Mabifia

Republic of Mabifia Official names Gaullican: République de Mabifie Ndjarendie:   Haoutaandi Maoubifïa Kirobyi: Repubilika y'u Mabifïa Bahoungana: Repubulika ya Mabifïa
Flag Coat of arms
Motto:     "Unité, Paix, Foi" "Unity, Peace, Faith"
Capital and largest city	Ainde
Official languages	Gaullican
Recognised national languages	Ndjarendie Kirobyi Kihoungana
Ethnic groups (2018)	Ndjarendie 48% Ouloume peoples 36% Mirites 9% Others 5%
Demonym(s)	Mabifian
Government	Federal presidential republic
• President	Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande
• Premier	Adama Buhari
Legislature	Parliament
• Upper house	Senate
• Lower house	National Assembly
Independence from Estmere
Population
• 2018 census	57,982,681
GDP (nominal)	2018 estimate
• Total	$47.6 Billion
• Per capita	$821
HDI (2018)	0.472 low
Currency	Mabifian Ceeci (MBC)
Driving side	right
Internet TLD	.mb

The Republic of Mabifia (Gaullican: République de Mabifie, Ndjarendie: Haoutaandi Maoubifïa), most commonly referred to as Mabifia, is a sovereign state in southern and western Bahia. It borders Zorasan to the west, Adesine to the North and Rwizikuru to the east. It has a population of nearly 58 million, over 9 million of whom live in the capital of Ainde. It is divided into twenty-one departments, which are futher divided into communes.

Mabifia has been a site of continuous human inhabitation since the early neolithic era, with archaeological records attesting to development within the Gabima river basin from this time. Southern Mabifia, with its location on the southern coast of Bahia, was an early adopter of Sâre system and the site of several key trading cities in the classical era. However, it was not until the spread of Irfan into the region and the Bahian Consolidation that Mabifia attained its prominence. The western regions of Mabifia, which are covered by the Fersi desert, saw the rise of the Founagé Dominion of Heaven. This was the first of the Bahian Jihad states which triggered the consolidation and growth of the Hourege system. These states managed to conquer almost all of the modern day borders by the 13th century, with the remaining territory being held by several fetishist states. With the end of the golden age and Bahian collapse, Mabifia was annexed by the Gaullican empire. Mabifia was the centre of several revolts against Toubacterie during the Sougoulie. Independence was won following the transfer of the land to Estmere, but the independence movement was highly divided between Bahian Socialists led by Fuad Onika and the traditionalist Karanes. The first Mabifian civil war soon broke out, with the socialists winning power with support from Swetania. An authoritarian state was soon established, with collectivist policies which aimed to restore an idealised version of the Sâretic system and persecution of traditional authorities. This new regime began to falter in the seventies, as economic action slowed down in the wake of the war with Rwizikuru. The traditional karanes, whose respect in the eyes of the populace had grown as the socialist regime lost relevance, soon called for an uprising, finding an unlikely ally in the student democratic activists in the more developed cities. This started a second civil war, which raged between 1973 and 1978 and destroyed much of the nation's infrastructure.

Since the fall of the socialist system, Mabifia has been a nominally democratic state. While initially committed to democratic politics, the nation is widely seen to have slipped back to authoritarian rule with large amounts of power being concentrated upon the presidential position. Its economy is highly underdeveloped, owing mainly to corruption and regionalism which have decreased from the potential natural wealth of Mabifia. Much of the population is dependent on subsistence farming, with food insecurity rated as the highest in the world and food supplies further threatened by desertification. It also faces insecurity within the Makania region. In international affairs, Mabifia is a member of the Congress of Bahian States and pursues close relations with its Bahian neighbours, but is highly dependent on Gaullica and, in recent years, Zorasan.

History

Socialist era

Main article: Mabifian Democratic Republic

Léopold Giengs parades through the streets of Ainde following the victory of the Popular Liberation Front.

With the conclusion of the civil war, the Mabifian Section of the Worker's Internationale led Popular Liberation Front took complete power. However, the effects of the civil war had left Mabifia heavily damaged. Economic infrastructure such as roads and railways had been targetted by all parties, while mines and oil extraction infrastructure had been largely abandoned or damaged. To compound this problem, the flight of the colonial elite and much of the indigenous Bahian middle class both during the conflict and at the victory of the socialists had left a major skills shortage. Léopold Giengs, the first State President, faced a difficult task in restarting the nation's economy. He opted to seek help from abroad, inviting specialists from Kirenia and Chistovodia to the country in order to train local technicians. Farmlands which had been owned by Gaullicans, as well as those owned by local elites who had fled during the civil war, were seized by the state to be run as collective farms. Land was distributed to local communities in order to be run by localised councils called foujodes, which would in principle give every peasant land, housing and food to support themselves.

The difficulty of moving Mabifia towards a socialist society as envisaged by the more ideologically purist wing of the Mabifian Section of the Worker's Internationale was quickly evident, however. The population were largely illiterate and dependent on subsistence agriculture, with the fledgling industrial base created by the colonial administration in ruins. Giengs, a member of the more pragmatic wing of the party, quickly realised that the popular support for the socialists had been in their promise of land for all and an end to oppressive landowners as opposed to the promise of an industrialised classless society and opted to focus on this rural base as a means of consolidating the Mabifian Democratic Republic's hold on the country. A member of the Mirite minority, Giengs was unable to anchor his support upon the loyalties of an ethnic group and this forced him to take a highly cautious approach to administrating the country. Giengs took a lenient stance towards many elements of traditional Bahian society, aware that any strong repression of religious groups could destabilise the young state. However, Mabifia under Giengs was anything but free and Giengs presided over the creation of the Agence nationale pour la Défense de la Révolution, which was responsible for the suppression of all political opposition to the socialist government. Another key area of development was education, which was seen as a key element of ensuring successful socialism in Mabifia. Schools were constructed across the country, as well as universities at Ainde and Kangesare. These schools were tasked with "forming a revolutionary generation", and the content of their classes was highly politically motivated. Children were taught to love the party more than their own families and to oppose all traditions which were deemed un-socialist.

Fuad Onika addresses the General Assembly of the Mabifian People in 1960.

In 1950, Léopold Giengs passed away due to a cardiac arrest. He was succeeded by Fuad Onika, a younger military lieutenant colonel who represented the more hardline faction of the Mabifian Section of the Worker's Internationale. Onika viewed Giengs' cautious approach as cowardly and a betrayal of the true principles of the revolution, and began a major program to modernise Mabifia along socialist lines. His vision for a new Mabifia was based strongly on the creation of Villes nouvelles, new cities which would be centred on industrial production and take people away from their traditional lands in the hopes that they would be forced to abandon any remaining traditional beliefs or identities and instead embrace the melting pot of a Pan-Bahian proletarian identity. Many traditional leaders, such as the Karanes of the Ndjarendie and Mwami of the Barobyi, were killed even if they did not offer any resistance to the regime. In the same way, the ANDR were involved in the disappearances of many prominent Irfanic and Catholic clergypeople. The villes nouvelles were unsuccessful in destroying tribal and regional identities, but the melting pot of cultures combined with sense of dissatisfaction with the regime lit the spark for Djeli Pop to emerge as a musical genre. The rise of the United Bahian Republic saw initial interest from Mabifia, but tensions between the staunchly anti-revisionist Onika and the comparatively nativist Izibongo Ngonidzashe would mean that Mabifia rejected ascension into the union.

By the mid 60s, tensions with neighbouring Rwizikuru following the collapse of the United Bahian Republic had grown over the Yekumaviria, a province of Rwizikuru which had historically been under the influence of the axial Houregery in Kambou but which had been granted to Rwizikuru by Estmere following independence due to its Ouloumic population. In particular, Onika desired the sea access that possession of the area would grant as Mabifia was limited to a very small coastline. Fishing rights were another issue, as well as the potential presence of oil in the Maccan Sea. In 1968, these tensions boiled over and Mabifian forces invaded Yekumaviria. This war lasted just five months, with the Mabifian armed forces outnumbering their enemies and helped by the economic and military support of the Association of Emerging Socialist Economies, but saw high casualty rates for both sides. Mabifia would eventually be successful in this conflict, with the Community of Nations-backed Purple Line drawn up to demarcate a demilitarised border between the two states.

Despite victory in this war, Mabifia's economy was struggling under the weight of the socialist system and the costs of the war effort. Productivity rates had lowered in most areas, while the rural population who had been the backbone of the party's support felt attacked by Onika's policies of forced urbanisation. Even in the villes nouvelles, which had been intended to be the backbones of support for the regime, people were feeling disillusioned with the authoritarian nature of the state and the destruction of old traditions. News from Garambura, which was smuggled into the country, gave the population hope for democratic reforms. While the cult of personality surrounding Fuad Onika helped to glue together the state, his death in 1972 severely weakened the already struggling state. His successor, Soleïman Keïta, was a member of the reformist wing of the party and sought to ease back some of the more oppressive measures put in place by Onika. However, by this point tensions were so high that he only succeeded in precipitating the fall of the Mabifian Democratic Republic.

Politics and Government

President Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande

Premier Adama Buhari

Mabifia is a federal presidential republic, where a President serves as head of state. The current President is Mahmadou Jolleh-Bande, who was first elected to the position in 1997 and has since won re-election in 2004, 2011 and 2018. The powers of the President are delimited by the constitution and are expansive. The President is able to create policy, is in charge of the appointment of government officials including the Premier, represents the country overseas, and is the head of the Mabifian Armed Forces. The person of the President is protected, with insulting the president illegal.

The legislative branch is represented by the Parliament, a bicameral legislative assembly composed of the 56 member Senate and 350 member National Assembly. The Senate serves as an upper house and is composed of two representatives from each Department. The National Assembly is comprised of elected officials, who are elected using a first past the post system. To be accepted, a bill must be passed by both houses. The judiciary branch is represented by civil and religious courts. These are theoretically independent, but due to corruption and the unofficial influence of traditional elders over their decisions they are widely seen as being instruments of the government.

Mabifia is legally an open multi-party democracy which guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of the press. While multiple parties do exist and contest elections, the electoral process is widely deemed to be flawed. This is due to widespread corruption, vote fixing, intimidation of political opponents and even politically motivated killings and violence against journalists. These problems are prevalent rural areas, with the democratic process in many urbanised departments being far more open and reliable.

Military

Mabifian soldiers manning a technical in Koupanni, 2013.

The Mabifian Armed Forces constitute the military of Mabifia. It consists of the Mabifian National Army, the Mabifian National Air Force, Mabifian National Navy, and several paramilitary groups such as the Sans-Éclipses. With a total of 490,702 members counting active, reserve and paramilitary personel, Mabifia's armed forces are the largest in Bahia. Despite their size, their equipment is highly outdated and reliant on surplus weaponry from other nations. The armed forces are also weakened by corruption and nepotism, with promotions often made on the basis of ethnic or geographic background and loyalty as opposed to performance.

The head of the Mabifian National Armed Forces is the President, but this position is purely ceremonial. In practical terms, the Armed Forces are commanded by the Combined General Staff of Mabifia. This is a council of the highest ranking officers in Mabifia, including the heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force. There is no conscription in Mabifia, service is voluntary. The Mabifian National Armed Forces have seen service within the Makanian Conflict, and are accused of war crimes in this conflict.

Foreign Relations

Since the fall of socialism at the end of the Second Mabifian Civil War, Mabifia has pursued a balanced foreign policy. Mabifia is an active supporter of multilateralism and heavily involved in solidarity movements in the developing world. It was a founding member of the Congress of Bahian States and actively participates in all of the organisation's projects, with Pan-Bahianist goals being a major part of its relations with its neighbours. Mabifia has repeatedly stated its interest in the creation of a Bahian customs union and common market, though it does not support political unification. It is also a member of the International Forum for Developing States, Community of Nations and International Trade Organisation.

In terms of bilateral relations, Mabifia has close ties with its former colonial power Gaullica thanks to foreign aid projects and support during the civil war. These ties are strained by authoritarian trends within the Mabifian government. In recent years, Mabifia has reached out to the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics and Xiaodong for economic support as Euclean support has diminished, but has not joined the Rongzhou Strategic Protocol Organisation and still maintains relations with COMSED nations such as Senria and Mathrabhumi. Relations with Rwizikuru have been historically tense due to border disagreements following the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War, but these have warmed in recent years following Rwizikuru's dropping of claims on Yekumavirira and the reopening of borders. Mabifia maintains a rocky relationship with neighbouring Djedet, which it accuses of funding opposition groups in the Makanian Conflict.

Economy

An oil refinery in Makania, the centre of the Mabifian petroleum industry.

Before gaining independence from Gaullica in 1942 Mabifia was a key producer of gold and cash crops such as sugar and cocoa which were exported to Euclean markets, predominantly mainland Gaullica. These industries were owned by Gaullican landowners, who fled the country in the civil war which followed independence and the announced nationalisation of all economic means of production by the Popular Liberation Movement government which took over. This led to a massive decrease in agricultural output, crippling the Mabifian economy. Agricultural production levels only reached pre-independence levels in 1950, helped by Swetanian economic advisors. During the Neo-Sâre Campaign, agricultural production skyrocketed while other industries suffered, before being all but destroyed during the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War and Second Mabifian Civil War. Following the end of the war, other industries were prioritised over agriculture but the wars were extremely damaging and Mabifia has not fully recovered.

A Bahoungana subsistence farmer in southern Bouïzou

The petrochemical industry is the largest earning and most developed economic sector in Mabifia, thanks to copious petroleum reserves within the region of Makania. This petrol is a source of conflict in the region. Crude petroleum accounts for roughly 50% of state revenues, and with NUMBER barrels of crude oil exported each year Mabifia is the largest producer and exporter of oil in Bahia. This oil is transferred by pipeline to the Banfuran coast, from where it is exported to overseas markets. Other important sectors include gold and other precious minerals, and crops such as cocoa, sugar and coffee. Subsistence farming is widespread and emplys the largest number of workers of any economic activity. Mabifia maintains close economic ties with its neighbours as part of the Congress of Bahian States, based on both ideological and practical considerations.

The main issues that face the Mabifian economy stem from its political situation. A major problem is corruption, which is ever-present at almost every level of Mabifian society. This has led to a form of crony capitalism which some observers have labelled as neo-Hourege due to the predominance of family-based control and integration within local power structures. Another issue is internal instability, as the Makania region which accounts for 85% of Mabifia's oil reserves is the location of an insurgency which aims for independence for the Mirite people. Much of the nation's industry was completely destroyed during the five years of civil war that raged between 1973 and 1978. These factors have resulted in Mabifia's GDPPC being the lowest in the Bahian region and one of the lowest in the world.

Transport

Transport in Mabifia is generally difficult, thanks to a general lack of developed infrastructure. Rail transport in Mabifia is highly limited. The country has two railway lines, the Adunis to Mambiza Railway and a connection between this line and Ainde. The country's rail infrastructure is largely based upon colonial construction and was decimated during the civil war with little reconstruction. There are plans to construct more railway lines in conjunction with neighbouring states, however, these plans are fraught due to the high costs of construction which are not affordable for the state. Construction of a Banfuran Coast Railway was started in 2014 but thanks to embezzlement of funds by project managers the project has stagnated.

Marché Centrale of Ainde's large mabaranou park.

The Mabifian road network suffers from many of the same problems as the rail network, with poor infrastructure rife. Aside from a network of toll roads constructed with the help of Gaullica which connects major cities and the roads that service the Zorasani border, roads in Mabifia are of a generally low quality. Only 10% of the total road surface is tarred, leading to issues particularly in the wet season when roads can be washed away. Banditry is a major problem in rural areas particularly the north, while police roadblocks often serve as collection points for bribes and do not help with security. Banditry is especially a problem within the unstable Makania region, with most nations issuing travel warnings for travel here. Intercity bus companies connect all major cities, but the most widespread method of long-distance travel is the Mabaranou. These are privately owned minibuses which run itinerant journeys between different cities.

The domestic aviation market in Mabifia is almost nonexistent, with limited amounts of charter flights linking the larger cities. These primarily serve foreign tourist groups who wish to avoid the dangers of overland travel and are highly irregular. The sole airline company based in Mabifia is Mabifian Airways, which serves as the flag carrier. There are flights between Ainde and other major Bahian and Coian airports, as well as connections with Verlois. Ainde is the largest port in Mabifia, handling 56% of the nations exports.

Demographics

Ethnic Groups

Ndjarendie cattle farmers in the Boual ka Bifie region.

Mabifia is a highly diverse nation ethnically, with 35 ethnic groups officially recognised by the government. These groups are primarily divided into three larger groups, these being the Ndjarendie, Ouloume, and Mirites. The Ndjarendie are the largest ethnic group in Mabifia, making up 48% of the population as of the 2018 census. The Ndjarendie are concentrated in the Boual ka Bifie, which is the site of historical cities such as Kambou and Kangesare, though they also form a majority in the capital city of Ainde. The Ndjarendie were historically the dominant group, and in the modern day still hold much more land than other groups. The majority of the hereditary Karanates are held by Ndjarendies, as are most government positions. The second largest group are the Ouloume peoples at 36% of the population. The Ouloume are divided into several major groups, such as the Barobyi who make up 60% of the Ouloume in Mabifia. Other notable groups include the Bahoungana, who make up 20%, and the Ekole at 12%. The next largest ethnic grouping are the Mirites, who constitute 9% of the population. The Mirites are an ethnoreligious group who form the majority within the Makania region.

Religion

Religion in Mabifia
Irfan			61.6%
|Catholic			23%
Mirite			8.7%
Traditional or other			5.7%

Mabifia is a relatively religiously homogenous nation. The dominant religion is Irfan which is practiced by three-fifths of the population, with the rest of the population either adhering to Sotirianity (35%) or to traditional Bahian fetishism. Irfan plays a dominant cultural and political role in the nation, with religious freedom being restricted. This is more prevalent in rural areas, where Irfanic elders and officials enforce the practice of the faith. Irfan is the majority religion in all areas of the country save for several Ouloume-majority coastal departments where the Sotirian population is concentrated. Sectarian violence is common in Mabifia. This has manifested itself in the many atrocities committed during the First and Second Mabifian Civil War against the Sotirian and Fetishist minorities.

The Grand Beytol of Kambou, one of the most important Irfanic sites in Bahia.

Mabifia was originally dominated by Bahian fetishism, a loosely associated group of religions based around nature gods and idolatry. Sotirianity arrived in the 300s from Makania, with the exodus of the Mirites bringing the fouth southwards. Irfan was first brought to Mabifia in the 800s with the rise of the Fouanagé Dominion of Heaven. Over the next centuries numerous Ndjarendie states invaded across Bahia, triggering the Bahian Consolidation and bringing the Irfanic faith with them. Irfan has remained dominant ever since, adopting elements of local traditions and syncretic elements which differentiate it from traditional Badawiyan Irfan. During Toubacterie Solarian Catholicism was introduced, attracting conversions primarily from the Ouloume minorities. These demographics were further changed at the end of the Mabifia-Rwizikuru War which saw massive population exchanges of Irfanics and Sotirians between the two states.

The Irfanic population are primarily followers of the Laoulïabe sect. Laoulïabe Irfan is related to the traditional Asha school, which it emerged from, but its separation from the traditional Irfanic heartland in Zorasan and influence of local traditions resulted in several theological differences. There are also significant numbers of practitioners of traditional Irfan, and several revivalist groups have a presence in the country. Despite Orthodox Sotirianity's historical roots in the region, the majority of the Sotirians in Mabifia follow Solarian Catholicism which was introduced during the colonial period. In recent years several Amendist groups have started missionary work, however these groups are very unpopular. The Fetishist community are often accused of witchcraft, which is widely believed in in Mabifia and criminally prohibited.

Culture

Cuisine

A street vendor selling fried meats and yam in Kangesare.

Mabifian cuisine is highly varied depending on the geographic region, as the availability of foodstuffs can differ wildly. Mabifians commonly eat two meals a day, a small breakfast before sunrise and a large meal in the evening after sunset. This is due in part to religious practicality, following the sunrise and sunset, but also due to the need to work during the daylight hours as much of the workforce works in subsistence agriculture which is done primarily by hand. A typical meal consists of foufou, a doughlike substance made by grinding cocoyam, manioc, plantain and other fibrous foodstuffs such as flour with water, and soups made with groundnut, vegetables and palm oil. Meat and fish are rarer but still play an important role in Mabifian cuisine. A common snack is Boucougo, which are roasted at the side of the road and sold in a cornet of newspaper.

Cutlery is not widely used, especially in rural areas. Instead, Mabifians eat using foufou or with flatbreads. The right hand is customarily prefered. Snacking is widespread during the day, with streetside vendors selling brochettes and fried dough for very low prices. The widespread practice of Irfan has resulted in a very low consumption of alcoholic beverages, with drinks such as hibiscus tea being preferred instead. Despite this, palm wine and other homemade alcoholic beverages are common in the Ouloume majority coastal areas where Irfan is less dominant.