FUA Crisis: Difference between revisions
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{{flagicon image|Flag of Bolivia (state, 1826-1851).svg|22px}} [[Secadia]]<br/> | {{flagicon image|Flag of Bolivia (state, 1826-1851).svg|22px}} [[Secadia]]<br/> | ||
{{flagicon image|Bandera Provincia Napo.svg|22px}} [[Equatorial Amerigonna]]<br/> | {{flagicon image|Bandera Provincia Napo.svg|22px}} [[Equatorial Amerigonna]]<br/> | ||
{{flagicon image|Flag of the Central African Republic.svg|22px}} [[United Republic of Africanna]]<br/> | |||
| commander1 = ''''' | | commander1 = ''''' | ||
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==Background== | ==Background== | ||
The origins of the conflict point to the FUA’s progression to a centralized global government. The initiative was spearheaded by [[James Robert Boya]], who desired to implement the goal for his belief of lasting world peace, which were anti-Commonwealth in nature. Further accelerating this drive were the appointments of his son [[Jonathan Boya]], who was appointed Vice Premier Secretary, his daughter [[Abigail Boya]] the Economic Overseer and his friends [[Victor Krauser]] and [[Sebastiano Schlechtnacht]], products of nepotism practiced by the Boya family and their supporters. From this, the FUA proceeded to make initiatives that would conjure tensions within its body. Political moves assented such as [[FUA General Mandate]]s [[FUA General Mandate 80/24|80/24]], [[FUA General Mandate 84/46|84/46]] gradually gave the General Secretary more executive powers and extended Boya's term in office. Supplanting this were the reformation of the voting system; increased powers of the [[FUA General Assembly]] and [[FUA Economic Committee|FUAEC]]; inclusion of [[Lorica]], the [[Nanja Republic]], the [[Guadosalam Federation]] into permanent membership in the [[FUA Security Assembly]] in 2010 and 2012; the official recognition and economic assistance to the [[Neo-Maximilianist Regime]] in the [[Autocratic East Europan Imperial Alliance]] since 2010; increased economic assistance to the Nanja Republic; the raising of the international economic interest rate from 3.41% to 5% in the [[Anti-Inflation Mandate of 2014]]; and the increased quota and additional privileges for the [[FUA Peacekeeping Force]]. From these reforms, the FUA was essentially a supranational union. FUA emissaries from the [[Lucis Commonwealth of Nations]], [[Quenmin]], [[Joyonghea]], [[Bethausia]], [[Kyachindwin]], the [[Holy Trabian Empire]], [[Esthar and Balamb]], [[Ilari]] and [[Equatorial Amerigonna]] condemned the moves in response after sensing their authoritarian motives, calls which opened and persisted an ever-growing fissure in the [[FUA General Assembly]]. | The origins of the conflict point to the FUA’s progression to a centralized global government. The initiative was spearheaded by [[James Robert Boya]], who desired to implement the goal for his belief of lasting world peace, which were anti-Commonwealth in nature. Boya suspected that nations within the Commonweath and countries possessing cordial relations with the Commonwealth were either corrupted or being seduced by the international organization in interests that in his view were divisive. Further accelerating this drive were the appointments of his son [[Jonathan Boya]], who was appointed Vice Premier Secretary, his daughter [[Abigail Boya]] the Economic Overseer and his friends [[Victor Krauser]] and [[Sebastiano Schlechtnacht]], products of nepotism practiced by the Boya family and their supporters. From this, the FUA proceeded to make initiatives that would conjure tensions within its body. Political moves assented such as [[FUA General Mandate]]s [[FUA General Mandate 80/24|80/24]], [[FUA General Mandate 84/46|84/46]] gradually gave the General Secretary more executive powers and extended Boya's term in office. Supplanting this were the reformation of the voting system; increased powers of the [[FUA General Assembly]] and [[FUA Economic Committee|FUAEC]]; inclusion of [[Lorica]], the [[Nanja Republic]], the [[Guadosalam Federation]] into permanent membership in the [[FUA Security Assembly]] in 2010 and 2012; the official recognition and economic assistance to the [[Neo-Maximilianist Regime]] in the [[Autocratic East Europan Imperial Alliance]] since 2010; increased economic assistance to the Nanja Republic; the raising of the international economic interest rate from 3.41% to 5% in the [[Anti-Inflation Mandate of 2014]]; and the increased quota and additional privileges for the [[FUA Peacekeeping Force]]. From these reforms, the FUA was essentially a supranational union. FUA emissaries from the [[Lucis Commonwealth of Nations]], [[Quenmin]], [[Joyonghea]], [[Bethausia]], [[Kyachindwin]], the [[Holy Trabian Empire]], [[Esthar and Balamb]], [[Ilari]] and [[Equatorial Amerigonna]] condemned the moves in response after sensing their authoritarian motives, calls which opened and persisted an ever-growing fissure in the [[FUA General Assembly]]. | ||
Overtime, the FUA increasingly displayed their bias against the Commonwealth and nations | Overtime, the FUA increasingly displayed their bias against the Commonwealth and nations who challenged the FUA's motives, and would heighten in 2016 with the FUA media playing a significant role in widening the rift. In the aftermath of the [[Bombardment of the Gimhung Islands]] in October 2014, the FUA condemned Joyonghea's "harsh" response and ordered it to stand down in return for punishments stated in [[FUA Security Mandate 82/165|Security Mandate 82/165]], though the punishments were lenient. In 2015, the FUA recognized Lorica's claims in the [[Sea of Quenmin]] via [[FUA General Mandate 85/3]] and raised Nanja's nuclear quota in [[FUA Security Mandate 85/276]] during [[FUA Special Session 85]] in response to the commencement of [[Exercise TRIOC]], which was perceived provocative to Lorica and Nanja. It garnered negative reception among most members of the [[Association of Asianna Nations]] as a . Furthermore, an imposition of temporary economic sanctions was issued on June 2015 in [[Economic Mandate 85/10 A-E]], which includes a special interest rate towards the Commonwealth Bank. Although the sanctions were temporary on paper, the Mandate was written in a way where it is able to stay active indefinitely. As measures were undertaken by the Commonwealth and its supporters to bypass the sanctions, Boya assented [[FUA Economic Mandate 85/5 A-C|Economic Mandate 85/5 A-C]], which contributed to the [[New Year's Financial Crisis]] with the FUAEC’s raising of interest rates and reduction of the Gil-Tiền exchange rate. Overtime, these measures convinced Americuatorian president [[Iker Sáez]] to disagree with the unfair policies on the Assembly opposition and the unfavorable economic policy on his nation's petroleum exports, and threaten to secede from the Association, which culminated in his [[Assassination of Iker Sáez|assassination]] and the subsequent ascension of [[Alex Ureña Pinto]] and instigation of the [[Americuatorian Civil War of 2016]]. In Asianna from December 2015 to March 2016, border clashes by Lorica against [[Lorican-Quenminese Border Clashes|Quenmin]] and [[Joyonghean-Lorican Border Clashes|Joyonghea]] were instigated, but the FUA issued sanctions that held no effect on Lorica, acts which were condemned by the affected nations, including the Commonwealth and [[Ilari]]. Meanwhile, East Europa continued to enjoy economic and security benefits, until the underground resistance group named the [[Gneisenau Circle]] began operations to disrupt them. This led East Europa to pressure Boya for permanent membership in the Security Assembly, and it was secured via [[FUA General Mandate 86/40]]. Admission of East Europa into the Security Assembly proved to be the last straw for the FUA opposition, and in 15 February 2016, they officially seceded to form the [[Alliance of Independent States]]. Boya was then granted emergency powers via [[FUA General Mandate 85/9]] until tensions with the AIS abated; a Mandate unironically named the "Dictator Mandate". Alongside, the FUA imposed harsh sanctions in [[FUA Economic Mandate 86/1]], which includes a harsh tarriff on all secessionist exports. Eventually, an Allied special operations mission gone wrong persuaded the FUA to issue [[Security Mandate 86/23]], which officially declared war against the AIS. Subsequently, the General Assembly passed [[FUA General Mandate 86/110|General Mandate 86/110]], which enabled Boya to stay as General Secretary for life and enhanced his powers as Commander-in-Chief of the [[FUA Peacekeeping Force]]. | ||
==Overiew of the conflict== | |||
==Aftermath== | |||
==Legacy== |
Latest revision as of 05:00, 29 July 2023
The FUA Crisis, also recognized as the Union-Alliance War, the FUA-AIS War, the Third Great War, the Crisis of the Twenty-First Century and the Third Europan War, was a worldwide conflict that was fought between the Federal Union Association (FUA) and the Alliance of Independent States (AIS). It lasted from 2016, with the Lorican aggression on Joyonghea, Bethausia, Quenmin and Kyachindwin, the Russite Invasion of Jutland-Gimli, and the Imperial Invasion of West Europa. It ended on 2021 with the Treaty of Tristannia, which formalized the dissolution of the FUA. Total casualties render the war the fourth bloodiest conflict in Eordis history.
Conflict brewed with the FUA’s progression to a centralized global government, spearheaded by James Robert Boya. Further accelerating this drive and sentiment was the nepotism practice by him and his family, with his son Jonathan appointed Vice Premier Secretary and Abigail Boya the Economic Overseer. From this, the FUA proceeded to make political, economic and security initiatives that would transform the FUA into a supranational union. This fostered tensions within its body, and it precipitated the creation of the Alliance of Independent States, formed from the secession of nations such as those from the Lucis Commonwealth of Nations, Quenmin, Joyonghea, Bethausia and Ilari. Eventually, tensions ignited when the FUA issued FUA Security Mandate 86/23 on 31 March 2016, which formerly labeled the AIS a rogue entity and justified a declaration of war.
The Crisis was instigated in several theaters, namely the Third Europan War, the Second War of Lorican Aggression, the Indiae Bethausian Kyachindwin Theater, the Great South Amerigonnan War, the Circum-Africanna War and the Oceanian Crisis. The FUA gained the upper hand in the first years of the war, and their efforts accelerated with the Commonwealth Crisis, when the United Empire of Lucis and South Niflheim was declared. However, in late 2018, the tide began to turn with developments in Europa, Asianna, Africanna and South Amerigonna, with significant contribution from the Allied special forces from Task Force 141, Task Force 219, Task Force 853 and Task Force Vicuña. The last engagement of the Crisis saw Boya attempting the use the Felo'Melorn against Allied special forces. Without a capable successor, the FUA ceased military operations and opened negotiations with the AIS on 10 September 2021.
The Treaty of Tristannia formerly ended the conflict on 15 September 2021, though leftover conflicts such as the Erebonian Civil War and the Continued Insurgency in Equatorial Amerigonna would continue until 2022. The lenient terms towards the Autocratic East Europan Imperial Alliance fostered concerns among Quenmin, Joyonghea, Concordia, Bethausia, and Trabia leadership regarding the Autocratic East Europan Imperial Alliance’s ulterior motives, which was subsequently amplified by the Global Neoconservative Movement. This would mutate into a dispute within the Allied High Council and the neoconservatives' instigation of the Chalcedonic War, which consequently formed a rift that would spark into the Neocon War.
Background
The origins of the conflict point to the FUA’s progression to a centralized global government. The initiative was spearheaded by James Robert Boya, who desired to implement the goal for his belief of lasting world peace, which were anti-Commonwealth in nature. Boya suspected that nations within the Commonweath and countries possessing cordial relations with the Commonwealth were either corrupted or being seduced by the international organization in interests that in his view were divisive. Further accelerating this drive were the appointments of his son Jonathan Boya, who was appointed Vice Premier Secretary, his daughter Abigail Boya the Economic Overseer and his friends Victor Krauser and Sebastiano Schlechtnacht, products of nepotism practiced by the Boya family and their supporters. From this, the FUA proceeded to make initiatives that would conjure tensions within its body. Political moves assented such as FUA General Mandates 80/24, 84/46 gradually gave the General Secretary more executive powers and extended Boya's term in office. Supplanting this were the reformation of the voting system; increased powers of the FUA General Assembly and FUAEC; inclusion of Lorica, the Nanja Republic, the Guadosalam Federation into permanent membership in the FUA Security Assembly in 2010 and 2012; the official recognition and economic assistance to the Neo-Maximilianist Regime in the Autocratic East Europan Imperial Alliance since 2010; increased economic assistance to the Nanja Republic; the raising of the international economic interest rate from 3.41% to 5% in the Anti-Inflation Mandate of 2014; and the increased quota and additional privileges for the FUA Peacekeeping Force. From these reforms, the FUA was essentially a supranational union. FUA emissaries from the Lucis Commonwealth of Nations, Quenmin, Joyonghea, Bethausia, Kyachindwin, the Holy Trabian Empire, Esthar and Balamb, Ilari and Equatorial Amerigonna condemned the moves in response after sensing their authoritarian motives, calls which opened and persisted an ever-growing fissure in the FUA General Assembly.
Overtime, the FUA increasingly displayed their bias against the Commonwealth and nations who challenged the FUA's motives, and would heighten in 2016 with the FUA media playing a significant role in widening the rift. In the aftermath of the Bombardment of the Gimhung Islands in October 2014, the FUA condemned Joyonghea's "harsh" response and ordered it to stand down in return for punishments stated in Security Mandate 82/165, though the punishments were lenient. In 2015, the FUA recognized Lorica's claims in the Sea of Quenmin via FUA General Mandate 85/3 and raised Nanja's nuclear quota in FUA Security Mandate 85/276 during FUA Special Session 85 in response to the commencement of Exercise TRIOC, which was perceived provocative to Lorica and Nanja. It garnered negative reception among most members of the Association of Asianna Nations as a . Furthermore, an imposition of temporary economic sanctions was issued on June 2015 in Economic Mandate 85/10 A-E, which includes a special interest rate towards the Commonwealth Bank. Although the sanctions were temporary on paper, the Mandate was written in a way where it is able to stay active indefinitely. As measures were undertaken by the Commonwealth and its supporters to bypass the sanctions, Boya assented Economic Mandate 85/5 A-C, which contributed to the New Year's Financial Crisis with the FUAEC’s raising of interest rates and reduction of the Gil-Tiền exchange rate. Overtime, these measures convinced Americuatorian president Iker Sáez to disagree with the unfair policies on the Assembly opposition and the unfavorable economic policy on his nation's petroleum exports, and threaten to secede from the Association, which culminated in his assassination and the subsequent ascension of Alex Ureña Pinto and instigation of the Americuatorian Civil War of 2016. In Asianna from December 2015 to March 2016, border clashes by Lorica against Quenmin and Joyonghea were instigated, but the FUA issued sanctions that held no effect on Lorica, acts which were condemned by the affected nations, including the Commonwealth and Ilari. Meanwhile, East Europa continued to enjoy economic and security benefits, until the underground resistance group named the Gneisenau Circle began operations to disrupt them. This led East Europa to pressure Boya for permanent membership in the Security Assembly, and it was secured via FUA General Mandate 86/40. Admission of East Europa into the Security Assembly proved to be the last straw for the FUA opposition, and in 15 February 2016, they officially seceded to form the Alliance of Independent States. Boya was then granted emergency powers via FUA General Mandate 85/9 until tensions with the AIS abated; a Mandate unironically named the "Dictator Mandate". Alongside, the FUA imposed harsh sanctions in FUA Economic Mandate 86/1, which includes a harsh tarriff on all secessionist exports. Eventually, an Allied special operations mission gone wrong persuaded the FUA to issue Security Mandate 86/23, which officially declared war against the AIS. Subsequently, the General Assembly passed General Mandate 86/110, which enabled Boya to stay as General Secretary for life and enhanced his powers as Commander-in-Chief of the FUA Peacekeeping Force.