The Xiaodong Regeneration Society was formed in the 1930's following the conclusion of the Great War as a secret society within the military that advocated for republicanism, aggressive modernisation, ultranationalism and the rejection of the recently-signed Treaty of Keisi being dominated by war hero Lu Keqian. In September 1935 the Regeneration Society led a coup d'état known as the Corrective Revolution which precipitated the Xiaodongese Civil War. The war saw the Regeneration Society in alliance with the socialist Workers' and Peasants' Party emerge victorious with the Auspicious Republic being declared.
As the Regeneration Society was less a political party and more resembling a loose grouping of generals, bureaucrats and ideologues supportive of Lu it was at first outclassed by the organisational strength of the Workers' and Peasants' party. This led to in 1942 for the Workers' and Peasants' Party to be purged and the 1942 constitution (named the "Wu constitution" after its primary drafter, State Chairman Wu Jinmo) to be introduced. This created under the leadership of Lu a de facto single-party state under the guise of a guided democracy which professed adherence to the ideology of National Principlism which advocated the principles of the revolution - nationalism, socialism, social conservatism and statism. Up until Lu's death the Xiaodong Regeneration Society ruled Xiaodong as an isolationist, authoritarian state with industrialisation occurring in the framework of state sponsorship ("dirigisme").
During the late 1960's State Chairman Li sought to further marginalise the military when he appointed the daughter of Lu Keqian, Lu Fangliang, to the position of Premier in 1967. This alongside a more assertive Senria and the proliferation of anti-colonial struggles in Coius taking place seemingly without Xiaodongese action led to a radical group of young officers known as the Committee to Defend the Revolution to emerge who called for an end to the Regeneration Society's rule. In 1970 these officers under the command of Shao Yuzhang attempted to overthrow the government; this spurred the leadership of the army, airforce and Shujichu to support the putschists leading to Li to step down as State Chairman. Shortly afterwards the Regeneration Society was dissolved by State Chairman Sun Yuting.
Xiaodongese occupation forces would fare well in the first few months of the conflict, by 1929 the tide of the war was favouring Senria as Xiaodongese occupation authorities began to conduct the Senrian Genocide. In 1930 Xiaodongese commanding officer in Senria Qiu Hanjie removed Lu Keqian from active duty in Senria, where he was sent back to Xiaodong. Lu was first appointed Commander of the Northern Expeditionary Army but when Xiaodong was invaded by Senria in 1933 he was recalled to serve as Military Governor of the Anqian Province, where he organised a successful defence against Senrian forces. In late 1934 he was made Military Governor of Rongzhuo after the capital Baiqiao fell to organise the defence of the city, but shortly afterwards the Xiaodongese government unexpectedly announced a surrender. The surrender led to the Treaty of Keisi to be signed which led to Xiaodong paying reparations to allied powers alongside cede land to independent countries, dismantle war industry and dissolve the empire amongst other conditions. Lu escaped across the border to Pardaran with a handful of his supporters.
The Treaty of Keishi was hugely unpopular in Xiaodong being seen as an insult to the Xiaodongese nation and people. Xiaodongese nationalists in particular criticised the Treaty. Lu, in exile in Pardaran, wrote several articles denouncing the treaty and worked with former peers in the military to create the Xiaodong Regeneration Society (晓东再生会; Xiǎodōng Zàishēnghuì), a secret society that aimed to overthrow the government and create a single-party socialist republic.
The Xiaodong Regeneration Society officially ascribe to the ideology of National Principlism which advocates for economic modernisation, centralised political republicanism and social collectivism that aim to serve national rather than personal interest. In a general sense this is defined to encompasses nationalism, authoritarianism, neosocialism, Xiaodongese values and social justice (although not in the modern meaning of the term). In recent years the ZSH have promoted "Neo-National Principlism" which has abandoned state socialism and authoritarian in favour of market socialism and illiberal democracy.
In practice, the ZSH often endorses the centralisation of state power, upholding of traditional culture and an archaic form of social justice. Key to the ZSH's policy making and ideology is the belief in authoritarian, top-down centralisation of power. National Principlism above all else endorses social stability and the role of an authoritarian, paternalistic state. As a result the ZSH remain sceptical of popular movements, and seek to maintain a low level of constant control of Xiaodongese society. The ZSH is disapproving of an active civil society, but since democratic reforms Neo-National Principlists have aimed to fuse traditional paternalist authoritarianism with a form of "authoritarian democracy" in which political participation is limited to elections alone. The ZSH's focus on social stability means that it endorses moderate social reform and the existence of a welfare state in order to prevent revolution and social collapse. The ZSH opposes market fundamentalism and individualism, seeing both as detrimental to the social cohesion of the nation.
International paper ___ described National Principlism and the ZSH's adoption of it as being a practice "a way to justify a rigid, authoritarian state that seeks to control the lives of its citizens whilst maintaining a thin veneer of adherence to democratic principles". The ZSH have been described as fascist due to their extreme nationalist stances and historical revisionism, although others put them closer to the pre-Minjuha Liberationist Party of Namor to their fusion of nationalism and socialism, although this has also been questioned as the ZSH reject revolutionary struggle and support societal stratification under the Hokka system in the name of harmony.
Economic policy
The ZSH often uses socialist rhetoric and identifies its economic position as serving the people's and national welfare, rejecting capitalism as being unsuited to the national conditions of Xiaodong, and proposes instead "Xiaodongese socialism" to deal with Xiaodongese problems. The ZSH's socialist ideology has been defined as "neosocialist revisionism".
Under Lu Keqian the ZSH was supported a form of market socialism creating a command economy that nevertheless use market forces to stimulate growth. This form of economic governance was continued under his successors Ma Renzhong and Sun Yuting, all of whom believed that a socialist economy served the interests of the nation rather than private multinationals. In the 1980's and 1990's however the ZSH championed the corpratisation, marketisation and economic liberalism, ideologically justifying the move on the grounds that state socialism hadn't led to national prosperity, and thus had to be abandoned. Nevertheless, marketisation still saw the ZSH engage in close cooperation with big business groups known as Caihongs with its economic policy being more accurately described as being corporatist rather than purely free-market.
Under Han Guanzheng and Yuan Xiannian the ZSH adopted a more statist, regulatory approach to economic management championing a form of state-sponsored capitalism wherein the state would direct large monopolies through strategic interventions, with the intention to guide the economy to ensure the national interest was served. However, certain sectors, notably the financial sector, remain deregulated and direct taxes low. As well as this, the ZSH became very heavily in favour of free trade aggressively dismantling tariffs and encouraging foreign investment. Under Yuan, faith in the free market was replaced by a belief of ZSH policy makers that the state was necessary to ensure economic growth in key sectors and mitigate the downturns of free-market instability. Nevertheless, the ZSH reject nationalisation and support the privatisation of state assets. In 2013 Yuan defined his economic strategy as encouraging investment through higher education and infrastructure spending, stability through economic interventions and tightly controlling the value of Renjin, and liberalisation through massive privatisation and embracing free trade.
The current economic program of the ZSH supports state-sponsored investment, privatisation of state-owned assets, flat income taxes, focus on indirect taxation, free trade and export-based inflationary growth.
Historical Revisionism
As part of its nationalist ideology, the ZSH support historical revisionism in regards to Xiaodongese history particularly the Senrian-Xiaodongese War and the Tinzhanese Communist Revolution. The ZSH wholeheartedly reject the Treaty of Keishi which they deem illegitimate as it was signed by an illegitimate government and was not done in fair terms. In particular, the ZSH have stated that Xiaodong does not bear responsibility for the war stating that the Senrian annexation of Bantian (Sakata) led to the conflict. The ZSH have also said that Xiaodong's imperialist ambitions were "no different" to those of Ainin, Luziyca, Francilie and Vjaarland and that Xiaodong's policy's were no more harsh.
In terms of the Senrian Genocide, the Xiaodong Regeneration Society have been unable to present a unified opinion on the matter. In the immediate years after the genocide the subject was taboo in Xiaodong, but in 1988 the Xiaodong Regeneration Society under Qian Xingwen published "On the Subject of the Xiaodongese War and its consequences" admitted mass killing had taken place and apologised for civilian deaths, although Qian ruled out the possibility of reparations, stating the mass killings of civilians was simply part of the war and there was no "policy of extermination".
Recently under Yuan Xiannian the Xiaodong Regeneration Society has become more openly historical revisionist, with Yuan rejecting the possibility of a genocide as "Senrian fascist and Tinzi communist propaganda". In 2016, Yuan stated Xiaodongese war crimes were a "detail of history" and that ", the Senrian claim that there was a pre-planned effort to kill civilians on a mass scale is absurd...why would a nation, especially one with as peaceful culture as Xiaodong, do such crimes?".[1] However, Yuan and his core supporters of historical revisionists are said to represent the "extreme minority of the Xiaodongese far-right" and that Yuan's views are not shared by the majority of Xiaodong Regeneration Society members, let alone greater Xiaodongese society.
Foreign policy
The ZSH have traditionally aimed to maintain "total independence" in foreign affairs, and are critical of "imperialist domination". It has always been the aim of the ZSH to create an alliance of Monic nations and promote Monic cooperation.
Prior to the 1980's the ZSH maintained the Three Fundamentals - the isolation of Senria from international affairs, the maintenance of Xiaodong as a regional power in eastern Borea, and the containment of revolutionary socialist movements, and notably built up a strong relationship with Ankoren (the Estanban-Rongzhuo Axis). However, under Qian Xingwen the ZSH became heavy advocates of maintaining a strong alliance with Tuthina whom was admired on the grounds on maintaining its traditional culture and its strong investment in Xiaodong, as well as starting close relations with Luziyca by joining the Esquarian Union in 1985. Under Yuan Xiannian Xiaodong downplayed its commitment to Luziyca and instead championed a "two-pronged" approach of reaching out to both developing countries whilst consolidating the Xiaodong-Tuthinian Axis, with Yuan's government heavily promoting the creation of the Monic Union and International Forum for Developing States. Current Xiaodongese First Minister Xi Yao-tong has stated that the aim of the ZSH's foreign policy is to consolidate the "Estanban-Rongzhuo" axis of anti-western states that constitutes a less belligerent alliance then the Iron Pact. The ZSH is heavily opposed to ETO and EC.
The ZSH is most well known for its heavily anti-Senria stance, with many of the ZSH's founders being members of the Xiaodong Expansion Group, an ultra-nationalist group that during the Senrian-Xiaodongese War called for the "the orderly and complete dismantlement of Senria and the elimination of is people's". The ZSH state that Senria is a rogue state run by a fascist organisation, and has accused Senria of attempting to turn Xiaodong into a neo-colony through the application of the Treaty of Keishi. The ZSH have consistently called for "international action" against "Senrian militarism".
The ZSH have in recent years promoted soft power positions such as increasing international aid, investing in developing countries, investing in Xiaodongese culture and promoting it abroad through organisations such as the International Forum for Xiaodongese Affairs.
Social Issues
The Regeneration Society oppose the legalisation of same-sex marriage. In 1978 the government of Sun Yuting raised the age of consent for homosexuals to 25, but it was equalised back to 18 in 2011. Critics accuse the ZSH of using homophobic rhetoric.
Relation to socialism
There exists academic debate on whether the ZSH should be considered a socialist party. The ZSH has long stated its adherence to "the Xiaodongese road to socialism" and during the premierships of Lu Keqian, Ma Renzhong and Sun Yuting modelled economic governance on the socialist regimes in Wset Luziyca, Koyro and to a lesser extent Namor and Ankoren. However, since the 1980's the ZSH has implemented neoliberal economic reforms, and has generally supported a market economy. Nevertheless ZSH Chairman Qian Xingwen stated in 1988 that he considered the ZSH to be a "socialist party, committed to equality for all people's, to cooperate as a society together and to respond to the people's needs." In 2008, Yuan Xiannian claimed the ZSH were part of the social democratic tradition, saying the ZSH have always championed core social democratic commitments such as "giving capitalism a human dimension, providing the people's welfare and rejecting revolutionary violence".
However, many have criticised the ZSH's stated commitment to socialism and social democracy, saying the ZSH's advocacy for a stratified society, ultra-nationalism, social conservatism, opposition to workers' rights, rejection of revolutionary change and more recent embrace of market economics has never made them a socialist party. The ZSH's close ties to business and neoconservtive foreign policy posturing have also led many to question the appellation of the ZSH as a socialist party.
Within the Xiaodong Regeneration Society, there are overlapping factions often centred around certain leaders and patrons who will often clash over power within the party rather than be divided strictly on policy. That said, within the Xiaodong Regeneration Society there is a major ideological divide within the party that has defined its factional infighting since the 1990's - the Azure Dragon Society, Yujiang Committee and Jiebu Reform Council, which they themselves are divided into various subforms.
Azure Dragon Society
The Azure Dragon Society (青龙会; Qīnglónghuì), sometimes known as the "nationalist group" is currently the largest faction within the Xiaodong Regeneration Society. It was founded in the late 1940's as a group of delegates with support from the Shujichu, the defence industry, financial services, the construction industry and veterans from the Senrian-Xiaodongese War who supported orthodox National Principlism. The Azure Dragon Society was state socialist, ultranationalist and supportive of historical revisionism with many of its original members being either members of the Xiaodong Expansion Society and Xiaodong National Restoration Group.
The Azure Dragon Society was a core base of Sun Yuting's support within the Regeneration Society during the 1960's-1980's, but was always held at an arms length as Sun relied on support from the powerful bureaucratic Yujiang Committee. The assumption of the Jiebu Reform Council in the late 1980's and continued rule by technocrats during the 1990's and early 2000's saw the decline of the Azure Dragon Society which was led by Qiao Shengzuo during that period. Under Qiao, the Azure Dragon Society abandoned strict National Principlism, especially its advocacy for a single-party state and state socialism and instead promoted "Neo-National Principlism" which incorporated a limited form of democracy and market-orientated socialism alongside the Azure Dragon Society's traditional support of ultranationalism and historical revisionism. The Azure Dragon Society have completely abandoned socialism and are heavily pro-market.
The current leader of the Azure Dragon Society is Yuan Xiannian, who in his stint as First Minister from 2005-16 and State Chairperson from 2017-present has promoted the Azure Dragon Society within the party and government to the extent they now dominate the Regeneration Society, with other factions nigh irrelevant.
Yujiang Committee
The Yujiang Committee (玉江委员会; Yùjiāng wěiyuán huì) is currently the second largest faction in the Regeneration Society. Formed by Ma Renzhong in the 1950's the Yujiang Committee courts the support of bureaucrats, the coal industry and rural farmers' and has always been technocratic in character. The Yujiang Committee until the 2006 election was the largest faction in the ZSH and between 1945-2005 provided all first ministers. Their dominance was largely a result of control of party organs and acting as the centre-point within the Regeneration Society, willing to accommodate both hardliners and moderates into government.
The Yujiang Committee generally supports economic development, technocratic decision making and a pragmatic foreign policy. The Yujiang Committee typically support pork-barrel politics in the form of promoting the interests of their core bases of support; as such, they favour giving preferential grants to construction companies and oppose moves to privatise the powerful Xiaodongese Mining Confederation.
The Yujiang Committee declined in power as a result of the 2006 election. Between 1986 (the first multi-party election) and 2006 the Regeneration Society had declined in seats in the State Presidium. The 2006 election saw the Regeneration Society gain seats - however, as an Azure Dragon Society faction member, Yuan Xiannian, was party chairman at the time many of the new presidium delegates were members of the Azure Dragon Society, outnumbering the Yujiang Committee members for the first time in the State Presidium. Since then the Yujiang Committee has supported the policies of the Yuan government.
Jiebu Reform Council
The Jiebu Reform Council (姐不改革理事会; Jiěbù gǎigé lǐshì huì) is the smallest faction in the State Presidium, supported by white collar urban workers and international investors. The Jiebu Reform Council was formed in 1988 as a breakaway from the Yujiang Committee by supporters of Qian Xingwen who wished to accelerate the reform process. The Jiebu Reform Council typically support third way, economic liberalism and nationalism,
Although in 1988 Qian and his core supporters joined the Jiebu Reform Council, it was never dominant in the Regeneration Society and thus ruled alongside the Yujiang Committee, with a Yujiang Committee member Han Guanzheng succeeding Qian. After Qian's death, the Jiebu Reform Council declined. Since Yuan Xiannian came to power the Jiebu Reform Council has been the strongest inter-party opposition to Yuan within the Regeneration Society.
The Xiaodong Regeneration Society was originally formed with an organisation resembling a traditional Xiaodongese secret society, with a military like structure with a Central Executive Committee commanding over party branches known as divisions. Over time the party has become more professionalised, with a more coherent structure being put into place.
The highest ranking official within the Regeneration Society is its Chairman (主席; Zhǔxí) and his deputy the Vice-Chairman. The Chairman is the head of the Central Executive Committee (中央行政部门委员会; Zhōngyāng xíngzhèng bùmén wěiyuán huì) which is made up of 20 voting members and 5 non-voting members, acting as the supreme executive body within the Regeneration Society. The Central Executive Committee sets the policy of the party as well as oversee party affairs and appointments. The Central Executive Committee is appointed by the Chairman, who alongside the Vice-Chairman is elected by the Regeneration Society Plenum (全会; Quánhuì) which meets every three years - as such the Chairman is allowed to run for unlimited three year terms. The Plenum is made up of delegates from regional Regeneration Society branches who are picked by the Chairman, meaning the Chairman is always re-elected. The next party plenum is scheduled to take place in 2017.
The day-to-day running of the party is handled by the Co-ordination Unit which oversee's the administration and finances of the Society on a nationwide basis. It is led by three General Secretaries and contains several rotating members overall. The Co-ordination Unit is appointed by the Central Executive Committee. Members of the Regeneration Society who sit in the State Presidium form the Presidium Unit that coordinates party affairs between members of the State Presidium. The members of all these branches are appointed by the Central Executive Committee who also appoint the leaders of regional party branches. Prospective candidates for elections are also approved by the Central Executive Committee via the Co-ordination Unit. Most policy within the Regeneration Society is set by the Policy Unit, which is appointed by the Chairman. At a local level the Society is governed by prefectural branches which in turn are divided into municipal branches.
In practice much of the organisation of the Regeneration Society is based on guanxi networks between members of the Society and the public, with the Regeneration Society relying on the personal loyalty of members and supporters to increase their own influence in the Society and maintain power, leading to accusations of cronyism and nepotism as well as factionalism being common. As of 2017, a majority of members of the Central Executive Committee (17) are "princelings" including Chairman Yuan Xiannian.
During elections the Regeneration Society officially serves as a confederation of three parties - the National Regeneration Bloc, Socialist Party and Motherland Party. The Socialist Party runs candidates in East Thianchin, the Motherland Party in Duljun and National Bloc in Xiaodong proper. None of these organisations retain much autonomy and serve as essentially administrative bodies for the Regeneration Society as a whole.
State within a state
As it is not a political party, the Regeneration Society's members include most Xiaodongese businessmen, military commanders and civil servants - as such the Regeneration Society maintains a tight control over many sectors of public life. Members of the Regeneration Society own media organisations, most Xiaodongese corporations and control large sectors of government.
Due to the huge influence the Regeneration Society has in the Xiaodongese establishment many refer to it as a "state within a state" with control not only of the political process but most of the economy, media and civil service. Political scientist Tao Fuqiang stated "the Regeneration Society is perhaps the most totalitarian of all organisations, as no body, no part of society, is free from its influence. It is far larger and more expansive than any party in a single-party state could hope to achieve".
