- This is a Shangean name; the family name is Yuan (袁).
Yuan Xiannian (Shangean: 袁先念; Yuán Xiānniàn; born 21st November 1954, aged 70) is a Shangean politician who currently serves as the Chairman of the State Presidium of Shangea since 2005 succeeding Yang Zhengming. He also served as the Coordinating Minister of Security and Justice Affairs between 2000 to 2005. Yuan sat in the Legislative Council from 1994 to 2000, the Executive Council from 1997 to 2005 under various functions and has sat on the State Presidium since 2000.
Born in 1954 in the city of Shengkong, Yuan's father Yuan Jiaxiang was a prominent politician whilst his mother worked as a state bureaucrat. Yuan studied Politics at the University of Rongzhuo before joining the civil service rising up through the International Relations Ministry due to the influence of his father. Yuan became a foreign policy adviser to the government of Qian Xingwen during the 1980's. After his fathers' assassination in 1994 Yuan was elected to his vacant seat in the Legislative Council as a member of the Constitutional Protection Society. He became a member of the Executive Council in 1997 when Premier Han Guanzheng promoted him to the position of Minister of International Trade and Customs. Politically conservative, Yuan was able to successfully able to move regime hardliners away from ideological orthodoxy in the realm of support for a single-party state and neosocialism and instead support a form of "authoritarian democracy" and dirigisme, defining this ideological change as "Neo-National Principlism". In 2000 he was appointed as Coordinating Minister of Security and Justice Affairs and so became a member of the State Presidium, the main executive body in Shangea.
In 2005 Yang resigned as State Chairman with Yuan being appointed his successor as regime conservatives opposed the ascent of Han to the position. That year the government announced it would pursue a two pronged strategy of rising inflation and pursuing economic stimulus to kickstart the economy, heralded by Yuan as the "second phase of the Economic Reorganising Programme including a devaluation of the kuai. Yuan's popularity increased as he was seen as being crucial in the approval of Operation Eastern Protection against Kuthina in 2007.
In 2007 Yuan pushed for the merging of governing parties into the single Society for Restoring Benevolence. This resulted in a large amount of reformists being replaced by Yuan's conservative allies, strengthening his power and enabling him to sideline reformists and promote economic reform, economic growth, protection of traditional culture, a nationalist "Shangea first" foreign policy and strong law and order. Under Yuan, Shangean diplomacy pursued a "three-pronged" approach of both fostering ties with developing states and promoting south–south cooperation, deepening of the ROSPO alliance and "stragetic decoupling" from Euclea. Yuan during his time in office heavily promoted his "Shangea 2036" vision which aimed to make Shangea into a developed country by 2036, the centenary of the Corrective Revolution. As state chairman, Yuan often clashed with reformist premier Xi Yaotang whose influence was seen to diminish over his tenure in favour of Yuan.
The 2013 avian flu outbreak saw Yuan alongside Xi lead Shangea's response where they were unsuccessful in keeping the virus in Shangea but were able to avoid an economic downturn. Following the outbreak confidence in the government decreased which alongside corruption allegations led to the 2016-17 Shangean Protests. Yuan subsequently called a snap election which was accused of being rigged by the ruling party. As a response to protests over electoral irregularities, the Shangean government launched the Normalisation process declaring a state of emergency and cracking down on the protests. Normalisation has further led to purges of the state bureaucracy and wider society.
Identified as a Neo-National Principlist, since Yuan came to power Shangea experienced consistent economic growth in the "new decade of development" a feat largely attributed to Yuan's economically inflationary and stimulus policies with the GDP rising rapidly since 2007, with Shangea becoming a newly industrialized country. Yuan has also been credited with developing Shangea's military raising its international profile, implementing tough law and order policies and cracking down on Chanwan sepratism. Supporters also credit him for dealing with bureaucratic inefficiency and waste in his reforms to public services as well as seeing a resurgence in Shangean culture.
Critics contend that Yuan promoted extremist nationalist and far-right elements in Shangea over his views on historical revisionism, curbed media freedoms, oversaw rampant government cronyism and corruption and presided over democratic backsliding. The alleged rigging of the 2017 election and subsequent crackdown has led to many foreign leaders to accuse Yuan as acting as a dictator. Yuan has been criticised in Senria for his historical revisionism regarding the Great War with Yuan stating the war was "initiated by Senrian militarists" and questioned the existence of a genocide in Senria. His views on the matter have been said to be "extreme" and have empowered the Shangean far-right. In Shangea he is commonly known the honorifc the Great Helmsman (大舵手; Dà Duòshǒu).
Early life and education
Yuan's family in 1956. Left to right - his mother Yixiu, Yuan, his father Jiaxiang and younger brother Guofang
Yuan Xiannian was born on the 21st November 1952 in the Guofeng District in the city of Shengkong, the first son of a high-ranking government bureaucrat, which placed him in the guizu social class (conceptually comparable to the upper class). Both his father Jiaxiang and mother Yixiu were members of the Shangean Regeneration Society with Yuan's father Yuan Jiaxiang a junior minister whereas his mother was the Chairwomen of the Shengkong Women's League, a Regeneration Society front. He had two younger sisters (Zejian and Xiuzhu) and one younger brother (Guofang).
Yuan studied at the Guofeng School of Primary Studies. Excelling in history, sciences and written Shangean Yuan was recognised as an adept student, applying for the Shengkong Higher School at the age of 11 passing the entrance exam with merit whilst becoming a member of the youth wing of the Regeneration Society, the Youth Front for National Revival. Yuan later claimed that involvement in the Youth Front for National Revival prompted him to become involved in politics, and converted him to a staunch national principalist which was then the state-imposed ideology in Shangea.
Graduating from his Higher School at the after of 18 with high marks Yuan entered compulsory military service for 12 months, serving in the Shangean National Army as a private until being promoted to a corporal after 10 months of service. During this time in the military radical young officers performed a coup d'etat which instilled a more authoritarian regime under security chief Sun Yuting. Yuan's father had been a supporter of the coup and as such was promoted in its aftermath to a high ranking post in managing internal security.
Yuan in 1970 shortly before entering military service.
After his 12 month stint in the military Yuan thanks to his father's influence he enrolled in Shangea's most prestigious institution for higher education, the University of Rongzhuo where Yuan began a course in International Relations. During this period International Relations courses in Shangea were structured around ideas relating to Shangean foreign policy and the dynamics of the Coius region. Yuan was active in the politics of the university being aligned with radical nationalist conservative groups that supported a "firm line" in foreign interventions abroad (particularly in Siamat) and called for a "moral restoration" domestically. In this the radical nationalists were opposed by socialist and anarchist student federations which also held great sway amongst Shangean campuses. Yuan would say that during the 1970's the "battle to control universities amongst patriots and the revolutionary left was real. Us patriots had to use every means we had to ensure that the leftists and anti-Shangean elements were eliminated and their ideas totally discredited".
Yuan met his first wife Fan Zhenzhen during his time in university, with Fan studying biomedicine at the time. The two would marry shortly after Yuan's graduation from university in 1975 after he received a masters degree in International Relations. Yuan's thesis was titled "Securitising the Honghai; Senrian naval policy 1948-1970".
Bureaucratic career
Following his graduation for the University of Rongzhuo Yuan entered the International Relations Ministry as a junior adviser to International Relations Minister Tian Rongzhen. In 1984, First Minister Sun was assassinated by a Senrian spy promoting reformist Qian Xingwen to come to power, who pushed through a less conciliatory friendly foreign policy. In the 1991 election Yuan stood for the electoral district of Gemingzhen which he was elected to, taking a seat in the State Presidium of Xiaodong. During the early 1990's Yuan positioned himself as an opponent to then-First Minister Yang Zhengming whose faction within the Regeneration Society, the Jiebu Reform Council (姐不改革理事会; Jiěbù gǎigé lǐshì huì) consisted of reformists who pursued third way politics, allying with the powerful technocratic Yujiang Committee (玉江委员会; Yùjiāng wěiyuán huì) to outmanoeuvre the conservative faction, known as the Azure Dragon Society (青龙会; Qīnglónghuì) whom Yuan was a member of.
In 1994 the Senrian bombing of the State Presidium saw Yuan's father killed alongside 53 other deputies. The death of his father left Yuan "devastated", and following the death of him his anti-Senrian views "notably hardened". Before his father's death, Yuan was primarily known for his stances on foreign policy regarding "lost territories" rather than Senrian affairs, but following 1994 he became "one of the foremost anti-Senrian hawks in the Xiaodongese government."
During this period Yuan became affiliated with the Azure Dragon Society and its leader Second Minister and later State Chairperson Luo Wenjing, becoming Luo's protégé. Luo had been commonly seen as a potential First Minister by Sun Yuting who had groomed Luo to be his successor, but Sun's assassination in 1984 and assumption of power by Qian's Jiebu Reform Council alongside the Yujiang Committee, Luo and the Azure Dragon Society had been sidelined. Luo, Yuan and a small group of within the Azure Dragon Society recognised that in order for party conservatives to take over the party once again they would have to adapt to the newly created liberal democracy in Xiaodong and accept a degree of ideological revisionism, rejecting the principle of a single-party state and state socialism instead calling for "democracy with Xiaodongese characteristics" and "socialism with market forces". This ideological revisionism led to the rise of Neo-National Principlism that saw the rehabilitation of the influence of party conservatives. By the early 2000's it was accepted that the possibility of Luo becoming party chairman and First Minister, and so Yuan was pushed as the leader of the Azure Dragon Society by 2002.
Government Minister
Yuan became a member of the Council of Ministers in 1996 when First Minister Yang Zhengming promoted Yuan to the position of Minister of Public Welfare where his portfolio included oversight and management of the Xiaodongese health system. As Minister of Public Welfare Yuan was primarily noted for his efforts to reduce HIV/AIDS in Xiaodong, passing a law in 1997 that capped the prices of condoms and in 1998 attempted to negotiate down the price of antiretroviral therapy drugs with pharmaceutical companies.
In 1999, Yuan was appointed to the Interior Minister portfolio by the new First Minister Han Guanzheng. As Interior Minister, Yuan's main responsibilities was to oversee anti-terrorism efforts, the police forces, immigration and data collection. With the growing popularity of the internet in Xiaodong Yuan in 1999 oversaw the passing of the Law on Data Protection which gave the government the right to monitor and censor parts of the internet. Both Han and Yuan also emphasised the need to rebuild Xiaodong's "social responsibilities". This included a crackdown on smuggling, prostitution and illegal drug use and possession. Yuan dramatically expanded police powers as Interior Minister, and defended Xiaodongese surveillance laws as "necessary to maintain peace in Xiaodng".
In 2002 Vice-Chairman of the Regeneration Society and Minister of Foreign Affairs Luo Wenjing announced he would stand down as Vice-Chairman at the Regeneration Society Plenum that year. The role of Vice-Chairman is traditionally seen as a stepping stone to become Chairman and thus the most powerful official of Xiaodong - as the post was set to go to the next generation of Xiaodongese leaders it was seen as a de facto contest to pick Han's successor. Han's preferred successor was Jiang Zhongyu, the Presiding Officer of the State Presidium of Xiaodong who came from his own moderate, technocratic faction whilst Yuan had the support of the outgoing Vice-Chairman. After several months of backroom deals with party officials Yuan was appointed deputy chairman outmanoeuvring Jiang.
At the age of 51 his rapid rise within the Regeneration Society led many to believe the appointment to the post of Second Minister confirmed him as the successor to Han Guanzheng. As Second Minister Yuan strengthened the position of party conservatives beginning to create a large powerbase within the Regeneration Society that could challenge the centrist technocrats led by Han. Han's style of government was cautious and managerial, lacking both the reformist zeal and centralisation of the earlier Qian Xingwen government, which allowed Yuan and the rejuvenated conservatives to weaken Han's influence and promote Yuan's. Yuan favoured a top down leadership model, but worked within the consensual style of Han.
Yuan as Second Minister often concentrated on policy implementation over policy conceptualisation, a task left to Han, enabling him to stall further political reform and promote pet projects for the Regeneration Society's supporters. This also allowed Yuan to become regarded within government and the business community as a political "fixer", with Caihong's giving Yuan large amounts of capital in return for political favours, mainly in the construction industry. This enabled Yuan to launch several infrastructure projects as well as use money gained from the construction industry to build a larger base of patronage within the Regeneration Society, drastically increasing his power. In order to shore up his clout amongst Regeneration Society officials Yuan began to promote economic populism including rises in social welfare spending and tax cuts.
One of the most contentious issues within the government was Han's formalisation of relations with Senria in 2003, with Han subsequently meeting Prime Minister Izumi Sigesato in 2004 and endorsing the view of "mass atrocities" being committed in the Senrian-Xiaodongese War. The government was split regarding this policy; reformists like Han believed formalising relations with Senria would enable greater economic and political cooperation that had de facto been the case since Senrian and Xiaodongese companies were permitted to invest in each other, whilst conservatives refused to recognise Senria until it paid compensation for war crimes committed in the Senrian-Xiaodongese war.
The policy of recognising Senria was denounced by popular opposition politician Feng Zhenggao and his Millennium Progressive Party. Whilst opening formal relations with Senria was backed by the majority of voters, the perceived lack of discussion over Senrian war crimes led to the government's approval rating to fall, reaching a nadir in November 2004 when Han met Izumi. Throughout late 2004 to early 2005 the MPP led in opinion polls ahead of the Regeneration Society for the first time in its history, perceived to be as a result of the Senrian issue and ongoing corruption allegations within the governing Regeneration Society.
The loss of support for Han resulted in an upsurge of support for Yuan, who had denounced the circumstances under which relations were normalised with Senria as a "surrender" and an "insult to the patriots who were butchered by Senrian thugs in the 1930's". Yuan soon polled as the most popular government minister leading to many to speculate if he would oust Han. Facing huge pressure to resign Han stated he agreed to step down at the 2005 Regeneration Society Plenum. Yuan came to an agreement with Jiang Zhongyu in the run up to the Plenum where Yuan would serve as First Minister and Jiang Second Minister, ensuring the so-called "dream ticket" would unite the Regeneration Society and prevent any serious splits. Yuan was confirmed as Regeneration Society Chairman and First Minister on the 30th September 2005.
The 2006 election was the culmination of a power struggle within the Regeneration Society between rival factions. Since the ousting of Chen Xuechang in 1957 the technocratic Yujiang Committee had dominated the Regeneration Society by cooperating with both the ultranationalists in the 1960's and 1970's under Sun Yuting and reformists in the 1980's under Qian Xingwen whilst always remaining dominant, with all First Ministers originating in Yujiang Committee (although Qian switched from the Yujiang Committee to form his own reformist faction in 1988). Yuan's status as the first Xiaodongese First Minister to come from the Azure Dragon Society was a result of his atypical rise to power - all other pass overs of power were done near the First Minister's death or with a pre-arranged succession, and as such the Yujiang Committee ensured their faction was given the post of party chairman. The exception was the disposal of Yuan's mother-in-law, Lu Fangliang, in 1974 by Sun Yuting. Yuan similarly came to power through an unorthodox way of ousting Han Guanzheng rather than wait for his retirement or death. As such, during his first months in office his position in the party was shaky as a majority of presidium delegates were part of the Yujiang Committee. Since democratisation in the 1980's the Regeneration Society had lost seats in the majority of elections, leading to the decline of all the factions, and so the 2006 election was seen as a chance for the Yujiang Committee to retain their seats an for any losses to befall to the Azure Dragon Society, thus weakening Yuan's position in the government.
Yuan campaigning in the 2006 election
In early 2005 the main opposition party, the Millennium Progressive Party, had led in opinion polls. However a corruption case opened up against its leader Feng Zhenggao led to a collapse in the MPP's popularity as the party split into a pro-Feng faction (the national conservative Republicans and liberal conservative Progressive Party) led to the opposition to go into the 2005 election heavily divided, with other opposition parties such as the social democratic People's Party also contesting. The inability of the opposition parties to coordinate was an advantage as the firt-past-the-post/single-non transferable voting system meant that votes for them would be "wasted", especially after the electoral districts were redrawn by the government in 2005. Although this gave an advantage to the government, the deep factional divisions meant that Regeneration Society members would be running against each other just as fiercely as they would the opposition. In the runup to the election, pro-Yuan members of the party were put for election in several districts to contest with incumbent Regeneration Society delegates from different factions.
In April 2006, a five months before the election Yuan replaced the Regeneration Society's general secretary with his own appointment, Qiao Jianxing after the previous one resigned due to illness, giving Yuan a degree of control over the campaign. During the campaign season the Regeneration Society central office gave out leaflets to voters urging them to vote for pro-Yuan candidates and vote against opposition or anti-Yuan delegates. The Yuan government campaigned on bold economic reform, demanding compensation from Senria for war crimes and improving access to childcare in order to boost fertility rates. The Regeneration Society were backed by the majority of the media, and Yuan's firm anti-Senrian stance and ease in ousting Han made him seen as a strong, competent leader. This was exacerbated when Feng was declared guilty of corruption, leading him to flee the country and many of his supporters vote for the Regeneration Society.
The 2006 election saw a landslide win for the Regeneration Society, going from 145 to 166 seats, the best result since democratisation in 1988. Many of the new ZSH delegates were members of the Azure Dragon Society, meaning a majority of Presidium delegates for the first time were from that faction giving Yuan much greater power. As a result, Yuan was able to stack the Council of Ministers with his own allies. An unnamed Regeneration delegate stated after the election "Yuan was the most powerful Xiaodongese leader since the 1950's" as he would be under no pressure to appease factions.
On the 3rd October 2007, 15 members of the Duljunese separatist group the People's Liberation Front for Duljun stormed the Shenkong Hall of Culture and held 102 people hostage, blocking Xiaodongese security forces from entering the building and threatening to kill hostages if Xiaodong did not give immediate independence to Duljun. The structure of the building meant entering it would be extremely difficult for Xiaodongese special forces to enter the building without sustaining high casualties and possible death of many hostages. After a discussion with the Council of Ministers and senior military figures, Yuan ordered the Xiaodongese Special Corps to hold off an immediate attack. On the fifth day of the hostage crisis the PLFD executed two of the hostages, prompting Yuan to order "Operation Striking Dragon".
Operation Striking Dragon consisted of the Xiaodongese Special Corps entering the Hall of Culture through its circular roof before descending through into the central chamber where the majority of the hostages were held. The Special Corps also entered through the front of the building as a diversionary tactic to trap the terrorists in a pincer attack with those in the roof subsequently descending into the Hall of Culture and cornering the terrorists. The plan carried out on the 8th October saw 8 of the PLFD's members killed in the Special Corps attack and the remaining 7 arrested - however, following the breach of the Hall of Culture the PLFD executed 9 of the hostages, with a further 3 being killed in an ensuring gun fight. Nevertheless, the Yuan government was seen to have responded well to the crisis with Yuan's approval rating peaking at 88%.
Yuan subsequently ordered the Governor of Duljun, Longkodo Ukudenggi to declare a state of emergency in Duljun and clamp down on separatist movements. The ensuring measures undertaken in Duljun saw the use of the Duljunese language restricted, the imprisonment of several Duljunese civil rights activists and the security services in Duljun given greater powers to restrict the civil liberties of Duljunese people. Although approved for the most part by the Xiaodongese populace some criticised the measures as draconian and as violating human rights in Duljun.
Yuan's first three years in office had been relatively successful with the economy growing and Yuan still enjoying high approval ratings thanks to his role in the Shenkong hostage crisis, despite a dip in support due to controversial new education laws and a corruption scandal and the loss of power of the official Regeneration Society affiliate in East Thianchin, the Socialist Party. However after Xiaodong's first successful nuclear test in 2008 the government reached a further record popularity.
As such in 2009 Yuan called a snap election, dissolving the State Presidium with the hope of taking the opposition off guard. Yuan justified the election on the grounds that the government needed a mandate to develop its nuclear weapons programme further by developing intermediate-range ballistic missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles.
The 2009 election saw the opposition parties - divided between the People's, Progressive, Republican, Duljunese Democratic, New Frontier and Reform parties - compete for the position of official opposition with the Regeneration Society's victory never in doubt thanks to its strong media presence and Yuan's personal popularity. The election was the Regeneration Society's biggest victory ever, getting 19 million votes and 170 seats strengthening Yuan's hand.
In 2011 Yuan declared that the government needed to "go to the people" before passing "historic" reforms, mainly those that precluded amending the constitution by reforming the judiciary, strengthening executive power and amending economic principles enshrined in the constitution. As such an election was declared for September 2011.
The Regeneration Society had called the election with the hope of catching the opposition off guard - however this backfired when the People's, Progressive, Duljunese Democratic and Reform parties agreed to contest as an electoral alliance known as the Democratic Alliance (DA) led by East Thianchinese governor Chu Sian-cheng. With the opposition unified the election became the most competitive in Xiaodongese history with it being widely seen as a two horse race between Yuan and Chu. Nevertheless Yuan maintained a long standing Regeneration Society policy not to hold televised leaders debates. The election saw the Regeneration lose 19 seats, dropping from 170 to 151 despite receiving 18 million votes.
State Chairperson
Yuan was re-elected to his Gemingzhen seat in the 2016 election which saw the Regeneration Society lose its majority only getting 100 of the 215 seats in the State Presidium. State Chairman Jiang Zhongyu appointed a caretaker government under Xi Yao-tong who would remain in place until a new State Chairman was elected as Jiang was a few weeks away from ending his seven year term.
Yuan was nominated as the Regeneration Society's candidate for State Chairman, who is elected in two rounds by the State Presidium - the first must see them achieve a supermajority and failing that a second round is held where they are requiered to achieve a simple majority. In the first round of voting held on the 19th October Yuan got 101 votes to the opposition candidate, Li Zheng, 105 votes with 9 abstentions triggering a second round. The second round saw Yuan get 105 votes and Li 105 with 5 abstentions - this meant that the acting Chairman of the State Presidium, Liu Zhengming was forced to call a snap election to resolve the deadlock.
The 2017 snap election saw the Regeneration Society get 122 seats - whilst not a supermajority it was enough to guarantee that Yuan would be elected State Chairman. However, the 2017 Xiaodongese Protests saw the State Presidium on the 19th January declare a state of emergency and immediately elect Yuan State Chairman bypassing the traditional process, with Yuan as State Chairman being invested with emergency powers. Yuan used these emergency powers to order the crushing of protests the same day with the approval of the Council of Ministers.
Economic policy
During late-2005 the Xiaodongese Reserve Bank governor Qiao Zhongfa voiced concerns that the Renjin was overvalued, and recommended that devaluation should be carried out as the Renjin was vulnerable to currency speculation on the financial markets. As a result on his first day in office Yuan removed the currency peg with the Tuthinian Tael and devalued the Renjin to prevent deflation and unemployment. A policy paper drafted in December 2005 blamed the poor economic performance - including slow economic growth and a rising deficit - on the policies of the previous government and urged drastic economic reforms to encourage growth, reverse deflation and restore confidence in Xiaodongese financial markets.
In January 2006 Yuan announced a bold economic reform package that rejected "the failed policies of laissez-faire" and the adoption of "the second phase of the Economic Reorganising Programme that would go for growth". The policy envisioned a series of economic restructuring programmes and reforms that would radically transform the Xiaodongese economy, abandoning the neoliberal economic model implemented in the 1980's. In essence, the "second phase" was seen as "deregulating in regards to foreign investment and highly regulatory in regards to domestic industry".
Upon coming to power, Yuan reformed the banking system on the basis of ensuring a "new contract" between financial services and regulators. The government guaranteed the three major banks in Xiaodong, the Shenkong Investment Bank, Xiaodongese Bank of Commerce and Zhongdong Industrial Bank, investment in sectors of the economy that banks provided loans for, and payback of the investments whilst encouraging banks to buy government bonds as a way to "print money". The government also implemented policies that would see customers buy stocks via loans, with the banks buying stocks back to stimulate further demand. These banking reforms led to the banking sector to undergo an extended boom period, especially within the stock market.
Yuan also embarked on an ambitious policy of economic liberalisation which was a key competent of the government's growth strategy. In particular, the government believed that the fastest way to ensure economic growth was to maintain a trade surplus, which the government believed could only be secured through embracing free trade. As such, the Yuan government quickly reduced tariffs on the majority of goods, lowered the corporation tax from 22.13% to 13.44% and signed free trade deals with [some countries here].
The Yuan government also implemented a far-reaching reform of the state sector through a mix of corpratisation and later privatisation. The government at first aimed to make the majority of state-owned enterprises profitable through corpratisation, running them on the basis of corporate governance. Corpratised industries included the national railway system, the Xiaodongese Mining Confederation, Xiaodongese Gas, water and telecommunications. In 2008 the government started to privatise the newly corpratised companies - unlike previous privatisations, which were done via vouchers, the growth of the stock market as a result of the banking reforms resulted in the government to undertake share issue privatisation, which was rare for a developing country. Privatisation was undertaken in regards to state monopolies in the postal service, buses, airlines, several vehicle conglomerates, agrochemicals and petrochemicals, alongside several smaller government owned assets. Partial privatisation was implemented in several other industries, including railways, gas and water. Yuan attempted to privatise the Xiaodongese Mining Confederation, but backed off after facing pressure from within his party. Remaining state sectors were reformed beyond corpratisation to include private finance initiatives in the health, education and infrastructure sectors.
Upon coming to power Yuan announced his intention to reform agriculture to modernise it so it would be more productive. Agriculture had previously been subject to a state subsidy known as the National Rural Workers' Fund that provided farmers with modern equipment. Yuan in 2014 removed the state subsidy and replaced it with an opt-in nationalisation program where farms could reclaim the subsidy if they agreed to be partly or fully nationalised by the state. This provoked a lot of anger from farmers, who relied on the state subsidy following the dismantlement of tariffs to maintain the competitive nature of Xiaodongese agriculture.
In 2006 Yuan created the Central Economic Directive (CED) which served to "coordinate business and government intervention into the economy" to maintain economic stability and sustainable growth, in effect implementing indicative economic planning. Under Yuan, the government directly appointed the heads of several companies and directed private companies through close cooperation and investment in a state capitalist framework. Guided investment was another key aspect of the government economic policy, with the state taking responsibility in either investing in strategic industries or directing private companies to invest in state projects. Through the CED the Xiaodongese government alongside the construction industry oversaw a large buildup of infrastructure, with Xiaodong especially in southern cities become increasingly urbanised. The CED expanded under Yuan to dominate most domestic areas of the economy by 2013 with the intention of spurring economic growth. Between 2005-15 Xiaodong averaged growth rates of 5.5%, reaching a high of 9.8% in 2010. The expansion of the Xiaodongese economy between January 2006-May 2016 was popularly known as the decade of development and saw Xiaodong become a newly industrialized country. Nevertheless, this state directed investment was overwhelmingly concentrated in the coal industry, leading to concerns of Xiaodong developing a resource disease in regards to coal, leading to a decline in manufacturing and agricultural sectors. There was also concern that the government's economic strategy may lead to Xiaodong entering into a "middle income trap". Yuan stated his economic policies had led to a new decade of development, alluding to the period under Ma Renzhong when Xiaodong had rapidly industrialised.
Although the economy saw an increase in agricultural productivity, the withdrawal of state subsidies and end of protectionist policies led to widespread unemployment and discontent from farmers' - after 2012, farmers' turned against the Yuan government which had disastrous political effects on Xiaodong Regeneration Society, and has been cited as one of the single biggest reasons for the governments unpopularity in the lead up to the 2016 election.
Defence policy
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The Xiaodongese Defence Force underwent several changes under Yuan's premiership. Upon coming to office Yuan stated that the Defence Forces would undergo modernisation spearheaded by his Minister of Defence and Military Planning, Jin Baoshun.
The main thrust of Xiaodongese military modernisation has been to downscale the army and push more investment and training into the airforce and the navy, with the latter especially facing large-scale modernisation. Key elements of reform have been to centralise military training schools into more specialised institutions, reducing the bloated officer class, reorganising the structure of the army and the airforce, restructuring the reservist forces and importing new ships, tanks and planes from abroad.
The most notable defence development in Xiaodong was the development and launching of Xiaodong's nuclear weapons programme. Xiaodong since the 1970's had been covertly developing a nuclear weapons programme but had maintained a policy of deliberate ambiguity in regards to its nuclear ambitions. In 2009 however Xiaodong officially tested a nuclear bomb in the Jianmie-1 nuclear test. The Xiaodongese detonated 4 nuclear weapons of 40 kilatonnes of TNT simultaneously underground in the Huashan mountains in October 2009, a fact released in November 2009.
Following the nuclear tests Yuan stated that Xiaodong had a "substantial stockpile" of nuclear weapons, and that based on a strategy of nuclear deterrence the government would maintain a no-first use policy. Yuan stated the next priority for the government was to develop submarine-launched ballistic missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles in order to solidify Xiaodong's second strike capabilities. Xiaodongese development of nuclear weapons made it the sixth nation to develop such weapons after Namor, Luziyca, Tuthina, Ainin and Akai.
Education policy
In 2007 the Yuan government announced an overhaul to the education system that would see a new curriculum implemented as the one old was deemed "not fit for 21st century Shangea". The new curriculum emphasised science, mathematics and technical subjects and reduced teaching on the arts, with arts in schools facing massive budgetary cuts. History was the subject to undergo the biggest changes, with textbook guidelines and the curriculum stating that history as a subject "must teach children to love their country and not have this peaceful nations great past tainted by anti-Shangean sentiment". The new history course controversially taught that the Senrian-Shangean War was "not entirely started by one side" and made no mention of extermination zones. Other education reforms included extending school hours and higher grade requirements.
The new curriculum was heavily criticised by teachers, parents, pressure groups and the Senrian government. Teachers were heavily critical of the "draconian" cuts to arts with several teachers unions going briefly on strike. Parents questioned the higher requirements to gain grades - whilst the thinking behind such a move was welcomed, it was feared it would put more pressure on children to achieve high grades which has been attributed to high youth suicide rates. The Senrian government filed a formal complaint against history reform which was accused of whitewashing Shangean war crimes.
Environmental and energy policy
Under Yuan Xiaodong attempted to improve its environmental policies, in particular limiting carbon emissions and diversifying its energy sources from coal and oil in order to reduce carbon emissions as an effort to combat global warming. In 2008 Yuan stated "if Xiaodong does not take action against carbon emissions now then we are to become a polluted country...one only has to look across the strait at Senria, with its smog and dreadful city conditions to see Xiaodong must not trend down that path."
The Jiangshi Dam, built by the Yuan government between 2007-2015
Between 2009-2013 the Xiaodongese government promoted the use of
nuclear power and increased research funding into development sources. By 2014 two new power stations had been built in Xiaodong, as well as the hydroelectric Jiangshi Dam constructed between 2007-2015, at the time of construction one of the worlds largest hydroelectric dams.
Nevertheless, the Yuan government missed many of its environmental targets and largely failed to diversify its energy market - by the time of his resignation over tree quarters of Xiaodongese energy still relied on oil, gas and coal. This failure was largely a result of Yuan's close cultivation of the Xiaodongese-Ankoreni relationship resulting in more oil and gas being brought at low prices, whilst the powerful coal industry within Xiaodong and influential within the Regeneration Society confounding efforts to limit coal mining and use of coal.
Law and order policy
Under Yuan the Law of Anti-Sedition 2009 was passed which greatly increased the powers of the police. In particular, the police were given the power to arrest and detain those suspected of terrorism from days without specific charge and a nationwide stop-and-search program was implemented (previously only applying to urban areas). The police could also search homes without warrant. The new laws were branded by civil liberties groups as "draconian", but was overwhelmingly passed through the State Presidium with little opposition. In 2014 the government passed the Law of Digital Security was passed, which allowed the Xiaodongese government to collect citizens internet data and order all internet service providers to store such data. It also allowed the government to greatly expand the Xiaodongese internet surveillance network and censor "anti-Xiaodongese content" on websites. Xiaodongese human rights groups condemned the legalisation as creating one of the most draconian internet spy networks in a nominal democracy.
Shangea 2036
In 2010 Yuan announced the "Shangea 2036" programme that aimed to "modernise and revitalise Shangea" by the year 2036, the centenary of the Corrective Revolution. Yuan defined these reforms proposals as -
- Making Shangea the largest economy in the world through investment, liberalisation and stabilisation.
- Increase Xiaodong's life expectancy by a decade.
- Create more regional cooperation with Coian partners with Shangea at the centre of regional affairs.
- Make Shangea's infrastructure amongst the best in the world.
- Launch constitutional reform to streamline the political process.
- Ensure the development of submarine-based inter-continental ballistic weapons for optimal security.
- Increase general standard of living to be that of a "moderately prosperous society".
Such reforms would according to Yuan be brought around by "good government and a happy, hardworking populace", and outlined proposals early including greater infrastructure investment, privatisation, deregulation and a joint summit between developing countries. However, the 2036 proposal was criticised for being vague and unrealistic in its goals at its announcement.
Anti-Corruption policy
Upon coming to office, Yuan promised to "wipe out corruption, root out black gold and dismantle the dang wangluo." Within six months of coming to power Yuan fired over 600 public officials for corruption, and put 2,000 more under investigation for embezzlement. All regional officials were requiered to report to the Office of the Supervision of Public Affairs, headed by Yuan's policy chief Jin Baoshun in the largest anti-corruption drive since 1980.
Yuan's anti-corruption campaign initially targeted high ranking civil servants but soon spread to local officials. Critics contended the majority of those implicated in anti-corruption investigations were connected to former premier Han Guanzheng - however, this view has been disputed as the majority of the public reacted positively to the campaign after it was renewed in 2008. Overall, 3,000 officials were dismissed as a result of the anti-corruption campaign which gave Yuan the appearance of promoting "clean government". However, when the campaign was ended in 2010 corruption increased again, whilst some critics contended that structural reforms into the causes of corruption had not been addressed and that the anti-corruption campaign amounted to little more than a mass dismissal of pubic sector workers'.
In 2007 Yuan outlined the so-called "Baiqiao Doctrine" which sought to "reset" Xiaodongese foreign relations, in particular lessen emphasis with the Esquarian Union, develop relations with Xiaodong's Monic neighbours and take a more muscular approach to foreign relations. Yuan said it was "Xiaodong's duty to promote Xiaodongese interests and strive to create a co-prosperity union within the Borea-Lahudica region". Yuan's foreign policy has been credited for rising Xiaodong to be a regional power in eastern Borea, but critics have accused the Baiqiao Doctrine as a thinly veiled attempt to revive the Greater Xiaodongese Order of the 1920's. Upon coming to power Yuan sought to raise Xiaodong's international profile by cooperating with other countries moreso than Xiaodongese leaders had done in the past. Over his time in office, Yuan visited more Esquarian countries than any previous Xiaodongese leader.
During Yuan's term in 2016 alongside Ankoren Xiaodong created the International Forum for Developing States. Other nations soon joined the organisation including Namor, Transborea, Jathana, Jabar and Lecia soon joined, making the organisation the second largest economic bloc in the world after the Esquarian Community.
Under Yuan there was a noticeable hardening of relations with
Tinza and
Min on
revanchist grounds, with Yuan asserting Xiaodongese territorial claims over West Thianchin and Lhogrong (known as Beijiang in Xiaodong). In 2007 tensions with Tinza increase after the State Presidium voted to impose sanctions on the country on the grounds the Tinzanese government was violating the rights of ethnic Xiaodongese in Lhogrong.
In 2009 Yuan stated in a State Presidium session that a military solution to retaking Xiaodongese territorial claims "
should not be ruled out" but later stated such comments were taken out of context.
In 2014 the Xiaodongese government released a policy document, On a democratic, peaceful Borea which called for the territories of Lhogrong and west Thianchin to be peacefully ceded to Xiaodong alongside stronger bilateral cooperation to ensure lasting peace and economic development in the region. The proposals were widely criticised in Tinza and Min as being imperialist, whilst the Xiaodongese government defended the paper as being merely a "path for peace rather than official policy".
Yuan sought to build cordial relations with Namorese President-General Fu Wen after relations between the two countries had cooled under the Democratic Socialist administrations of Alicia Wolf and Kaitlyn Khan. Yuan called for increased economic cooperation between the two countries, but differences over regulatory policy compounded efforts during his term. In 2015 Yuan met with Vice President-General of Namor Long Jiaoche in order to discuss economic and cultural ties between the two countries, stating that cooperation between the two countries would be a "gateway to mutual prosperity, peace and justice amongst developing nations".
Yuan's Namor friendly policy resulted in policy vis-a-vis Luziyca to stagnate especially as Luziyca courted a more pro-Esquarian Community policy. Despite this Yuan visited Luziyca in 2008 with the intent to increase investment from Luziyca, but was unsuccessful in that regard. Yuan was more successful in Transborea where owing to the ruling National Committee for Prosperity and Security's pro-Xiaodongese foreign policy there was more mutual economic and strategic interest between the two countries. Visiting Tszagastöyn in 2007, Yuan declared Transborea an "eternal and everlasting friend of the Xiaodongese people" and that Xiaodong would "endeavour to realise a pact of friendship between the two nations". During the West Borean insurgency in the country Xiaodong contributed military hardware and advisers to aid the government.
Despite criticism from human rights groups Yuan continued Xiaodong's trade partnership with Razaria. In 2012 after meeting Zrunjnik Zlatko Khojnović Yuan signed a deal giving Razaria over $1.1 billion in technological and military hardware, stating that Razaria was "one of the few countries committed to maintaing sovereignty and independence in the Borean region".
Under Yuan there was a push to create better ties with Tuthina in the realm of defence, trade and cultural exchanges. Following Xiaodong's suspension from the EU Council, Yuan sought to deepen ties with Tuthina, courting Tuthinian investment and promoting Tuthinian interests in Xiaodong. Under Yuan relations with Tuthina improved as the latter invested in Xiaodongese industry. Nevertheless there were some significant obstacles to Tuthinian-Xiaodongese relations, specifically the Yuan governments hostile attitude to Senria. According to a leaked report from the Xiaodongese foreign ministry the Tuthinian ambassador to Xiaodong called for Xiaodong to improve ties with Senria to help further integration with the Tengkong system.
Upon coming to power Yuan has pursued a hardline anti-Senrian stance in foreign affairs. During the 1990's Yuan wrote policy papers where he called for a preemptive military strike against Senria in order to protect Xiaodongese interests in the region, stating Senria was not interested in coming to any sort of peace with Xiaodong and that only the removal of the Senrian government and its replacement with a "government that respects the interests of Xiaodong and its people's" would there be peace in the Borea-Lahudica region. During Yuan's tenure Senrian-Xiaodongese tensions notably increased, with Xiaodong rasing tariffs on Senrian goods. Yuan also cancelled a planned free trade deal with Senria, and performed several military exercises in disputed waters that Senria claimed violated its sovereignty. Yuan in turn accused Senria of supporting Duljunese separatists. In 2008, Yuan was declared a persona non grata in Senria.
Yuan made his first official state visit to
Estanban in 2006, where he reaffirmed Xiaodong's close relation with Ankoren. Under his predecessors
Qian Xingwen and
Han Guanzheng there had been a move away from Ankoren, a policy reversed by the Yuan government which sought to deepen and consolidate economic and political ties between Xiaodong and Ankoren. In 2007, Yuan called Ankoren a "
model for both developing countries and Islamic countries". During his term in office, trade deals were signed with Ankoren giving both countries preferential access to eachother's markets. Reportedly, Yuan and Ankoreni State President
Evren Volkan maintain a "friendly, consistent dialogue" between eachother.
At the outbreak of the Ankoren-Caliphate conflict the Xiaodongese government strongly supported Ankoren, calling The Caliphate "false representatives of Islam". In 2016, the Xiaodongese government condemned the Irvadi government for human rights abuses, but did not state whether it supports the Ankoreni backed Provisional Authority of Irvadistan. In 2016, Yuan stated Xiaodong "would not oppose" unification of Nautasia under Ankoren.
Yuan's support for Ankorean in Nautasia led to relations with countries such as Rifat, Siphria and Mazaristan to deteriorate, the latter especially seeing a drop in support due to Xiaodong's support for the removal of president Yusuf Nasr. In 2015 Yuan stated the Nasr government "must resign" and that a democratic unity government including the Popular Liberation Front of Mazaristan and the Dashtani-Druze Protection Group should take power to ensure peace in Mazaristan. Under Yuan relations improved with Jabar.
Yuan criticised the 2014 Iberville Accords in Nautarya on the grounds they "did not lead to a sustainable peace" and that they effectively turned Nautarya into a state dependent on foreign powers.
some stuff about Ainin I guess
In the 2011 election Yuan had promised that the next Regeneration Society government would launch constitutional reform to streamline the political process, in particular advocating for a restructuring of the judiciary, strengthening of executive powers and modernising the principles of the economy enshrined in the consistution. Yuan's victory in the election prompted the government to launch a commission into the area of constitutional reform. The commission was controversial in that it only consulted the bureaucracy and business leaders and ignored suggestions from civil society groups.
On the 3rd March 2014 the commission recommended several far reaching constitutional reforms including a complete overhaul to the judiciary, expansion of executive powers, changes in the rights of citizens and repealing large portions of the economic principles to reflect a more modern, globalised economy. The government subsequently began drafting a bill for the State Presidium (where the Regeneration Society retained the necessary two thirds supermajority to amend the constitution) to approve of the commissions proposals. The opposition United Democratic Appeal to Xiaodong under new leader Hu Wenjuan announced they would oppose the changes on the grounds that they enshrined a de facto elective dictatorship and would result in more government interference in judicial affairs.
Protesters clashing with police forces in the 2014 protests
As a result following the announcement of th proposals large protests across the country, especially in Kuoqing, Baiqiao and Rongzhuo where held starting after students from the University of Baiqiao on the 14
th March walked out of lessons to protest. Although initially concerned with the proposed changes to the constitution, the protests soon started to more generally criticise corruption, nepotism, cronyism, authoritarianism and lack of democracy in Xiaodong. The protests soon became the largest since the
Orchid Revolution with over 1 million demanding reforms to the government. The
Alliance for Democracy in Xiaodong was formed to co-ordinate these student protests.
In response to the protests Yuan ordered riot police to be deployed on the streets in case the protests turned violent. In a televised address to the nation Yuan called the protesters "ungrateful swine" and "thugs". Protesters mainly communicated via social media sites prompting the Xiaodongese government to ban them for a week, a move heavily criticised. Protests intensified when on March 22nd the State Presidium voted to approve of the constitutional changes despite fighting within the State Presidium between supporters and opponents of the bill. As a result the protests did erupt into rioting on the 22nd March in Kuoqing prompting a clash with police forces, an act that triggered the State Chairman Jiang Zhongyu (a longtime opponent of Yuan and critic of the bill) to veto the proposals the next day. Following the veto hardline supporters of Yuan in the State Presidium launched an impeachment process against Jiang but in the interests of wanting to de-escalate the protests Yuan did not support impeachment and dropped the constitutional proposals. As a result the protests started to dissipate. However, the harsh response to the protests and the infighting within the government resulted in support for the government to fall as society became more polarised over the Yuan government, with the Alliance becoming a political party.
The banking reforms passed under the NEP meant that banks started to encourage the greater sell of shares, especially in light of Namor's stock market crash in 2015. The three largest banks, Shenkong Investment Bank, Xiaodongese Bank of Commerce and Zhongdong Industrial Bank, saw an average 800% increase whilst share appreciations and offerings increased as banks continually intervened (buying stocks to stimulate demand) to sustain the growth whilst buying government bonds in return for the central government to invest in state run projects banks provide loans for. This system was in the long term unsustainable.
During 2016 the three banks began to increase their investment in stocks by large numbers, resulting in shares being sold as their holders brought up foreign currencies in early June. To prevent this the Yuan government ordered a freeze on the supply on currency. Speaking in the State Presidium, Yuan stated that Xiaodong's high inflation would mean the banks customers would re-invest in stocks. However this did not stop the sales resulting in the banks to request government bailouts as it became clear the banks could not buy up the shares leading to a fear of a run of deposits and a drain of foreign exchange - as a result on the 16th June the government ordered the closure of the Xiaodongese stock exchange.
Following the closure of the stock exchange, Yuan acting on the advice of the Reserve Bank nationalised the three banks and brought up the stocks at a 19% loss, whilst ordering a sharp 26% devaluation of the Renjin. A 金300 billion stimulus package was approved to restore confidence in the markets, whilst the government slashed interest rates, pursue a policy of quantitative easing ad enforce tight monetary policy. The result of the crisis was the collapse of the Xiaodongese stock market, which weakened the Xiaodongese economy resulting in it contracting. The bank stock crisis split the Yuan government - allies of Jiang Zhongyu such as Lao Qiliang and Huang Weida (who both resigned in protest of the governments policies) called for further devaluation of the Renjin, austerity and privatisation whilst Yuan and his financial minister Yu Dexiong championed tough monetary policy and economic stimulus.
Yuan had since the 2014 botched consistutional reform and subsequent protests come under pressure from sections of the Regeneration Society, particularly supporters of
Jiang Zhongyu, to resign from the post of First Minister and Chairman of the Regeneration Society. In the face of poor polling in the face of the
2016 general election in April 2016 Yuan held a conference amongst Regeneration Society grandees to discuss his future. After discussions with party power brokers, Yuan agreed to resign from the post of First Minister sometime in July but retain the Regeneration Society chairmanship and after Jiang Zhongyu's term expired become State Chairman.
Xi Yao-tong was chosen to be First Minister in his place over Yuan's preferred choice,
Xu Bangguo.
Yuan announced his intention to resign in the 31st May and formally resigned from the post of First Minister on the 14th July 2016. Yuan said in his resignation speech that "After 10 years at the helm of Xiaodongese politics, I believe that we have succeeded in our programme of growth and reform. However, one can only oversee this process for so long, and it is for this reason that I am announcing that I will not continue as First Minister for much longer" and that he was "ready to see the next generation of Xiaodongese leaders take the mantle of protectors of the National Principlist movement." Leader of the opposition Hu Wenjuan called Yuan's resignation "good news".
Normalisation
Following the beginning of the state of emergency Yuan declared the Shangean government would oversee "Normalisation" which aimed to re-establish Shangea as a "national state" with centralised, dominant-party rule and the re-imposition of authoritarian governance. Yuan stated "Shangea is in moral chaos; it needs healing and reconciliation. We have taken the first of a series of measured responses to heal Shangea of divisions; to save this country from the collapse of the nation."
Utilising emergency powers, security forces including the police, army and Shujichu were given the right to "detain and question those suspected of terrorism, sedition and general malevolent intent against the nation" as well as raid houses without a warrant. A curfew was implemented, constitutional rights suspended, the media subject to greater censorship and political organisations put under investigation. All members of organisations branded as anti-patriotic must present themselves to the police for processing. In February the government decreed the Shangean folk religious sect Righteous Harmony Movement (Yundong) had infiltrated the government and as such was to be purged.
By March 2017, 1,500 people had been executed by the regime, 30,000 arrested and 80,000 either suspended or removed from their jobs. In May 2018 the electoral commission dissolved the opposition UDA for electoral fraud and reassigned seats to two other opposition parties, the Association for Promoting Democracy and the Movement for National Principalism. In June 2018 former First Minister Han Guanzheng was arrested for corruption, the highest profile arrest of the Normalisation process.
Foreign policy
In 2018 during the passage of the Katsarou-Vasiliev Act in Luziyca Yuan stated that the act was a "regrettable act of anti-developing protectionism" but that the Xiaodongese government would "not seriously consider acting upon this, given it seems to be a proposal rather than concrete policy".
At the 2018 International Forum for Developing States summit in Namo Yuan stated that Xiaodong wanted to create a free trade area or customs union amongst member states and stated that "The developing world needs to show solidarity and that is best done by joining the IFDS. If developing nations all join the IFDS than we can ensure this century is the one of mutual development and cooperation, rather than the poverty and hostility the EC seeks to promote".
Following the successful passing of sanctions against Xiaodong, the UNIR and Razaria Yuan stated Xiaodong was in a "state of siege" and that "We need to become self-sufficient, in the same way we have always aimed for self-sufficiency...we are orienting to a policy of import-substitution industrialisation and the development of a technology economy in order to ensure prosperity in this great country and for its people". Yuan further condemned the EC on the grounds that "The neoliberal neo-imperialist and liberal-leftist forces within the EC want to ensure Xiaodong and other anti-imperialist stalwarts like Namor and the UNIR are in a position of subservience. We must combat such forces to ensure the sovereignty of the free world is preserved from the forces of international finance".
As a result of the sanctions Yuan promoted the advancement of what the Xiaodongese government have termed a "siege economy"
Ideology and beliefs
Yuan is a self-described "Neo-National Principlist" and nationalist, having previously spoken positively about illiberal democracy and dirigisme. In 2008 Yuan stated he was part of the "anti-imperialist tradition in Shangean politics" being strongly in favour of south-south cooperation and a critic of "Eucleanisation". In the international press, Yuan personal views have been defined as socially conservative, ultranationalist and authoritarian. However domestic analyst Hu Guxiang stated Yuan's nationalist views have been overstated, saying Yuan is a "pragmatic conservative who uses divisive rhetoric to appeal to a nationalist section of society" and went onto say unlike previous Shangean leaders "has placed as much emphasis on social reform as economic development".
Nationalism
Yuan has been identified both domestically and abroad as a Shangean nationalist. In 2008, Yuan stated that Shangea was "one nation with one culture...as a nation, we must defend our core values and our sovereignty". Yuan later went onto say Shangea "stands tall over other nations" due to a "unique, beautiful culture, a proud history and hospitable people". Yuan as Premier criticised globalisation as "undermining the nation-state" and stated Shangea would "never acquiesce to rule by global elites".
Yuan since 2013 has supported a form of economic nationalism, opposing foreign ownership of industry in Shangea and passing the Law on State-Sector Reform (2013) which banned foreign citizens from buying up shares in privatised companies. Yuan defended the move as necessary to protecting Shangean industry.
Historical Revisionism
Yuan Xiannian giving a speech on historical revisionism in the State Presidium in 2009
Yuan is well known for his historical revisionist views regarding the Senrian-Xiaodongese War and the Heavenly Shangean Empire in general. Yuan has stated that the Senrian-SHangean War was initiated by "anti-Shangean Senrian militarists" following the Senrian reclamation of Bantian (Sakata) and that war could have been avoided if such an action was not "taken by Senria for the sole purpose of destabilising Shangea, which is fundamentally a peaceful nation". Yuan has gone on further to claim that Shangea's initial takeover of Bantian was justified under international norms at the time, and has stated that Shangea's empire was "benign" than many others. In 2008, Yuan stated "under Shangean rule, places such as Chanwa, Bantian and many more prospered - there was compulsory education and almost no unemployment. Compare that to Bahia, or Asteria, where native people were oppressed and those nations were exploited by their colonial masters." Yuan has been a trenchant critic of Estmere and Etruria as examples of "evil empires" but has defended the view of the existence of "humane empires, of which Shangea's is the most pre-eminent".
Yuan has denied that there was a "policy of extermination" in Senria, saying such talk is "Senrian functionalist propaganda" and that mass killings were a result of war. Yuan has claimed that foreign historians have obsessed over the genocide, which he labelled a "detail of history" and that Senrian war crimes "were in effect as bad as those committed by Shangea". In 2016, Yuan stated that " the Senrian claim that there was a pre-planned effort to kill civilians on a mass scale is absurd...why would a nation, especially one with as peaceful culture as Shangea, do such crimes?".
Immigration
Yuan has supported Shangean immigration to other countries, saying "any of our countrymen who move overseas is spreading Xiaodongese culture, which is but only beneficial to the world". However, Yuan has opposed immigration to Shangea from other countries, especially Siamat and places in Sataria. Yuan justified this on the grounds "countries Shangean people emigrate to are multicultural societies. Shangea has one culture, Shangean culture, and so cannot accept immigrants of other cultures.".
Public perception
Yuan has often been seen within Shangea and abroad as a strongman politician who has "significantly moved Shangea in a more authotarian direction". Within Xiaodong, Yuan is generally seen as a strong leader "who unlike other recent leaders such as Yang Zhengming and Jiang Zhongyu has charisma" and is credited for good economic management and rising living standards during his premiership.
Shangea Daily has attributed Yuan's popularity within Shangea as being partly down to his successful cultivation of a nationalist political base that is "anti-Senrian, anti-western and defensive of traditional Shangean culture, whilst his economic reforms and quasi-socialist policies have meant many working class Shangean people have lent their support for Yuan" and that opposition to him mainly comes from the urban intelligentsia and students. Yuan's popularity has also been attributed to his use of modern media and assertive personality compared to other Shangean leaders. Political analyst Tao Huangqing stated "Yuan's predecessor, Yang Zhengming, kept very much in the background seeking to build consensus and project an image of efficient, technocratic but dull and uninspiring government. Yuan in comparison has attempted to project an image of a strong confident Shangea that is committed both to modernisation and its own culture, and has a result has gained goodwill amongst the Shangean people".
Yuan has been accused of maintaining "a veneer of democracy and free speech to the extent it could appear credible in the eyes of western partners whilst in reality dismantling and disregarding democratic institutions and freedoms."
Controversies
Accusations of racism
Yuan has been accused of promoting racism against Senrian people, having numerous times referred to Senria as a "barbarian country" (野蛮的 国家; yěmán de guójiā), a term used mostly by former First Minister Sun Yuting in the 1970's and Shangean leaders in the 1920's-30's. Yuan has also accused Senrians of "having an anti-Shangean hatred" and "feeling inferior to others, resulting in their country to be both extremely violent and xenophobic". Yuan's comments regarding Senrians have led to protests in Senria, with the government banning Yuan from travelling to the country in 2008.
Conflict with Jiang Zhongyu
Up until 2017, Yuan was widely seen to be in a "power struggle" with
Jiang Zhongyu, Second Minister from 2005-2009 and State Chairman from 2009-2016. This was especially controversial during Jiang's term as State Chairman from 2009-2016 as relations between the First Minister's office and the State Chairman deteriorated so much that the 2011-2016 State Presidium was the least productive legislature since 1988 due to Jiang consistently vetoing legalisation proposed by the Yuan government.
Whilst serving as Finance Minister and Second Minister Jiang was recorded as having a "poor" relationship with Yuan, although such disagreements were masked by collective ministerial responsibility. However following Jiang's elevation to State Chairman (widely seen at the time as an attempt to marginalise Jiang from active politics) the feud between the two men became more prominent, as Jiang vetoed several proposals made by the Yuan government such as a decrease in income taxes.
The 2014 drive to change the constitution was vocally opposed by Jiang, who was not consulted on the proposed changes. Critics accused Yuan of intentionally keeping Jiang out the consultation process regarding the constitution for "reasons of hubris". Yuan however accused Jiang of violating the State Chairman's constitutional role as an impartial arbiter. Jiang's vetoing of the changes and subsequent move to remove him from office was questioned by some commentators as both men attempting to score political points rather than govern.
In 2017, Jiang was arrested on the orders of the Yuan government on the grounds that he had plotted a coup d'état against Yuan in 2012. Some have stated that the charges against Jiang are fabricated and that he was arrested for the sole purpose of Yuan wanting to remove a political rival.
Media censorship
During his time in power press freedom in Shangea has worsened. In 2008, Yuan criticised the Shangean media for "spreading disinformation and generally holding anti-Shangean perspectives...we can fix that". Upon coming to power Yuan fired the head of the state owned media company Chen Chenhai and replaced him with Li Yibo, who was perceived to be loyal to Yuan.
In 2009 in the run up to the election that year the Law on Press Freedom was passed, which stated that the press could not spread "fake news" and that all newspapers must subject themselves to anti-disinformation checks to stop disinformation - if press companies were accused to "systematic disinformation" their assets would be subject to government control. According to press freedom organisations, the press under Yuan have been "put under enormous pressure to conform to the government line or face repercussions.
Between 2009-2014 45 journalists were imprisoned in Shangea for violating the Law on Press Freedom. In 2014 anti-government news organisation The Sun was forcibly nationalised by the state for "systematically spreading disinformation" and subsequently privatised to East Sea Media Network, a pro-government media network owned by oligarch Hu Jiaobang. In 2015 Tao Rongzhu, a journalist covering the 2015 anti-corruption protests from an anti-government perspective was assassinated. The Yuan government denied any knowledge of Tao's assassin.
In 2017 following the start of Normalisation the government imposed the Law on Public Relations which had previously been repealed in 1988 as part of the democratisation process, thus returning formalised censorship to Shangea.
Genocide denialism
Over his career Yuan has been accused of downplaying or denying the Senrian Genocide. In 1998, Yuan was recorded to saying to a group of journalists that "there's no historical consensus on the actions of the Shangean military in the 1930's...certainly, there's not much in the way of proof of a policy. Shangea is a peaceful nation, so it is difficult to fathom how it could be charged with genocide". Yuan is also a member of the Society for the Investigation of the Senrian Incident", an ultranationalist revisionist group that states there was no "policy of genocide" in Senria by Shangean troops.
A protest against Yuan's historical revisionism in 2010
In 2007 Yuan questioned if the mass killings in Senria constituted a genocide. "Senrian women and children were largely spared and that only military age men were targeted by the Shangean military in the 1930's...whilst a tragic situation, it does not fit the academic description of a genocide." Whilst expressing "regret" towards Senria in 2008, Yuan went on to say "the so-called deportations were in fact evacuation of Senrian citizens from urban areas that were under threat from being bombed by Senrian aircraft. Whilst stop may have died at relocation camps, it was not as part of a policy of genocide, but an unfortunate side effect of poor conditions. If the Senrian bombings did not cut off aid to these camps, then Senrian civilians need not have died". Yuan referred to Shangean records from the time in supporting his claims - the Shangean national archives are for the most part barred from the general public and academics.
In 2016, in response to Senrian Prime Minister Hayato Nisimura Yuan stated "if a genocide took place, why then do 8,000 Senrians live in Shangea? Surely, if we are to believe Mr Nishimura's claims, that the Shangean committed genocide, we would not show such hospitality to such people... Shangea actions in the 1930's are a detail of history - both Senria and Shangea did atrocities in the war...every country does so in war. However, the Senrian claim that there was a pre-planned effort to kill civilians on a mass scale is absurd, especially as the "proof" they show is some grainy photographs - probably from Senrian labour camps their regime sends people to - and burnt out buildings. Why would a nation, especially one with as peaceful culture as Shangea, do such crimes? I cannot understand Mr Nishimura's account of history...Shangea is a peaceful nation, and for over 80 years has not declared war on another nation. Our culture, informed by traditions, abhors violence and upholds the sanctity of life. It is an insult to the Shangean nation to suggest that our country has the shadow of genocide associated with it".
Human rights abuses
In a speech made in 2007 Yuan promoted a "Xiaodongese approach to human rights" that better fitted Xiaodongese conditions.
Under Yuan Xiaodong's human rights situation has deteriorated according to the Chorean based Esquarian Human Rights Monitor, Luziycan Guardians of Liberty and Xiaodongese Human Rights Monitor. Under Yuan harassment of opposition figures, jailing of political dissidents in Duljun and restrictions of the Duljunese language and cultural practices increased. There has been consistant criticism of a continued lack of an independent judiciary and police force within Xiaodong. The Yuan government was judged to do little to stop and even encouraged racism against Senrians and Duljunese.
Since the start of Normalisation Xiaodong's human rights have been judged some of the worst in the world, with the EHRM stating "Xiaodong has become the site of disastrous attacks on liberty after the ruling Xiaodong Regeneration Society rigged an election to retain power, crushed protesters with military force, jailed opposition, stamped out free speech and a free media, resurrected the thought-dead censorship laws and surveillance system and endorsed police brutality and torture. The culture of child labour and a lack of worker safety laws remains untouched. For Xiaodong, it has now abandoned its previous commitment to democracy to engage in repression not seen in the country since the 1970s."
Personal life
Yuan married
Lu Yanling in April 1977. Lu is the grand daughter of
Lu Keqian and has served alongside her husband in her own political career, being Chief Minister of Yuan's home prefecture of Jiebu from 2008-2016 and has since 2016 been the Presiding Officer of the State Presidium, the fourth most powerful post in Xiaodong.
Yuan has 3 daughters - Yuan Qinqin (born 1977) Yuan Xun (born 1982) and Yuan Miaoling (1988-2014). Yuan Miaoling and Yuan Qinqin both were elected to the State Presidium as members of the Regeneration Society, whilst Yuan Xun works as a fashion consultant. In 2016 Yuan Qinqin was promoted to the Council of Ministers as the Minister of Defence and Military Planning.
In June 2014, Yuan Miaoling was embroiled in a scandal relating to her finances, being accused of filing donations intended for the Regeneration Society in a foreign-account in Montecara, which was illegal under Xiaodongese law. Miaoling refused to resign from her seat, prompting intense media scrutiny - when she exited the Supreme Hall of State protesters threw coins and dead animals at her, as well as sending her death threats. In July 2014 Miaoling was found dead in her house having hung herself. Yuan called for the media to "give my family solace" following the suicide.
Yuan's personal wealth is estimated to be around 金600 million ($5.72 million) ostensibly gained through several properties and investments made by Yuan, whose personal salary as State Chairman is 金8.5 million ($81,079). Yuan denies owning any "black gold", even voluntarily going under a presidiual investigation which found Yuan to have "clean" finances. Critics allege Yuan has practiced corruption in his time in power.
Guofeng District, Shengkong, Shangea
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