Progressive Alliance (Gylias): Difference between revisions
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The experience of the [[Aén Ďanez government]] was ultimately detrimental for the bloc. The coalition was marred by bitterness between the RR and PA, dating back to the [[Lucian Purge]]; both attempted to undermine the other. As the crises of the [[wretched decade]] grew, the PA increasingly lost support in [[Elections in Gylias#Municipal elections|municipal]] and [[Elections in Gylias#Regional elections|regional]] elections throughout the 1980s. A second-place finish in the [[Gylian federal election, 1980|1980 federal election]] led to a renewal of the fractious coalition, before [[Aén Ďanez]] ejected the PA from the coalition in 1983. | The experience of the [[Aén Ďanez government]] was ultimately detrimental for the bloc. The coalition was marred by bitterness between the RR and PA, dating back to the [[Lucian Purge]]; both attempted to undermine the other. As the crises of the [[wretched decade]] grew, the PA increasingly lost support in [[Elections in Gylias#Municipal elections|municipal]] and [[Elections in Gylias#Regional elections|regional]] elections throughout the 1980s. A second-place finish in the [[Gylian federal election, 1980|1980 federal election]] led to a renewal of the fractious coalition, before [[Aén Ďanez]] ejected the PA from the coalition in 1983. | ||
The 1980s caused a factional conflict within the PA, between "coalitionists" — advocates of remaining in coalition to "restrain" the RR — and "oppositionists". The "oppositionists" took the upper hand after 1983, but the damage to the bloc's credibility was done. It finished second in the [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]], behind the {{G-NB}}. | The 1980s caused a factional conflict within the PA, between "coalitionists" — advocates of remaining in coalition to "restrain" the RR — and "oppositionists". The "oppositionists" took the upper hand after 1983, but the damage to the bloc's credibility was done. It finished second in the [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]], behind the {{G-NB}}. The internal conflict gave birth to a [[Róisín Ní Bradáin|"Róisínist"]] faction, that argued in favour of moderation and disavowing radicalism in order to regain the electorate's trust. | ||
Opposition disunity allowed Aén to remain in office as a caretaker until the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986, after which the opposition banded together and formed the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. In preparation for the next election, the PA reformed its internal {{wpl|primary election|primary system}} to restore a [[Gylian English|foresitter]], aiming to end the factional battles that had weakened it in the wretched decade. | Opposition disunity allowed Aén to remain in office as a caretaker until the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986, after which the opposition banded together and formed the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. In preparation for the next election, the PA reformed its internal {{wpl|primary election|primary system}} to restore a [[Gylian English|foresitter]], aiming to end the factional battles that had weakened it in the wretched decade. |
Revision as of 09:51, 8 October 2022
Progressive Alliance | |
---|---|
Founded | 1960 |
Ideology | |
Political position | Left-wing to Far-left |
Colors | Red |
The Progressive Alliance (French reformed: Alliance progressiste) is an electoral bloc of leftist parties in Gylias. Formed in 1960, it is the main leftist electoral bloc in Gylias, and one of the most influential blocs in Gylias. Among electoral blocs, it has the longest record of participation in federal government.
History
The bloc developed out of the existing DCP–SP–SDP alliance that emerged after the 1958 federal election. It was officially established soon after electoral reform and the creation of the Centre Group. Two further parties formed in the bloc — the DL and LSL — as part of a general consolidation of 5-party electoral blocs. The name was deliberately chosen to share the initials of the People's Army.
The PA was the senior member of the Darnan Cyras government coalition. As such, it played a key role in supporting and encouraging the Golden Revolution.
The death of Aliska Géza before the 1976 federal election deprived the PA of its frontrunner, and set off a period of collective leadership. A demoralised PA was narrowly beaten by the Revolutionary Rally in first preference votes, but both blocs finished with the same number of deputies. Following a month-long impasse, the PA agreed to join a coalition with the RR, mainly in the hopes of "restraining" the RR in office until the next election.
The experience of the Aén Ďanez government was ultimately detrimental for the bloc. The coalition was marred by bitterness between the RR and PA, dating back to the Lucian Purge; both attempted to undermine the other. As the crises of the wretched decade grew, the PA increasingly lost support in municipal and regional elections throughout the 1980s. A second-place finish in the 1980 federal election led to a renewal of the fractious coalition, before Aén Ďanez ejected the PA from the coalition in 1983.
The 1980s caused a factional conflict within the PA, between "coalitionists" — advocates of remaining in coalition to "restrain" the RR — and "oppositionists". The "oppositionists" took the upper hand after 1983, but the damage to the bloc's credibility was done. It finished second in the 1985 federal election, behind the National Bloc. The internal conflict gave birth to a "Róisínist" faction, that argued in favour of moderation and disavowing radicalism in order to regain the electorate's trust.
Opposition disunity allowed Aén to remain in office as a caretaker until the Ossorian war crisis of 1986, after which the opposition banded together and formed the Filomena Pinheiro government. In preparation for the next election, the PA reformed its internal primary system to restore a foresitter, aiming to end the factional battles that had weakened it in the wretched decade.
The 1990 federal election proved to be a breakthrough for Non-inscrits, as voters punished the established blocs for their role in the wretched decade. The PA had by now rebuilt its reputation under a new foresitter, and was less affected: it suffered a mild dip in support, and finished second, one seat behind the Liberal Union. The "plural coalition" assembled by Mathilde Vieira included a few PA ministers in the cabinet, even though the PA was not formally part of the coalition.
During the 1990s–2000s, the PA had an ambiguous role, alternately providing outside support for and opposing the Mathilde Vieira government depending on issues. It recovered support at the municipal and regional level, and made steady gains federally, although consistently remaining second behind the LU.
Following Mathilde Vieira's retirement, the PA joined the Kaori Kawashima government, formally restoring the PA–LU alliance of the Golden Revolution. It finished first in the 2012 and 2016 federal elections, taking a senior role in the Toni Vallas government.
The PA narrowly lost the 2020 federal election. It is currently the official opposition to the Lena Haidynraix government.
Composition
Party | Main ideology | |
---|---|---|
Democratic Communist Party (DCP) | ||
Socialist Party (SP) | Democratic socialism | |
Social Democratic Party (SDP) | Social democracy | |
Democratic Left (DL) | Council communism | |
Labour Solidarity League (LSL) |
Ideology
The PA is the main leftist bloc of Gylian politics, complemented by various left-wing Non-inscrits. The bloc includes parties with anarcho-communist, libertarian socialist, and autonomist positions. It is considered left-wing to far-left by international standards, but is conventionally seen as centre-left in Gylias.
Common platform planks include support for decentralised planning, workers' self-management, cooperatives, a strong labour movement, economic democracy, federalism, civil libertarianism, multiculturalism, and secularism.
Symbols
The PA uses the colour red as its common colour.
Electoral results
Gylian Parliament
Election | Chamber of Deputies | Senate | Government | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
FPV | % | Seats | FPV | % | Seats | ||
1962 | 1.630.139 | 35,9% | 90 / 285
|
1.658.705 | 36,5% | 90 / 300
|
Coalition |
1969 | 1.860.697 | 32,7% | 89 / 285
|
1.733.992 | 30,4% | 90 / 300
|
Coalition |
1976 | 1.482.475 | 21,0% | 84 / 395
|
1.688.262 | 23,9% | 66 / 300
|
Coalition |
1980 | 1.642.964 | 20,8% | 80 / 395
|
1.761.838 | 22,3% | 65 / 300
|
Coalition |
Opposition | |||||||
1985 | 1.666.497 | 18,9% | 85 / 520
|
1.676.370 | 19,0% | 60 / 300
|
Opposition |
Coalition | |||||||
1990 | 1.850.657 | 18,8% | 63 / 500
|
1.624.083 | 16,5% | 60 / 300
|
Outside support |
1995 | 2.074.452 | 19,1% | 64 / 500
|
1.780.846 | 16,4% | 59 / 300
|
Outside support |
2000 | 2.482.917 | 20,4% | 68 / 500
|
N/A | Outside support | ||
2004 | 2.755.328 | 20,9% | 69 / 500
|
Outside support | |||
2008 | 2.999.575 | 20,7% | 70 / 500
|
Coalition | |||
2012 | 3.930.508 | 24,6% | 90 / 500
|
Coalition | |||
2016 | 4.350.589 | 24,8% | 88 / 500
|
Coalition | |||
2020 | 3.707.886 | 19,4% | 87 / 500
|
Opposition |