Yemet
Irfanic Republic of Yemet | |
|---|---|
 Flag
 Emblem
| |
 Yemet in dark green. The de facto independent Kulo State is in light green. | |
| Capital and largest city | Girota |
| Official languages | Talanzi, Weranian, Gaullican |
| Recognised national languages | Andutu, Gero, Kaabura, Paboro, Ruku |
| Demonym(s) | Yemeti |
| Government | Unitary Presidential Republic |
| Ubaxle Asad (disputed) | |
| Legislature | People's Congress of Yemet |
| Independence from Werania | |
| 12th August 1953 | |
| 22nd May 1960 | |
| 17th September 1964 | |
• Revolt of the Generals, declaration of National Salvation Government of Yemet | 4th January 1970 |
• Democraticization, End of Yemeti Civil War | 12th December 1997 |
| Area | |
• Total | 1,153,295.36 km2 (445,289.83 sq mi) |
• Water (%) | 2% |
| Population | |
• 2020 estimate | 91,991,000 |
• Density | 79.76/km2 (206.6/sq mi) |
| GDP (PPP) | estimate |
• Total | $98,706,343,000 |
• Per capita | $1,073 |
| GDP (nominal) | estimate |
• Total | $55,853,891,000 |
• Per capita | $607 |
| Gini (2018) | 0.54 low |
| HDI (2018) |  0.494low |
| Currency | Yemeti birr (YEB) |
| Time zone | UTC+3 (Central Bahian Standard Time) |
| Driving side | right |
| Calling code | +29 |
| ISO 3166 code | YE |
| Internet TLD | .ye |
Yemet, officially the Irfanic Republic of Yemet (Weranian: Irfanische Republik Jemet) is a is a unitary presidential republic in Bahia. It is bordered to the east by Maucha, to the south by Garambura and Rwizikuru, to the west by Behera and to the north by Tiwura and xx. It has a population of 91,991,000, making it the largest country in Bahia by population, and a nominal GDP of $55,853,891,000 and a nominal GDP per capita of $607, making it one of the poorest countries in Kylaris. Yemet is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse nations in Kylaris, having around 200 distinct ethnic and linguistic groups.
Believed to be the origin of humanity, Yemet was home to a diverse array of pre-colonial civilisations along the Gonda River and Lake Hayik that flourished from the 9th century AD to the 15th Century AD under the development of the Hourege system of government and with the growth of Trans-Hamadan Trade to Rahelia and Euclea in salt and gold. The settlement of Euclean trading posts along the coast started in the mid 1600s, with Fort St. Mark, modern Lehir, being settled in 1643 by Gaullican traders under the protection of local leaders. The Kamwengan Empire, which dominated the central portions of Yemet from the 1400s to the 1700s, declined in the 1700s following several wars against Euclean-backed coastal states. The successor states to the Kamwengan Empire were gradually annexed into the Gaullican colony of Haute-Gond during the 1800s and Yemet's large agricultural lands and mineral wealth saw much development as part of the Gaullican Empire, culminating in the Adunis to Mambiza Railway being constructed through the country to better transport its produce to the Gaullican metropole.
With Gaullica's defeat in the Great War, the colony of Haut-Gond was transferred over to Werania and incorporated the Kulo region of the colony of Baséland. Renamed Obergond, the colony saw an influx of Weranian settlers, the seizure of commonly owned tribal lands and the forced resettlement of the black population. This caused the Yemeti Bush War, sometimes also known as the Yemeti War of Independence, which lasted from 1946 until 1963. Following Werania's defeat in the Valduvian-Weranian War, Obergond was granted independence as the Federation of Obergond in 1953.
Ruled by the Weranian settler minority, the Dietsmann, and backed by the Weranian government, the Federation of Obergond, and later the Federation of Yemet after the drafting of a new constitution allowing limited voting rights to the Sotirian black populace after a series of setbacks forced limited concessions to the black populace, continued the Yemeti Bush War, which ended in 1963 with the CN-brokered Treaty of Girota. This laid the foundations for Yemet's first elections with universal franchise under CN observation and Yemeti membership of the United Bahian Republic the following year. The new Yemeti government, led by a re-elected Abner Oronge and Irfanic Vice-President Anwar Motuma as part of a power-sharing agreement under the National Unity Front of Yemet, undertook a series of sweeping economic and educational reforms. These reforms caused widespread corruption and nepotism within the government, which along with the death of President Oronge in 1968 led to Sotirian voters partially abandoning the NUF for the Sotirian National Party and caused the NUF's loss of a legislative majority in 1968 shortly after Oronge's death, although Motuma was able to retain the presidency.
Motuma formed a coalition with Assi Tamrat of the Sotirian National Party to ensure a legislative majority, appointing Tamrat as Vice-President in a similar arrangement as to what had existed previously under Oronge. This arrangement only lasted a few weeks, as Motuma was assassinated soon after the 1968 election. His successor, his Vice-President Assi Tamrat, embarked on a rapid reversal of Motuma and Oronge's socialist economic policies. After the deteoration of relations with Maucha over the status of Ibabochia within the UBR, Yemet left the UBR and invaded Ibabochia in the War of the Ibabochian Panhandle in 1969. Although a quick Yemeti victory was expected by the Yemeti government and foreign observers, foreign intervention in support of Maucha and military overextention led to a Yemeti defeat. After the defeat, Irfanic elements of the Yemeti military launched a coup which started the First Yemeti Civil War which would last until a CN-brokered peace treaty in 1997, although the conflict with the Kulo State remains ongoing.
Since 1997, the Yemeti government has struggled to rebuild the ethnically and religiously divided country and defeat the Kulo State and other remaining rebel groups, while gradually backsliding towards authoritarianism under President Retta Iskinder. In August 2021 renewed violence broke out across the country in the Second Yemeti Civil War following President Iskinder's suspension of elections. In April 2022, the PNLAY staged a military coup against President Iskinder, resulting in the deaths of the President, the Vice-President Obe Feleke, and the Minister of National Defence, Obuto Akombo and the assumption of power by the Chief of Staff of the PNLAY, Ubaxle Asad. An opposition government was declared in Girota by Issa Khasu, former Speaker of the People's Congress of Yemet and the successor as President according to the constitution.
Etymology
The name Yemet is derived from the phrase Yemeto Negedi Merēti, meaning Land of the Hundred Tribes, the traditional name of the Talanizi people for the wider region. In the colonial period Yemet was more often known as 'Haute-Gond' under Gaullican colonial rule and then 'Obergond' under Weranian colonial rule, both derived from the river Gonda that flows through the country. The government of Yemet rejects both names, but they are still sometimes used in Gaullica and Werania respectively, and more rarely across Euclea, usually by older generations.
History
Prehistoric Yemet
-Probable origin of homo sapiens
-Inhabited for thousands of years, wealth of archaeological sites
Ancient Yemet (c. 3000 BC - c. 650 AD)
-Proto-sare system of rule by priests
-Confederal system organised based on interpretation on will of spirits, augury
Irfanic Expansion (c. 650 - c. 1100)
Medieval Yemet (c. 1100 - 1450)
Early Modern Yemet (1450 - 1865)
Haute-Gond (1863 - 1934)
-Coast/ eastern inland areas conquered by 1863, allied Sotirian and Irfanic rulers made into protectorates, coastal regions directly ruled by colonial administration
-Abolishment of caste system, establishment of large rubber plantations under Gaullican ownership, seizure of lands from Irfanic rulers, transfer of mines to Companie Royale de Haute-Gond, formation of large numbers of Tirailleurs Bahiens units from the former Irfanic warrior caste, abolishment of slavery
-Push further inland up the Gonda from 1863 - 1883, armed resistance from Irfanic rulers and tribes
-Major revolts in Sougoulie, Irfanic traditional rulers + largely Irfanic Tirailleurs Bahiens manage to win a few battles initially against black Sotirian forces + Gaullican-loyal Irfanics, crushed upon the arrival of reinforcements from elsewhere in Bahia by 1884 in Gondan Expedition. Final part of revolt to be crushed. Survivors flee into jungles, burn Gaullican rubber plantations irregularly throughout 1880s, meld back into civilian population by 1890s, restricting of recruitment of Tirailleurs Bahiens to Sotirian blacks
-Sougoulie set back further consolidation of inland Bahia, final independent rulers subdued by 1890
-Sporadic revolts by individual Irfanic tribal groups from 1890 to 1926, none particularly successful, most crushed within a year with minor Gaullican losses, but large numbers of civilian casualties and rebel casualties
-University of Girota founded in 1914 from the merger of the Centres Agronomiques de l'Université de Haute-Gond (founded 1902) and the Fondation Médicale de l'Université de Haute-Gond (founed 1907)
-Re-establishment of Tirailleurs Bahiens during Great War, eager mass volunteering of former Irfanic warrior caste
-Lack of pre-war Tirailleurs Bahiens leads to eastern Yemet being overrun by Estmerish and Weranian forces in 1927/1928, establish connections and networks with local Sotirian elites
-Relatively successful mobilization of Tirailleurs Bahiens and inflow of Gaullican troops from the Adunis to Mambiza Railway led to 1929 counter-offensive successfully reclaiming most of Yemet, Soririan pro-Entente insurgency
-Gaullican troops withdrawn in 1930, left to the Tirailleurs Bahiens who successfully defend the colony until 1934 when a lack of war materiel leads to the lines breaking shortly before the Gaullican surrender
-Colony handed over to Werania in post-war treaties, modern Kulo State split off from Baséland in exchange for The Magadi being split off from Haute-Gond to give to Estmere.
Obergond (1934 - 1953)
Following the end of the Great War, the colony of Haute-Gond was transferred over to Werania as part of the new Weranian colony of Obergond, incorporating the Kulo Region from the former Gaullican colony of Baséland while the Ade Protectorate was ceded to the Estmerish as Adeland and the Ibabochian Panhandle was transferred to the Weranian colony of Silberküste. The Gaullican administration and population were allowed to remain while a new colonial administration was set up, which immediately faced a problem in the large numbers of Irfanic Tirailleurs Bahiens present in the colony.
Not wanting to become embroiled in a colonial war against the Gaullican-armed and trained Tirailleurs Bahiens in the aftermath of the Great War and fearing an anti-colonial revolt using them led by the various Irfanic rulers, an agreement was reached in 1935 with the various Irfanic rulers that ruled much of the inland area of the colony as protectorates where in exchange for the voluntary disarmament and demobilization of significant parts of the Tirailleurs Bahiens, the Irfanic rulers would be permitted the same autonomy and privileges they had been under the Gaullicans. A small part of the Tirailleurs Bahiens was reformed into the Schutztruppe Obergond, which became the colonial army.
The Gaullican-owned mines and Yemet's limited industrial capacity and rail network were sold to various Weranian companies. The small Irfanic urban populace that had formed in wartime was forcibly resettled to the countryside to make cheap urban land to be developed for Weranian settlers known as Dietsmann, while internal migration of the black populace was heavily reduced through the introduction of an internal passport system. As the 1930s went on, the remaining black units of the Schutztruppe Obergond were gradually disbanded as the Weranian colonial government saw less need for them The Schutztruppe fell from a post-disarmament height of 40,000 black soldiers under Gaullican-trained black officers in 1935 to 10,000 black and white soldiers serving under white Weranian officers by 1941, with many black officers being discharged from the army rather than demoted and military forces instead being provided by white units on rotation from Werania or raised from Dietsmann.
Over the 1930s a racial caste system was formally established, as local democratic government was set up with voting heavily restricted by poll taxes, property requirements and literacy and language tests, in addition to extremely poor access to polling stations outside of cities and Dietsmann-dominated rural areas to restrict voting solely to Dietsmann and the small number of Gaullican settlers. The Irfanic populace was supposedly represented by their traditional rulers who were formed into an advisory body with no formal powers, the Irfanische Vertretungsrat Obergond. The Sotirian black populace was unrepresented, as the colonial government believed in a policy of divide and rule with the intent being to prevent the formation of a unified anti-colonial movement of both Irfanics and Sotirians.
In 1938 the University of Girota was formally segregated, with only white students to be admitted to be taught by white professors, with the current black student body expelled without being awarded qualifications or refund. In protest the expelled student body of the university led a series of protest rallies around the university campus to obstruct new white students and professors in protest at their explusion. The Girota Schutztruppe, which was by 1938 entirely composed of white soldiers and officers, violently dispersed the students with many being injured and three killed. The 1938 University protests marked the first major anti-Weranian protest action in Obergond.
By the late 1930s, the colonial administration had started to seize the traditional lands from the black population of the colony, selling the ownership of the land at cheap prices to Weranian farmers to further encourage migration. Some black tribes were forcibly relocated to reserves to open up new areas for settler farms, while other traditionally pastoralist tribes were forcibly moved into villages so that the colonial administration could better control them and their agricultural output which was often forcefully resisted.
Many Irfanics, previously engaged in subsistence agriculture, were forced to become wage labourers for Dietsmann that now owned the land they used to own communally had been transferred to Dietsmann, as Weranian internal restrictions on the black Irfanic population prevented their migration to growing cities such as Röttgenstadt or Debre Marqos which the black Sotirian population was allowed to. By 1944 it was estimated by the Obergondan Agricultural Committee that almost 150,000km2 of arable land in Obergond was owned by 47,000 Dietsmann, while 18,000km2 was owned by an estimated 3 million blacks, with another 7 million owning either owning no land at all or using communally owned land not counted in the land survey or yet sold to settlers.
The combination of political disenfranchisement, racial discrimination, forced relocation, internal restrictions and land seizures, along with extremely poor pay for agricultural labourers led to major growth in underground trade unions as the first anti-colonial movements. These groups were largely composed of ex-soldiers that had been radicalized by their post-war experiences and the loss of status and pay in going from being a soldier to being a paid labourer.
Using connections between individuals on a tribal basis, these groups quickly grouped together into larger organisations during the early 1940s and grew to include mine labourers and other black workers in other industries. Initially focusing on attempting to improve working conditions and pay, strikes and protests were normally brutally put down by the Schutztruppe which radicalised the trade union movement into a more militant and anti-colonial character.
By the mid 1940s, the various worker organisations had begun to turn increasingly anti-colonial, leftist and militant in character, arming themselves with a variety of weapons including rifles which were stolen or surplus from the Great War, machetes, spears and shields, and bows and arrows. Lightly equipped compared and without training beyond that provided by veterans of the Great War compared to the professionally equipped and trained Schutztruppe, the various anti-colonial groups, including the Gondan National Liberation Army, the Sotirian National Liberation Front, the Irfanic Liberation Forces, the Sotirian Democratic Front, the Liberation Army of the Gonda, the Irfanic People's Army and others started a guerilla war against the Weranian colonial administration in the Yemeti Bush War. Although some scholars argue it began earlier, it is largely considered to have started in late 1946 with the declaration of a state of emergency by the colonial governor, Jan Schwortz, after the murder of multiple Weranian farmers and foremen by black labourers and the bombing on a Schutztruppe garrison in Röttgenstadt.
Initially the Schutztruppe was quickly bolstered by forces from the Weranian military along with deployments of Schutztruppe from other Weranian colonies to suppress the rebellion. The Weranian army from 1947 was able to gradually re-establish solid control over the country through an extensive plan of villagization to prevent the black population from providing support and shelter to the various guerrilla organisations, along with frequent detainment in camps of suspected sympathisers and supporters. The Weranian Air Force launched strikes on suspected insurgent camps within Yemet's dense jungles and inaccessible highland areas to destroy the insurgent groups. By 1949, the build-up to war with Valduvia saw much of the Weranian military presence in the colony withdrawn. The reduction in military pressure from the withdrawal, combined with the increasing resentment among the populace due to the often brutal and punitive counter-insurgency tactics employed by the Weranians, allowed the insurgent groups to resurge in strength. In response, the Dietsmann began to join the Schutztruppe in increasing numbers and privately purchase equipment for it.
After Werania's defeat in the Valduvian-Weranian War in 1950 the Weranian chancellor, Viktor Beer-Hofmann, signed a ceasefire with the larger guerrilla groups while the Weranian government, the Obergondan colonial government and anti-colonial groups negotiated regarding a transition to independence. The announcement of the Hattendorf Plan in 1951 provoked outrage among both the native population as nearly all anti-colonial groups sought full independence from Werania instead of a compromise, and from the Dietsmann population which feared the result of any referrendum on Obergond's status as marking the end of their privileged status and prefered the status quo. The failure of the implementation of the Hattendorf Plan by the end of 1951 led to a renewal of negotiations. Sporadic fighting between the settler-controlled Schutztruppe and guerilla groups continued in 1952 and 1953 until the Weranian government broke off talks and Obergond was granted independence as the white-ruled Federation of Obergond on 12th August 1953.
Federation of Obergond (1953 - 1960)
The Federation of Obergond obtained independence on 12th August 1953, with the former Governor of Obergond, Oscar Weber, being elected by the Dietsmann population as the first President of Obergond.
The declaration of independence without universal voting and the continuation of white minority rule sparked mass outrage among the black populace, and the various anti-colonial movements that had fought against Werania continued the fight against the new Dietsmann government. Very little changed within Obergond during the transition from Weranian colony to nominally independent state, most notably highlighted by President Weber's speech on August 13th, 1953 to the newly-elected Volkstag of Obergond, declaring "after independence will be as before independence" to the chamber. The white civil service, white officer corps and white-owned farmlands would remain as they had before independence, as would the restriction of secondary school and university education to the settler populace.
The Obergond Schutztruppe, having bolstered its strength during the ceasefire with new recruits and equipment, repeated the same counter-insurgency tactics that had proved successful during the late 1940s of airstrikes and villagization, supported by Werania. The various anti-colonial movements received foreign backing from other newly-independent Bahian states such as Mabifia and the United Bahian Republic, and from other nations such as Valduvia, Lavana and Dezevau. The anti-colonial groups focused mainly on attacks on targets such as Schutztruppe barracks, police stations, government buildings as well as ambushes of Schutztruppe patrols, primarily at night to avoid Obergondan bombers. The Schutztruppe, although experienced, lacked the numbers to effectively defend everywhere and were gradually forced to consolidate the number of locations they could effectively defend against the night raids. The assassination of President Oscar Weber in 1956 led to his Vice-President, Viktor Blumberg, assuming the office and declaring martial law, suspending the Volkstag of Obergond and ruling by decree.
From 1956 the counter-insurgency campaign increased in intensity as the Obergondan Schutztruppe began to use napalm against suspected anti-colonial strongholds in the jungles and on villages. The Dietsmann formed paramilitary organisations to support the Schutztruppe which often engaged in mob violence against the black population, such as executions of those suspected to be members of or spies for anti-colonial groups which only intensified violence as the anti-colonial movement began to attack Dietsmann communities in reprisal actions. To further bolster the numbers of the Schutztruppe, the Obergondan government hired large numbers of Euclean soldiers as mercenaries, primarily from Etrurian veterans of the Solarian War or Weranians that had previously served in the colony, to serve as officers and instructors, and increases in pay for black enlistees and promised payment in lands abandoned by Dietsmann to discourage desertion.
The Obergondan government purchased large quantities of surplus military equipment from Euclea to arm its growing army, funded by raw material exports to Euclea. As the brutality of the war increased, international condemnation of the Obergondan regime did as well. The Obergondan regime found itself gradually being cut off as many countries imposed sanctions on its raw material exports, its main source of funding, and banned the delivery of arms to the Schutztruppe.
The unification of Irfanic guerrilla movements into the Irfanic People's Army in 1958 marked the final turning point for the Dietsmann regime as it, under pressure from the Weranian government and corporations, entered into negotiations with the Sotirian militias as the Weranian government and corporations realised the Obergondan government would not be able to protect their economic interests in the region in the long-term. Abner Oronge, leader of the Gondan National Liberation Army, one of the largest Sotirian anti-colonial groups that was judged to be less damaging to the interests of the Dietsmann and Weranian corporations, was chosen as the main party to negotiate terms with. Negotiations with Oronge and other smaller Sotirian groups were begun in late 1959, and President Blumburg formally signed the 1960 Constitution of Yemet on May 22nd 1960, ending the Federation of Obergond and establishing the Federation of Yemet, with Oronge as President and Blumburg as Vice-President.
Federation of Yemet (1960 - 1963)
President Oronge faced the same problems as his predecessor, as the IPA continued to grow in strength in the early 1960s, supported by the United Bahian Republic and other nations such as Asase Lewa, Valduvia and Dezevau, while Dietsmann settlers began to flee the increasingly unstable country en masse, fearing violence and not trusting the ability of the Schutztruppe to protect them. Some moderate Sotirian militias, primarily those of Oronge's Aboro were incorporated into the renamed Schutztruppe Yemet, but others continued to fight the Schutztruppe, considering Oronge to be a Weranian puppet.
The Federation partially rolled back the racial policies of the Federation of Obergond, but only in the eastern, Sotirian states where Oronge's power base lay. The economy remained dominated by Weranian corporations, which owned Yemet's mines, industry and infrastructure, while the Schutztruppe remained under white officers and land ownership still remained largely dominated by the Dietsmann, although as many fled to the better protected cities or fled the country entirely, the abandoned farms would be reclaimed by the labourers on them as the communal lands they had been decades prior or sold to the government at market prices, which would then hand the land over to the Sotirian black populace.
The war further intensified in 1961 following a series of massacres against the Talanizi population by the Schutztruppe and the remaining Dietsmann rapidly fled the country fearing reprisals, selling their property to the black population or simply leaving it to be reclaimed, causing Weranian support for Oronge's government to sharply decline. By 1962 the course of the war had firmly turned against Oronge's government, and Oronge turned to the Community of Nations, headed by Hailu Kayin, a Gaullican-educated Irfanic Talanizi Yemeti to negotiate a ceasefire in 1962. Vice-President Blumburg resigned his post in protest, fearing the end of Dietsmann rule following the announcement and fled to Werania alongside many high-ranking Dietsmann in the government and Schutztruppe, taking much of the country's gold and foreign currency reserves with him. As part of the ceasefire deal, Oronge named Anwar Motuma, leader of the PNLAY and the founder of the Irfanic People's Army, the largest moderate Irfanic group, as his new Vice-President and formally merged the political wings of the Gondan National Liberation Army and the Irfanic People's Army into the National Unity Front of Yemet, while their respective militias and the black elements of the Schutztruppe Yemet would be merged into the newly-created People's Liberation Army of Yemet.
Simultaineously with the Vice-President's resignation, the following mass exodus of Dietsmann reached its apex and left Yemet with a drastic lack of educated people, as almost all these roles had been filled by Dietsmann. In 1963, Yemet had a total of three black qualified doctors, two black engineers and four black ex-Schutztruppe adjutants, the highest rank reached by black soldiers in the Schutztruppe, although 14 black cadets were in training in Werania and were scheduled to graduate as second lieutenants in 1963. Seeking to offload part of the difficulty of administering Yemet with a vast shortage of qualified personnel and to encourage educated Sotirians to migrate to the country and to downplay his previous collaboration with the Dietsmann through an embrace of Pan-Bahianism, Oronge entered into negotiations to join the United Bahian Republic in 1963, joining the UBR later that year.
United Bahian Republic (1963 - 1969)
After joining the UBR and an election which saw the newly-formed National Unity Front of Yemet of Oronge and Motuma elected on a landslide. Although former enemies, Oronge and Motuma cooperated out of necessity and a shared desire to rebuild their shattered country and the new government embarked on a radical plan of socialist reforms. With the vast majority of Yemet's agricultural land still legally owned by absent Weranians, the government returned the lands owned by them to being collective land on a village by village basis. Land bought by black Sotirian farmers under the Federation was not returned, as Oronge objected and believed doing so would be deeply unpopular with his Sotirian supporters and the new government lacked the funds to purchase it conventionally.
The government would also immediately undertake an extensive campaign of nationalisation of industry. The Weranian-owned mines, Yemet's stretch of the Adunis to Mambiza Railway, including the Weranian-constructed Lehir Spur Line and Lehir Seaport were conglomerated into the Minen- und Eisenbahn-Gesellschaft Yemet which became the largest company and single employer in Yemet. Nationalisation of other firms would continue at a slower pace as the government increased restrictions on 'explotative' privately-owned businesses. The government's other main focus was improving the Yemeti education system, embarking on a campaign to build thousands of schools in the country and train sufficient teachers for them.
The various anti-colonial militias were either disarmed or transformed into a semi-professional force with the assistance of the United Bahian Republic and Community of Nations peacekeepers, although some hardline groups and seperatists continued a low intensity guerilla campaign against the new government. Rwizikuru's departure from the United Bahian Republic in 1964 shook confidence in the United Bahian Republic, especally as there were unresolved land disputes with the UBR's sole remaining other member, Maucha, over the Ibabochian Panhandle, and with Tiwura.
Shortly after the dissolution of the UBR, Yemet was invaded by Tiwura in the Bulamu War which lasted from 1964 to 1966. Although victorious in defeating Tiwura, the conflict led to the rapid growth in size, capabilities and political influence of the PNLAY, and to the domination of the PNLAY officer corps by the Gero and Kaabura.
Oronge and Motuma's policies, although well-intentioned, suffered from severe corruption, nepotism and a lack of funding owing to the outbreak of the Bulamu War. As educated workers were in short supply, nepotism was rife as educated members of the government faked literacy qualifications for their friends, family and people from the same clan or tribe or appointed them to posts in government-run businesses or ministries. The number of ministeries and level of bureaucracy rapidly increased as ministries were increasingly sub-divided to keep Oronge and Motuma's coalition together and appease different ethnic groups. Yemet's membership of the UBR became increasingly unpopular among both Sotirians and Irfanics, the Sotirians because of the dispute with Maucha over the border region while the Irfanics regarded the UBR as a means of enabling Sotirian dominance of the government and economy.
Oronge died in 1968, and Motuma became President shortly before elections were to be held. The 1968 election saw the recently-created Sotirian National Party claim votes at the expense of the NUFY, leaving the NUFY as a minority in the People's Congress but with Motuma winning the Presidency. He appointed Assi Tamrat, the Sotirian Andutu leader of the Sotirian National Party of the as his Vice-President. A stauch opponent of Yemet's membership of the UBR, Tamrat became increasingly hawkish against Maucha as Vice-President. The Assassination of Anwar Motuma by an unknown assailiant in January 1969 led to Tamrat becoming President, but many Irfanic people believed Tamrat had masterminded the assassination. Tamrat broke with convention by appointing a Sotirian rather than an Irfani to the post of Vice-President, naming Mogo Kimane, a close political ally. This broke the unofficial convention of power-sharing that Oronge and Motuma had created and further stirred up resentment against Tamrat's rule among the Irfanic population. Swiftly moving to consolidate power, Tamrat ordered the dismissal of all NUFY ministers from the cabinent and NUFY appointees at government-owned enterprises, replacing them with his political allies and beginning a slow purge of Irfanics from the military. Taking a far more aggressive line towards Maucha under Tamrat, Yemet formally left the United Bahian Republic on 22 January, 1969 in the leadup to the Ibabochian War which started a week later on the 29th January, 1969.
The war lasted a year, and despite Yemet's large military advantage on paper and early military successes, taking Ibabitema by the end of March, the PNLAY was stalled at the Battle of Inquaba in early August, being too exhausted to continue the offensive although Yemet had taken 90% of the territory claimed. Yemeti logistical issues, along with supplies of foreign equipment and advisors enabled Maucha to counter-attack in November, routing the PNLAY and leading to a status quo ante bellum peace being signed in December. The PNLAY lost almost a quarter of its tanks, a third of its regular soldiers and three quarters of the People's Liberation Army of Yemet Air Force's combat aircraft and trained pilots.
The death of so many primarily Irfanic Gero and Kaabura soldiers in what was regarded by the Irfanic populace as a Sotirian war and the colossal blow to Tamrat's prestige as a result of the defeat led the Irfanic elements of the PNLAY to launch a military coup on the 4th of January 1970, declaring the National Reconstruction Government under Major-General Ezera Biruh, with President Tamrat being captured and executed by firing squad. His Vice-President, Mogo Kimane, along with many of Tamrat's political allies, fled to Lehir where with the support of the Sotirian populace, Kimane declared the Ibabochian Republic on January 7th 1970, starting the First Yemeti Civil War.
National Reconstruction Government of Yemet (1970 - 1997)
Yemet under Gen. Ezera Biruh (1970 - 1997)
-Commander of People's National Liberation Army of Yemet during Ibabochian War
Republic of Yemet (1997 - Present)
Yemet under President Chirkos Assefa (1997 - 2009)
-National unity candidate, Irfanic Ruku, preached method of unity and rebuilding
-With CN observers, drew up new constitution
-Ran as independent
-Included members from all political parties in cabinet
-Competent, quiet, aloof technocrat
-Dedicated first term to rebuilding Yemeti infrastructure, large government cuts, disbanding of superfluous ministries, introduction of free education, rebuilding of schools
-Military funding remained high to combat militia groups that refused to comply with ceasefire
-Revival of state corporations
-Re-elected to second term in 2003 in free and fair election, opposition
-Cut rampant military expenditure to appease foreign creditors and global financial institutions instead of cutting economic development programs, massive downsizing of armed forces believing the country had largely been pacified by 2003
-Massive upsurge in militia violence and membership
-Army unable to control violence, Community of Nations mission forced to assume security duties
-Viewed as weak, ineffectual, out of touch
-Stepped down in 2009 after electoral defeat
Yemet under President Retta Iskinder (2009 - 2022)
-Ran on nationalistic, Irfanic platform
-Entered into negotiations with Irfanic ethnic militias; allowed degree of autonomy and retainment of arms, militias incorporated into PNLAY and placed under Iskinder-appointed commanders
-Successful in achieving decline in violence in east of Yemet
Internal Conflict (2022 - Present)
Geography and Climate
Economy
Demographics
Historical Demographics
| Year | White | Black (Est.) | Total Population (Est.) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1935 | 17,908 (0.22%) | 8,000,000 (99.88%) | 8,017,908 |
| 1940 | 270,563 (2.92%) | 9,000,000 (97.08%) | 9,170,563 |
| 1945 | 413,116 (3.97%) | 10,000,000 (96.03%) | 10,143,116 |
| 1950 | 615,110 (4.80%) | 12,100,000 (95.20%) | 12,715,110 |
| 1953 | 650,950 (5.06%) | 12,200,000 (94.94%) | 12,850,950 |
Politics and Government
Executive
According to the 1997 Constitution of Yemet, the country is a unitary presidential republic, with the President of Yemet serving as both head of state and head of government. The President of Yemet is elected every five years by popular vote. The President appoints the Vice-President of Yemet and the Council of Ministers of Yemet. The latest election was to take place in 2021, however Yemeti President Retta Iskinder indefinitely suspended elections citing concerns about security. Since the April 2022 Yemeti Coup d'etat, there has been no single internationally recognised government of Yemet.
Legislative
According to the 1997 constitution, he People's Congress of Yemet is a unicameral legislative body elected every five years through a first past the post voting system. It has 150 members. Since the outbreak of civil war in 2021, the People's Congress of Yemet has been de facto dissolved and has not met since then.
Judiciary
The Yemeti legal system is heavily based on Weranian law, largely deriving from the Obergond era. The President appoints judges to the Consitutional Court of Yemet and Supreme Court of Yemet but both bodies have ceased to function since the outbreak of civil war in 2021.
Administrative Regions
According to the 1997 Constitution, Yemet is split into 15 provinces. Each province is governed by a governor, appointed by the President and confirmed by a vote of the People's Congress.
Military
Army
The People's National Liberation Army of Yemet at the start of 2020 was recorded as numbering some 400,000 soldiers in total in thirty three divisions and fifty four brigades, making it the largest army in Bahia. The PNLAY was equipped with older equipment imported from Soravia, Zorasan and Shangea, with some donated as military aid from Werania and other Euclean states.
The PNLAY largely disintergrated as an organization and fighting force following the outbreak of the Second Yemeti Civil War in mid-2021 as units mutinied against the central government, deserted or joined pre-existing rebel groups. Much of its equipment, which reportedly included up to 3000 tanks and other armoured vehicles dating from the 1960s to 1990s has either been abandoned, destroyed, has been seized by rebel groups and militias or is in inoperable condition. A technical mission from Zorasan is reportedly assisting with repair and reactivation of equipment stocks.
As of 2023, there is no true unified PNLAY. Rather, there are various milita groups such as the Iwa National Army under the command of self-declared President Ubaxle Asad and others under Acting President of Yemet Issa Kahsu, many of which retain PLNAY unit designations, uniforms, equipment or claim to be part of the PNLAY despite none of the prior factors.
The People's National Liberation Navy of Yemet (PNLNY) is believed to currently only exist on paper. Following the outbreak of the Second Yemeti Civil War in mid-2021 satellite imagery shows that most of its ships, based at Lehir, have been scuttled or have otherwise sunk in harbour. The People's National Liberation Navy of Yemet is not believed to have been able to adequately maintain or operate the Soravian patrol craft and minesweepers purchased in the early 2000s, and the ships are believed to have sunk in harbour during the late 2000s or early 2010s. Zorasan is currently responsible for enforcing Yemet's EEZ and has a number of ships based at Lehir.
Air Force
Prior to the outbreak of civil war, the People's Liberation Air Force of Yemet's inventory was limited to an estimated 20 Shangean Ronghui A-5 ground attack aircraft. These aircraft, believed to be based at Modola and Lehir prior to the outbreak of civil war, were abandoned during the opening days of the civil war and are likely either destroyed or inoperable. Three Zorasani-supplied Panha Shabaviz 2-75 supplied to Yemet by Zorasan are believed to remain at Anwar Motuma International Airport and AFB near Girota and are likely in operational condition, being maintained by Zorasani mechanics, and may be being flown by Zorasani pilots in PLAFY colours.