajab have an ongoing diplomatic dispute regarding Benaajab's theocratic-geopolitical objectives (See below).
4. Yisrael maintains indirect ties through an interests section in the Ghantish Embassy in Angrast. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
5. As Fabria is encircled by Sydalon, all Fabrian affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Sydalon and the Yisraeli Embassy in Ostracine, Sydalon.
6. Yisrael maintains indirect ties through an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Afar. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
7. Yisrael has no direct relations with Liothidia due to suspected ties to pro-Sydalene Christian terrorism against Yisrael. However, the Government of Yisrael has a consular officer and several attachés stationed in the Arthuristan Embassy in Rahden per a bilateral diplomatic agreement with Arthurista, but does not consider this presence an "interests section." Liothidia, in return, has accused the consular presence as being "a hotbed of spies," which Yisrael has repeatedly denied.
8. Yisrael has no direct ties and maintains a complete boycott against Milostia due to the attempted ethnic cleansing against Chassidish Jews during the 2005 Milostia-Polnitsa War. Yisrael has a complete travel ban on Milostian citizens entering the country, with exceptions made for political émigrés, asylum-seekers, opposition figures and other enemies of the regime, and others on a case-by-case basis, as decided by the Yisraeli Immigration Minister.
9. Yisrael and Mutul maintain indirect relations despite the international sanctions regime by designating the neutral power Sante Reze as the protecting power, with Yisrael having an interests section in the Sante Reze Embassy in Kalak'Muul, Mutul. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
10. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Alqat. The chief of the section is the Consul-General. Mundaqar has clashed with Yisrael over the latter's long-held banking secrecy to the frustration of the former's global treaty to force tax compliance.
11. Tarsas, along with Arthurista, is part of a visa-free travel zone vis-a-vis Yisrael.
12. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Tikal City, Tikal. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
13. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Tarsan Embassy in Arimal, Tulura. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
Special relationships
Arthurista
Tarsas
Friendly
Vannois
Lihnidos
Ghant
Talakh
Enyama
Morinia-Polnitsa
Lion's Rock
Almadis
Cordial and neutral
Ostmark
Ottonia
Keuland
Benaajab
Benaajab views Yisrael as a fellow theonomist state and an ally in the support of world-wide ecclesiocratic reforms--the primary international objective of the Benaajabi government. Because of the distance between the two nations and because of Yisrael's prominent role in global capitalism, however, there are relatively few interactions between the two states. Benaajab believes that all Abrahamic faiths should be reconciled under a single governing entity, which has lead to misnomers, faux pas, and dismissive language from many Benaajabi politicians.
Cavarzere
Garima
Aethele
Sante Reze
Deseret
Tulura
Lyncanestria
Seredinia
Gran Aligonia
Gelonia
Drevstran
Unfriendly
Tsurushima
Iotopha
Nunaaqqinit
Ostrozava
Mundaqar
Hostile
Liothidia
Mutul
Milostia
Caripe
Skaldafen Confederation
Verbiza
Formerly hostile, now cordial (post-1973)
Sydalon and Fabria
Sydalon
Sydalon and Yisrael had been at odds for centuries, dating back to the first third of the 13th century when the First Crusade landed in modern-day Sydalon and created several crusader states that ruled various parts of the early medieval Jewish realm located in modern-day Yisrael.
In the early modern era, Sydalon and Yisrael clashed in the first of the West Scipian Wars, from which emerged a centralized, unified Jewish state. Relations ebbed and flowed in the next two centuries, but geopolitical rancor re-emerged during the Era of Great Nationalism in the mid-to-late 19th century, when both Sydalene and Yisraeli societies were gripped by new pan-nationalist and imperialist ideologies. In the last years of that century, a cold war became the bilateral reality for both kingdoms.
Pan-nationalist regimes in both countries would lead to the Second (1910s), Third (1941; 1949), and Fourth (1960s) West Scipian Wars. A major objective of these national visions was control over the Yarden River Valley and attempts by one nation to annex the other. After the Fourth War, guided by pro-peace governments and the major Great Powers such as Arthurista and Latium, a five-year peace process emerged that culminated in the signing of the 1973 Yarden Accords.
The 1970s and 1980s remained fraught with subtle tension and paranoia about a betrayal of the pact, but by the late '80s, a cold peace turned warmer as generational changes and strong institutional and governmental backing of the Accords in both nations built trust. By the year 2000, a generation of peace and building trust led to a cordial relationship and deepening commitment to the "Yarden status quo."
By the time of the 2017-18 Sydalene Revolution, relations had settled warmly to such the extent that the fears of an Yisraeli military intervention was perceived among the revolutionary Sydalene leadership not as a way to invade and annex Sydalon, but to support the Monarchy of Sydalon and the continuation of an independent Sydalene state.
Bilateral relations are warm and cordial, and as the two states enter the 2020s, foreign policy analysts expect closer ties to continue to flourish.
Fabria
Relations between Fabria and Yisrael were tense in the first years of the Holy See's re-establishment in Sydalon in 1909 in the broader context of the West Scipian Cold War, of which Fabria fiercely backed Sydalon.
This state of affairs stayed the same until the Yarden peace process, though there continued to exist pan-nationalist conservatives among the Fabrian Catholic Church's ranks who opposed the Accords and were active in many of the late '70s Yarden revisionist movements.
While the Church's mainstream generally tracked Sydalon's in warming to Yisrael between 1973 and 2000, there remained entrenched pockets of revisionists who worked against the status quo and reserved a particular scorn for the Jewish kingdom. The election of one of their own to the papacy in 2015, Pope Julius IV - an open and avowed Yarden Revisionist - significantly chilled relations between Yisrael and the Holy See, a geopolitical development that continues to this day.