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Simeon was born the fifth child and only surviving son of Boris Kovachev, a middle-class military officer in the Tengarian Imperial Army, in 1901. His family hailed from the town of [[Stelsti]] in the southern region of the [[Empire of Tengaria]], near the city of [[Istros]]. He would often read alone rather than play with his older sisters and other children, and is said to have been a quiet and serious child. He had a keen and sharp intellect, learning to read by age 4. As their only son, his parents were ready to invest money in him to get him a good education. When he was five, his parents hired a tutor to teach him. The teacher happened to be a young and brilliant philosopher and {{wp|polymath}} [[Ivan Istina]], a native of Istros who taught Simeon but was also taking a sabbatical in order to do research and contemplate in leisure. Through this, Simeon was already exposed at a very young age to the basics of a {{wp|liberal education}}, mastering Euclid's elements, among other things. Simeon took to his studies quite well, already showing a deep love for the intellectual life. After three years Istina left to go back to Istros and teach his philosophy to the [[Agora (school)|Agora]]. His father Boris wanted him to pursue a career in the Imperial Army like he had done, and worked to get his son into a good school. Simeon, already ahead of his peers and a precocious student, was accepted into the Sila School, a military-run boy's boarding school in the city of [[Lenovo]], at the age of eight. | Simeon was born the fifth child and only surviving son of Boris Kovachev, a middle-class military officer in the Tengarian Imperial Army, in 1901. His family hailed from the town of [[Stelsti]] in the southern region of the [[Empire of Tengaria]], near the city of [[Istros]]. He would often read alone rather than play with his older sisters and other children, and is said to have been a quiet and serious child. He had a keen and sharp intellect, learning to read by age 4. As their only son, his parents were ready to invest money in him to get him a good education. When he was five, his parents hired a tutor to teach him. The teacher happened to be a young and brilliant philosopher and {{wp|polymath}} [[Ivan Istina]], a native of Istros who taught Simeon but was also taking a sabbatical in order to do research and contemplate in leisure. Through this, Simeon was already exposed at a very young age to the basics of a {{wp|liberal education}}, mastering Euclid's elements, among other things. Simeon took to his studies quite well, already showing a deep love for the intellectual life. After three years Istina left to go back to Istros and teach his philosophy to the [[Agora (school)|Agora]]. His father Boris wanted him to pursue a career in the Imperial Army like he had done, and worked to get his son into a good school. Simeon, already ahead of his peers and a precocious student, was accepted into the Sila School, a military-run boy's boarding school in the city of [[Lenovo]], at the age of eight. | ||
At the school, he consistently and diligently applied himself to his studies and duties, and was consistently at the top of his class. The Sila school utilised a {{wp|classics|classical education}}, which integrated much of what he had already learned under Istina, which facilitated his success. However, he did not make | At the school, he consistently and diligently applied himself to his studies and duties, and was consistently at the top of his class. The Sila school utilised a {{wp|classics|classical education}}, which integrated much of what he had already learned under Istina, which facilitated his success. However, he did not make many friends, and modern historians now associate that he might have been bullied by the other boys at the school, especially by the more popular children. The fact that he was lower class than many of the students, many of whom were of noble descent, and his quiet disposition also probably hindered him from making friends and precipitated the abuse he received from them. Despite this social disadvantage, this did not affect his studies. His classmates later reported that he was quiet, serious, and distant from everyone else, preferring to study and to read in his room over doing social events. | ||
When he was 10 years old, he was invited to join the [[Association of Imperial Scouts]], a new {{wp|scouting}} organisation which began recruiting boys from the Istros area, particularly through the Sila school. As an inagural member of the first Company, where he had a chance to show his interest in outdoors activities beyond his books. This was the first group of friends that Kovachev had really made, and soon became a youth leader in the early organisation. He would go on to become the first Senior Scout in the organisation's history in 1917, and became the Scout Captain of the First Company. Partly due to the influence of the Scouts, he began to engage in athletic activities with the other students, although his interaction with them caused him to not fit well into team sports. However, he performed well in individual sports and became a strong runner and enjoyed track and field events. During this time, he developed a love for the {{wp|Latin|Solarian language}}, and became fluent in it during his time at school. Although he also studied {{wp|Ancient Greek language|Ancient Piraean}}, he never mastered it to the degree that he did Solarian. He graduated from the Sila School at the top of his class at age 16, and was accepted into the Imperial Military Academy in the city of [[Istros]]. | |||
===Imperial Military Academy=== | ===Imperial Military Academy=== | ||
[[File:Rakovski_Military_Academy.JPG|250px|right|thumb|The [[Imperial Military Academy]] in Istros.]] | [[File:Rakovski_Military_Academy.JPG|250px|right|thumb|The [[Imperial Military Academy]] in Istros.]] | ||
Life at the Military Academy was different than life at the Sila School. Although the Sila school was also run by the military and mostly focused on giving the children a disciplined and rigorous education, the Military Academy was a school which primarily focused on developing good military officers in addition to education. As such, although Simeon excelled at athletics and his duties, he ran into trouble with his leadership qualities and communal life. His teachers, recognizing his intellectual capabilities, told him he would make a poor officer if he could not get along with his men. His first year at the Academy was plagued by these issues, and the discouragement which he felt soon began to affect his life. Eventually his studies suffered slightly as well, and his poorer grades dropped him several places. While his life had not completely fallen apart and he was still in the top group of students, by the end of the year he no longer was the top student of the class. | Life at the Military Academy was different than life at the Sila School. Although the Sila school was also run by the military and mostly focused on giving the children a disciplined and rigorous education, the Military Academy was a school which primarily focused on developing good military officers in addition to education. As such, although Simeon excelled at athletics and his duties, he ran into trouble with his leadership qualities and communal life at school- although he excelled with members of his Scout Company, he was unable to connect with his other peers at the Academy. His teachers, recognizing his intellectual capabilities, told him he would make a poor officer if he could not get along with his men. His first year at the Academy was plagued by these issues, and the discouragement which he felt soon began to affect his life. Eventually his studies suffered slightly as well, and his poorer grades dropped him several places. While his life had not completely fallen apart and he was still in the top group of students, by the end of the year he no longer was the top student of the class. | ||
After the completion of the first year, he remained over the break in the city of Istros, and became re-acquainted with the Ivan Istina and the other philosophers of the Znaniya School, who offered free lectures and discourse in the Agora. His old tutor agreed to help teach him both the study of ethics and of rhetoric, so that he could better cultivate the abilities a good soldier should have. Soon he was a regular frequenter of the School, and not only took his tutor's teaching, but also firmly embraced their {{wp|Aristotelianism|Teleological}} philosophy. He decided especially to become Xenagoras's ideal of the virtuous man laid out in the {{wp|Nicomachean Ethics|Ethics}}. Not only did he become a disciple of the school, but he also was able to use the school to begin to make friendships with other students interested in their philosophy, and was able to better learn how to engage with others and refine his speech. | After the completion of the first year, he remained over the break in the city of Istros, and became re-acquainted with the Ivan Istina and the other philosophers of the Znaniya School, who offered free lectures and discourse in the Agora. His old tutor agreed to help teach him both the study of ethics and of rhetoric, so that he could better cultivate the abilities a good soldier should have. Soon he was a regular frequenter of the School, and not only took his tutor's teaching, but also firmly embraced their {{wp|Aristotelianism|Teleological}} philosophy. He decided especially to become Xenagoras's ideal of the virtuous man laid out in the {{wp|Nicomachean Ethics|Ethics}}. Not only did he become a disciple of the school, but he also was able to use the school to begin to make friendships with other students interested in their philosophy, and was able to better learn how to engage with others and refine his speech. | ||
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Kovachev returned to Tengaria well after the completion of the 1945 elections, which saw Stoychev elected for another five years, and a new five-party coalition, still led by the Progressive Party but replacing the moderate People's Party with the left-wing [[Tengarian Section of the Worker's Internationale|TSMR]]. However, the State Council still had a right-wing majority, preventing the united left coalition from achieving much. Because of this, the country's political divisions had grown even worse. Stoychev now had more legislative support to be hostile towards Kovachev, although he did not feel secure enough to dislodge him from his position as commander of the armed forces. The President continued to work at undermining Kovachev by passing over Kovachev's well trained officers for political appointments, beginning to fill the upper ranks with republican loyalists. | Kovachev returned to Tengaria well after the completion of the 1945 elections, which saw Stoychev elected for another five years, and a new five-party coalition, still led by the Progressive Party but replacing the moderate People's Party with the left-wing [[Tengarian Section of the Worker's Internationale|TSMR]]. However, the State Council still had a right-wing majority, preventing the united left coalition from achieving much. Because of this, the country's political divisions had grown even worse. Stoychev now had more legislative support to be hostile towards Kovachev, although he did not feel secure enough to dislodge him from his position as commander of the armed forces. The President continued to work at undermining Kovachev by passing over Kovachev's well trained officers for political appointments, beginning to fill the upper ranks with republican loyalists. | ||
Tensions first reached a head between the President and Field Marshal over the status of the former Imperial Estate. During one of the last stages of his regency, Kovachev had assigned all lands and properties owned by the former Imperial family and monarchs to the Tengarian Army as military instillations, | Tensions first reached a head between the President and Field Marshal over the status of the former Imperial Estate. During one of the last stages of his regency, Kovachev had assigned all lands and properties owned by the former Imperial family and monarchs to the Tengarian Army as military instillations, foreseeing that a government would attempt to seize the properties for their own uses. Several attempts had ocurred before, but had ultimately failed. Stoychev brought the issue to the head when he demanded that the lands be seized as public property and Kovachev refused, saying that it was lawfully property of the military. Attempts to pass laws through the Senate failed when the State Council sided with Kovachev and refused to change the law. The former Tengarian Imperial Palace, which functioned as the headquarters for the armed forces, was set fire to but quickly put out, with the arsonist soon being discovered as a crony of Vasilov. Despite being convicted as guilty, Stoychev pardoned the arsonist anyways, causing widespread anger. Nevertheless, Stoychev did not have legal standing to overturn the property use, and so could do nothing. | ||
As the political situation in Tengaria continued to | As the political situation in Tengaria continued to deteriortate, the poor economic state it was in continued to worsen as well. Kovachev continued to develop the military as well as he could with a tight budget. Due to the small numbers of soldiers the government could afford, Kovachev continued his process of developing the army as professionally as he could, developing a strong corps of {{wp|non-commissioned officers}} with increasingly specialized skills. In order to compensate the soldier's poor wages, he gave most of his own salary to the soldiers when he could, under the stated intention of doing so in order to help them meet their needs. For this reason, he was accused of bribery by his opponents, despite the fact that his donations were given to the military's payroll department rather than directly to soldiers. When word reached the troops, this also helped to both increase their loyalty to him as well as provide many with a reason to stay in the armed forces. In addition, Kovachev was known to regularly give his money to churches, charities, poor houses or to individual persons in need, while still keeping enough to satisfy his family's needs, and kept his personal living expenses to a minimum. As the economic situation continued to deteriorate, Stoychev continued to lose popularity while word of Simeon's humble lifestyle and generosity continued to maintain his reputation. | ||
===Arrest and Trial=== | ===Arrest and Trial=== | ||
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===Brief Retirement=== | ===Brief Retirement=== | ||
[[File:HorthyDeCaceríaEnBudapest1933.jpeg|200px|left|thumb|Kovachev hunting in 1954.]] | [[File:HorthyDeCaceríaEnBudapest1933.jpeg|200px|left|thumb|Kovachev hunting in 1954.]] | ||
Although Kovachev was worried about the state of Tengaria now that he was thrust out of authority, he records in his diary that he accepted it as God's will and would adapt to his new circumstances as much as possible. He continued reading and writing, and also spend more time deal of time with his family. He told his friend Dimitri Denov that "I have never been so fortunate than to be at rest and leisure with my family." He was able to play a more direct role in his children's lives, and was able to help teach and educate his youngest son Dimitri. During this time, he took up several pastimes, including writing, hunting, singing, playing cello, and other things he had done previously but had never had the time to relax and focus on. He would complete two books, one on political philosophy called ''On the Principles of Government'' and another on {{wp|military theory}} and {{wp|military strategy|strategy}} called ''The Art of the General'', both of which proved popular. ''On the Principles of Government'' was censored because of its openly pro-monarchical stance | Although Kovachev was worried about the state of Tengaria now that he was thrust out of authority, he records in his diary that he accepted it as God's will and would adapt to his new circumstances as much as possible. He continued reading and writing, and also spend more time deal of time with his family. He told his friend Dimitri Denov that "I have never been so fortunate than to be at rest and leisure with my family." He was able to play a more direct role in his children's lives, and was able to help teach and educate his youngest son Dimitri. During this time, he took up several pastimes, including writing, hunting, singing, playing cello, and other things he had done previously but had never had the time to relax and focus on. He would complete two books, one on political philosophy called ''On the Principles of Government'' and another on {{wp|military theory}} and {{wp|military strategy|strategy}} called ''The Art of the General'', both of which proved popular. ''On the Principles of Government'' was almost censored because of its openly pro-monarchical stance on government, but became defining of his political opinions which he would emphasise later in life. | ||
Although he was formally discharged from the military, he continued to meet and correspond with many of the officers of the Army, keeping in contact and mainitaining a network of communication. In addition to this, he continued to retain a significant deal of public influence, and accepted many invitations to speak at various places and engagements around the country. He did not wholly distance himself from public life, and confessed in his journal that "I think God has given me suspicion that ere long I will called back to public service of my fatherland, and I must be ready to answer when it comes." Although out of the government apparatus, his popularity continued to remain, especially as the economic and political state of Tengaria continued to get worse and worse. This image was also helped by positive coverage of the country's main newspaper, [[Solarni Novini]], covering the charitable work he was doing during this time. | Although he was formally discharged from the military, he continued to meet and correspond with many of the officers of the Army, keeping in contact and mainitaining a network of communication. In addition to this, he continued to retain a significant deal of public influence, and accepted many invitations to speak at various places and engagements around the country. He did not wholly distance himself from public life, and confessed in his journal that "I think God has given me suspicion that ere long I will called back to public service of my fatherland, and I must be ready to answer when it comes." Although out of the government apparatus, his popularity continued to remain, especially as the economic and political state of Tengaria continued to get worse and worse. This image was also helped by positive coverage of the country's main newspaper, [[Solarni Novini]], covering the charitable work he was doing during this time. | ||
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===Early Presidency=== | ===Early Presidency=== | ||
[[File:Komárno_november_1938.jpg|300px|left|thumb|Kovachev's Presidential {{wp|Inauguration|inagural address}} in 1958.]] | [[File:Komárno_november_1938.jpg|300px|left|thumb|Kovachev's Presidential {{wp|Inauguration|inagural address}} in 1958.]] | ||
The first elections in Tengaria under the new constitution | The first elections in Tengaria under the new constitution occurred in August of 1958, with no parties officially on the ballot, although many of the candidates were members of [[Patriotic Union (Tengaria)|Patriotic Union]]. Since the President was not popularly elected, he would have to be confirmed by the electoral college established by the new constitution. Due to the special circumstances of this being the first election, the electoral college was comprised of all sitting Senators elected in 1955 who had remained in their positions through the war. His victory was widely regarded as a foregone conclusion, as no one wielded the same influence that he did or stood to oppose him. Kovachev won with a unanimous electoral vote, the only President to have done so since the establishment of the electoral college. This would be the only election Kovachev would stand, as the constitution placed no limit on the length of the Presidential term. Union politicians won 342 out of 380, or 90%, seats in the Chamber of Deputies, giving Kovachev's political movement a {{wp|supermajority}} and effective power to carry out political and societal reforms as he wished. Even the remaining independents, few were wholly opposed to Kovachev's plans for reform. | ||
When Kovachev assumed control of the Presidency, he announced his resignation of commander of Tengaria's armed forces, a position which he had continued to hold as Head of State, finally ending his career which had spanned three decades of his life, albeit with a brief interlude of 5 years during his forced retirement. However, as President, he would remain as {{wp|commander in chief}} for the rest of his life, and continued to be involved in military affairs. Kovachev reorganized the command structure to ensure loyal and experienced officers were in the positions of command, and worked to give better equipment, funding and training than had been available during the Republic due to lack of funding. However, Kovachev kept the small size of the army, focusing instead on creating a professional volunteer army instead on relying on large numbers of conscripts. Tengaria still relied heavily on Soravia for military equipment, but during this time began to develop some modifications based on Soravian equipment. | When Kovachev assumed control of the Presidency, he announced his resignation of commander of Tengaria's armed forces, a position which he had continued to hold as Head of State, finally ending his career which had spanned three decades of his life, albeit with a brief interlude of 5 years during his forced retirement. However, as President, he would remain as {{wp|commander in chief}} for the rest of his life, and continued to be involved in military affairs. Kovachev reorganized the command structure to ensure loyal and experienced officers were in the positions of command, and worked to give better equipment, funding and training than had been available during the Republic due to lack of funding. However, Kovachev kept the small size of the army, focusing instead on creating a professional volunteer army instead on relying on large numbers of conscripts. Tengaria still relied heavily on Soravia for military equipment, but during this time began to develop some modifications based on Soravian equipment. | ||
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==Tengaria Under Kovachev== | ==Tengaria Under Kovachev== | ||
===Social Policies=== | ===Social Policies=== | ||
Kovachev implemented several policies which more closely intertwined the [[Patriarchate of Istros]] to the Tengarian government. He greatly expanded the number of public holidays to match the religious calendar, and allowed the Church to have heavily influence in the educational system. | Kovachev implemented several policies which more closely intertwined the [[Patriarchate of Istros]] to the Tengarian government. He greatly expanded the number of public holidays to match the religious calendar, and allowed the Church to have heavily influence in the educational system. | ||
Kovachev took architecture very seriously, and took Vitruvius' principles of "''firmitas, utilitas, and venustas''" as being necessary for any building. Rather than constructing new buildings with the popular {{wp|Brutalist architecture|brutalism}} or with other modern architectural schools, he worked as much as possible to sponsor more conservative architects of the Tengarian-style architects to restore the buildings when they could be restored, or to build similar structures when they could not. He worked to restore damaged works of art and other programs, and was a firm supporter of {{wp|Conservation and restoration of cultural property|art conservation and restoration}}. However, this usually only applied to various kinds of art and culture which were deemed as "desirable", and those which were not | Kovachev took architecture very seriously, and took Vitruvius' principles of "''firmitas, utilitas, and venustas''" as being necessary for any building. Rather than constructing new buildings with the popular {{wp|Brutalist architecture|brutalism}} or with other modern architectural schools, he worked as much as possible to sponsor more conservative architects of the Tengarian-style architects to restore the buildings when they could be restored, or to build similar structures when they could not. He worked to restore damaged works of art and other programs, and was a firm supporter of {{wp|Conservation and restoration of cultural property|art conservation and restoration}}. However, this usually only applied to various kinds of art and culture which were deemed as "desirable", and those which were not received much worse treatment. | ||
===Economic Policies=== | ===Economic Policies=== | ||
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The Patriotic Union largely began as an extension of Kovachev's influence, to which he attempted to instill principles into over time. Due to the Union's broad reaching nature, it quickly developed factions, first largely along the old partisan lines which pre-dated the war. The Union during the first part of Kovachev's Presidency was dominated by the right-wing former members of the All-Solarian Union, although it included more moderate republicans and conservatives. As time continued, however, the factions began to change and develop away from party lines, usually around the issues concerning the approach to governance government, within the broader framework of a {{wp|statism|statist}} system. The former members of the VS and those who readily accepted Kovachev's policies became known as the "Purists", and were instrumental in implementing Kovachev's political principles, which were in turn heavily based on the works of the Znaniya school and Teleology. The moderates and those who began to push for modernisation became known as the "Pragmatists", and generally sought to preserve the status quo by following policies of other states, especially [[Soravia]]. Throughout Kovachev's Presidency, the Purists would be more prominent in government. Although other more particular factions would develop, these two would remain the dominant within the Union, as most members were considered one or the other. | The Patriotic Union largely began as an extension of Kovachev's influence, to which he attempted to instill principles into over time. Due to the Union's broad reaching nature, it quickly developed factions, first largely along the old partisan lines which pre-dated the war. The Union during the first part of Kovachev's Presidency was dominated by the right-wing former members of the All-Solarian Union, although it included more moderate republicans and conservatives. As time continued, however, the factions began to change and develop away from party lines, usually around the issues concerning the approach to governance government, within the broader framework of a {{wp|statism|statist}} system. The former members of the VS and those who readily accepted Kovachev's policies became known as the "Purists", and were instrumental in implementing Kovachev's political principles, which were in turn heavily based on the works of the Znaniya school and Teleology. The moderates and those who began to push for modernisation became known as the "Pragmatists", and generally sought to preserve the status quo by following policies of other states, especially [[Soravia]]. Throughout Kovachev's Presidency, the Purists would be more prominent in government. Although other more particular factions would develop, these two would remain the dominant within the Union, as most members were considered one or the other. | ||
==Philosophy and Ideology== | |||
[[File:Ivan_Istina.jpg|200px|right|thumb|[[Ivan Istina]], Kovachev's tutor and founder of the Znaniya School.]] | |||
Kovachev's philosophy, political positions and ideology were deeply influential during his tenure as leader of Tengaria. Kovachev had many influences from his reading and from his life which influenced the way in which he thought about matters both political and not political. Kovachev admitted that he took a "deep interest in philosophy", and once lamented that "focusing on the active life, while good, has prevented me from entering as deep into the contemplative life as maybe I would have wished". Krasmirev notes that "to Kovachev very little of what he did was without recourse to the philosophy which he had steeped himself in from a young age. Being remarkably wide-read and deeply thoughtful on such matters, he no doubt would readily agree with Theocritus that 'the unexamined life is not worth living'". | |||
From a young age, he was exposed by his mentor, [[Ivan Istina]], to the writings of {{wp|Plato|Theocritus}}, {{wp|Aristotle|Xenagoras}} and many of the writers of the Tengarian Golden Age. This, combined with the interpretation of the figures within the Znaniya School, would be some of the central figures within his development as a youth, in addition to the mulitude of other texts that he read during his time as a student. His further studies at the Agora school in Istros cemented his ties to the Znaniya School. This would not only shape the way in which he viewed politics, but also the world itself. Adopting a broadly {{wp|Aristotelianism|Teleological}} point of view, Kovachev believed that the world was intelligible, and that the finding of modern science were not contrary to what could be known through both {{wp|natural philosophy}} and then through {{wp|metaphysics}}. In addition, he was known to take a stance of philosophy that trusted the senses as the way in which we acquire knowledge of world, and held that excessive skepticism of what is perceived cannot lead to any true philosophy. He rejected many of the modern philosophers for being "fundamentally wrong in their first principles", but nevertheless believed that their work "must be taken with the utmost attention and sincerity and addressed diligently." | |||
In addition, the influence of the school would also shape both his philosophy of politics and his political ideology. According to Kovachev, beyond any ideology or position he was "fundamentally concerned with the common good". He had a personal distaste for what he called "{{wp|-ism|-isms}}", and that the good of any community relied more on the virtue and integrity of its citizens beyond any ideology. For this reason he insisted he was opposed to the notion of "[[political ideology (Kylaris)|ideology]]", and refrained from identifying himself with them. He rejected the {{wp|left–right political spectrum}} and the opposition of terms "liberal" and "conservative", and often thought of himself as a liberal even though he did not come close to the word as it was used in eastern Euclea. In addition, he rejected what he called the "uncritical deification of democracy" as the only true political system, saying that the modern "infatuation" of the ideals of the [[Weranian Revolution]] and the [[Etrurian Revolution]], including {{wp|nationalism}}, {{wp|republicanism}}, and {{wp|democratism}} as the only acceptable political system was "naive and harmful". | |||
Generally, scholars consider his political views to be {{wp|right-wing politics|right-wing}} or sometimes as {{wp|Far-right politics|far-right}}, being largely {{wp|Authoritarianism|authoritarian}}. His outspoken support for the [[Empire of Tengaria]] and opposition to the [[Tengarian Republic]] is considered to be indicative of him as a {{wp|monarchism|monarchist}}. His special opposition to the {{wp|democracy}} and republicanism and rejection of the "whims of the populace" are considered by some to be extremely indicative of being {{wp|totalitarianism|totalitarianism}}, in addition to the way in which the constitution was structured, obstructing political pluralism and his holding on to power until death. However, other scholars his (at least nominal) explicit rejection of totalitarianism, his desire to transcend partisan division to focus on the good of the country, his opposition to ethnic nationalism and support for Calian and Armonian groups, and his attempts to introduce liberal education to form a "free people" suggest that his views were not as extreme as others portray them to be. | |||
===On the Principles of Government=== | |||
Published in 1953, Kovachev's book ''On the Principles of Government'' ("''Principia Civilitatis''", "Принципи на Политиката") is considered to be his defining work of {{wp|political philosophy}} and by some to be his ''magnum opus''. | |||
==Personal Life== | ==Personal Life== | ||
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Simeon spent most of his life in the line of some duty, either in school, the military, or as President. | Simeon spent most of his life in the line of some duty, either in school, the military, or as President. | ||
Simeon is considered by some to be a {{wp|polyglot}}, being fully fluent in five languages ({{wp|Bulgarian language|Tengarian}}, {{wp|Latin|Solarian}}, {{wp|Hungarian language|Armonian Savader}}, [[Calian]] and {{wp|Javanese language|Kabuese}}) and having mixed degrees of proficiency in others, including {{wp|Ancient Greek language|Ancient Piraean}} (reading), {{wp|Romanian language|Amathian}}, {{wp|French language|Gaullican}} and {{wp|Rusyn language|Soravian}}. With Tengarian as his first language, he acquired Solarian and Piraean through his early schooling, then Armonian and Calian while training to be an officer in the Imperial Army, and Kabu when acting as an advisor to North Kabu during the Kabu Civil War. He developed proficiency with the other languages later on in his capacity as regent and later President of Tengaria. Although he spoke Tengarian most frequently to his family and fellow administrators, he preferred his personal writing in Solarian, and his diary was written in a combination of different languages, mostly in Tengarian and Solarian. When speaking or writing to Armonians and to Calians, he would utilise their languages as much as possible. | |||
==Legacy== | ==Legacy== | ||
Latest revision as of 00:57, 21 November 2022
His Excellency Simeon Kovachev | |
|---|---|
 Formal Portrait taken in 1958 | |
| President of Tengaria | |
| In office November 14, 1958 – January 2, 1983 | |
| Deputy | Boris Goga (1958-1966) Rumeon Slanev (1966-1977) Vasil Radev (1977-1983) |
| Preceded by | Simeon Radez Vladimir Vasilov (Disputed) |
| Succeeded by | Dimitri Kovachev Vasil Radev (acting President) |
| Head of the Patriotic Union | |
| In office April 13, 1957 – January 2, 1983 | |
| Deputy | Ivan Ivanev |
| Preceded by | Position Established |
| Succeeded by | Dimitri Kovachev |
| Head of State of Tengaria | |
| In office May 14, 1956 – November 13, 1958 | |
| Regent of Empire of Tengaria | |
| In office September 3, 1930 – November 14, 1935 | |
| Monarch | Dragomir III |
| Count of Strelsti | |
| In office May 13, 1930 – January 2, 1983 | |
| Preceded by | Position Established |
| Succeeded by | Bogomil Kovachev |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Simeon Vasil Kovachev April 17, 1901 Stelsti, Istros Tengaria |
| Died | January 2, 1983 (aged 81) Lenovo, Lenovo Tengaria |
| Nationality | Tengaria |
| Political party | Patriotic Union |
| Height | 6 ft 2 in (188 cm) |
| Spouse(s) | Teodora Denov (m. 1924) |
| Children | Gregori Kovachev Milena Kovacheva Olga Kovacheva Petar Kovachev Dimitri Kovachev |
| Parents |
|
| Education | Sila Military School |
| Alma mater | Tengarian Military Academy |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance |  Tengaria |
| Branch/service | Tengarian Army |
| Years of service | 1920-1950 1955-1958 |
| Rank | Field Marshal |
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Saint Simeon Borisev Vasil Kovachev (Tengarian: Симеон Васил Ковачев; April 17 1901-January 2 1983; aged 81), also known as Saint Simeon of Tengaria, was an important Tengarian statesman who was a prominent commander the commander of the Tengarian Army and founder of the Free Solarian Army, the leader of the Tengarian Resistance during the Great War, the head of two Tengarian provisional governments, founder of the Patriotic Union political movement, the writer of Tengaria's second and current Constitution and sixth President of the Republic of Tengaria from 1958 until his death in 1983. One of Tengaria's prominent heroes, he is considered the most important Tengarian statesman of the post-Imperial era.
Born in Stelsti as the only son of a middle-class military family, Simeon followed in his father's footsteps from a young age. He was sent to a military boarding school as a boy in Istros, and later was accepted and educated in the Imperial Military Academy in the same city. During this stage of his life he became acquainted with the Znaniya School and adopted their Teleological philosophy, which would play an important role throughout the rest of his life and political career. He excelled at his studies, graduating at the top of his class and earning himself a prime commission as an infantry officer in the Imperial Army in 1920. Already a Podpolkovnik by the time of the outbreak of the Great War in 1927, he orchestrated several brilliant victories on the Ravnian Front, and was ennobled, awarded and promoted, quickly gaining a reputation for his strategic mind. He rose through the ranks quickly and by 1929 was promoted as Tengaria's youngest general at the age of 28. The war turned against Tengaria on the Amathian Front, and upon the imminent defeat of the Tengaria in 1930, Emperor Dragomir III named Kovachev as Regent. Kovachev gathered as much of the forces as he could from the Ravnian Front and strategically retreated to the hills of Visoclesia, and there he proclaimed the remnants as the Free Solarian Army, and spearheaded the Tengarian Resistance against the Amathian occupation. With Soravian support later in the war, he was able to finally reclaim Tengaria from Amathian Control and worked to rebuild Tengaria. However, Soravia mandated that liberated Tengaria become a Republic, and so after he brought stability to the country, he resigned from his position as Regent, but continued to serve as the Field Marshal of the Army.
During the Tengarian Republic, Kovachev remained aloof from the political scene, as partisan factionalism became rampant and out of control. As the primary hero from the war, he was massively popular with most of the country. His monarchist and conservative views were at odds with many of the republican statesmen of the time, who saw his ideals and his popularity as a potential threat to their power. However, despite having enemies, he kept the army loyal to him and was able to retain his position for the first fifteen years of the Republic. In a move that caused nation-wide controversy, President Vladimir Vasilov dishonorably discharged him in 1950. When factionalism and a close election eventually descended the country into the Tengarian Civil War, Kovachev returned to lead the elements of the army which supported the cause of the Patriots against the Republicans. After the assassination of Patriot President Radev, Kovachev assumed power as the provisional head of government. He defeated the Republicans to end the civil war and then stabilized the country in the aftermath of the war. During this time, he founded the Patriotic Union in order to end partisan conflict and to strengthen the country's unity. In addition, Kovachev wrote Tengaria's second constitution based upon a model reflective of the political ideals of the ancient authors Xenagoras and Theocritus. He was elected as Tengaria's President in 1958, with the Patriotic Union assuming full control of the government and resulting in the ban of all poltical parties. As President, he began to implement his philosophic ideals into the way Tengaria was run upon the ideals of the Znaniya School. He made firm connections between Episemialism and the state as the state religion and made policy to support it. In addition, repaired and centralized many aspects of Tengaria's broken economy and brought the country out of debt to a working surplus. He served as President until his peaceful death in 1983, when his son and expected successor Dimitri succeeded him as President in the following elections.
Kovachev left a powerful legacy in his wake. His popularity as a war hero compounded with a successful presidency firmly implanted a positive image in the minds of the Tengarian people. Since his death, Tengaria has continued to be dominated by his descendants and his political movement. His successors have promoted and fostered Simeon's image in order to solidify their own power base. In Tengaria, Kovachev is widely revered and respected both as a political figure and as a holy man. Many in Tengaria widely revere him as a Saint, and the Tengarian Church declared him to be a Saint after a seven year long examination process in December 2020. However, outside Tengaria, receptions of him are mixed. Most Eastern countries think of him as a benevolent dictator, who while concerned for the good of his country, implemented repressive policies and stifled democracy. Other harsher critics have labeled him as a dictator and tyrant who unjustly usurped power from the hands of a left-wing government and turned Tengaria into a totalitarian state. Many social conservatives, and those who support a classical liberal arts education, have cited his educational programs with favor. He has been called a modern example of Theocritus's philosopher king both positively and pejoratively. Regardless of people's view on his legacy, almost all scholars agree on his significance to Tengaria's history and political state. Biographer Rumen Krasmirev has said that "The study of Kovachev is the study of Tengaria in the twentieth century- they cannot be divorced."
Early Life and Education
Early Life and Education
Simeon was born the fifth child and only surviving son of Boris Kovachev, a middle-class military officer in the Tengarian Imperial Army, in 1901. His family hailed from the town of Stelsti in the southern region of the Empire of Tengaria, near the city of Istros. He would often read alone rather than play with his older sisters and other children, and is said to have been a quiet and serious child. He had a keen and sharp intellect, learning to read by age 4. As their only son, his parents were ready to invest money in him to get him a good education. When he was five, his parents hired a tutor to teach him. The teacher happened to be a young and brilliant philosopher and polymath Ivan Istina, a native of Istros who taught Simeon but was also taking a sabbatical in order to do research and contemplate in leisure. Through this, Simeon was already exposed at a very young age to the basics of a liberal education, mastering Euclid's elements, among other things. Simeon took to his studies quite well, already showing a deep love for the intellectual life. After three years Istina left to go back to Istros and teach his philosophy to the Agora. His father Boris wanted him to pursue a career in the Imperial Army like he had done, and worked to get his son into a good school. Simeon, already ahead of his peers and a precocious student, was accepted into the Sila School, a military-run boy's boarding school in the city of Lenovo, at the age of eight.
At the school, he consistently and diligently applied himself to his studies and duties, and was consistently at the top of his class. The Sila school utilised a classical education, which integrated much of what he had already learned under Istina, which facilitated his success. However, he did not make many friends, and modern historians now associate that he might have been bullied by the other boys at the school, especially by the more popular children. The fact that he was lower class than many of the students, many of whom were of noble descent, and his quiet disposition also probably hindered him from making friends and precipitated the abuse he received from them. Despite this social disadvantage, this did not affect his studies. His classmates later reported that he was quiet, serious, and distant from everyone else, preferring to study and to read in his room over doing social events.
When he was 10 years old, he was invited to join the Association of Imperial Scouts, a new scouting organisation which began recruiting boys from the Istros area, particularly through the Sila school. As an inagural member of the first Company, where he had a chance to show his interest in outdoors activities beyond his books. This was the first group of friends that Kovachev had really made, and soon became a youth leader in the early organisation. He would go on to become the first Senior Scout in the organisation's history in 1917, and became the Scout Captain of the First Company. Partly due to the influence of the Scouts, he began to engage in athletic activities with the other students, although his interaction with them caused him to not fit well into team sports. However, he performed well in individual sports and became a strong runner and enjoyed track and field events. During this time, he developed a love for the Solarian language, and became fluent in it during his time at school. Although he also studied Ancient Piraean, he never mastered it to the degree that he did Solarian. He graduated from the Sila School at the top of his class at age 16, and was accepted into the Imperial Military Academy in the city of Istros.
Imperial Military Academy
Life at the Military Academy was different than life at the Sila School. Although the Sila school was also run by the military and mostly focused on giving the children a disciplined and rigorous education, the Military Academy was a school which primarily focused on developing good military officers in addition to education. As such, although Simeon excelled at athletics and his duties, he ran into trouble with his leadership qualities and communal life at school- although he excelled with members of his Scout Company, he was unable to connect with his other peers at the Academy. His teachers, recognizing his intellectual capabilities, told him he would make a poor officer if he could not get along with his men. His first year at the Academy was plagued by these issues, and the discouragement which he felt soon began to affect his life. Eventually his studies suffered slightly as well, and his poorer grades dropped him several places. While his life had not completely fallen apart and he was still in the top group of students, by the end of the year he no longer was the top student of the class.
After the completion of the first year, he remained over the break in the city of Istros, and became re-acquainted with the Ivan Istina and the other philosophers of the Znaniya School, who offered free lectures and discourse in the Agora. His old tutor agreed to help teach him both the study of ethics and of rhetoric, so that he could better cultivate the abilities a good soldier should have. Soon he was a regular frequenter of the School, and not only took his tutor's teaching, but also firmly embraced their Teleological philosophy. He decided especially to become Xenagoras's ideal of the virtuous man laid out in the Ethics. Not only did he become a disciple of the school, but he also was able to use the school to begin to make friendships with other students interested in their philosophy, and was able to better learn how to engage with others and refine his speech.
The next term, both his classmates and teachers were astonished by his change. Although still in his working stages, he became more active with the communal life of the school, and began to make friends and to establish relationships with his fellow cadets. He once again climbed to the top of his class, and also continued going to lectures at the Agora in his free time. After continuing his studies for another two years, he graduated from the Academy in 1920 at the top of his class, and was granted a commission as an officer in the Tengarian Imperial Army as a Starshi Leytenant. His connections from the school and his prodigious talent seemed ready to grant him a promising career. He was placed in command of a unit of light infantry in Tengaria's First Division, which were the most well trained and best equipped of the Tengarian Military, mostly comprised of fast-moving light infantry skilled in fighting in rough terrain.
Military Career
Early Service
The first 7 years of his service saw Tengaria at peace. As such he saw no active service, but instead spent his first years as an officer learning how to command and how to lead the men under his command. He was a popular commander, and tried to get to know each and every one of his men, often eating and drinking with them. However, he also at the same time had a reputation for being strict, setting a high bar for his men and punishing those who were not diligent about their duties. He also worked diligently along with his men, in order to be an example. His units had the reputation of being severe but well run and ordered. This combined with his high promise seen by the general staff saw him get promoted several times during his early career- to Kapitan by age 22, Mayor by age 24, Podpolkovnik by age 26, the youngest in the army. His success was largely unprecedented in the army, and his career was watched with great interest by the command staff and with envy by many of the other officers. Word of his rise even reached the ears of Dragomir III, the Emperor, who invited him to the Imperial Palace to come visit him on several occasions, and during one of these visits he was made a Knight in the Order of Saint Vasil by the Emperor. The Emperor was impressed with the young officer's intelligence and dedication, and the two began a friendly correspondence, which once it became known was further said to increase Kovachev's chances of promotion.
During one of these assignments in the city of Lenovo at the age of 22, he met and became acquainted with Teodora Denov at a soldier's ball. Teodora came from a middle-class family whose father was a part of the Imperial bureaucracy, working for the Ministry of War. The two began a friendship and exchanged letters, meeting with each other when an assignment brought him to the capital. The relationship between them grew stronger, and the couple were married in 1924. Their relationship was a happy one, and although Simeon's duties kept him occupied most of the time, when he could he took more leave in order to spend time with his wife. The two owned a house in Lenovo, although Teodora would often make the journey to visit her husband's posts while he was on duty as well. Eventually Teodora became pregnant and their first child was born in 1926, a son, who was named Gregori. Less than a year after his son was born, the Great War broke out across Euclea and the rest of the world. He would not see his family again until the war's conclusion.
The Great War
With the outbreak of the Great War in February of 1927, Tengaria entered into the war on the side of the Grand Alliance. Kovachev was immediately called into action. After bidding his family farewell, he was deployed on the Ravnian Front as one of the chief officers in the First Division, on the far northern edge of the front along the shores of Lake Min. In the first months of the war, Kovachev's forces made several important gains into Ravnian territory around the shore of Lake Min. Most notable of these was his unit's spearhead assault on Fort Min, a Ravnian fort on the shores of Lake Min, with minimal casualties. For this victory he was promoted to Polkovnik, and moved up to command his regiment since his commander was killed during the assault. His forces were able to seize the fort and hold it against a Ravnian counterattack. He was awarded the St. George Medal by the Emperor for his courage in battle, the second highest award for Tengarian bravery.
The Tengarian line made significant advances during the first part of the war, and Kovachev's unit was no exception. However, the Ravnians eventually began to deploy reinforcements, halting the Tengarian advance and turning the front into a stalemate. Only in the very north on the shores of Lake Min was any real progress made, as Tengarian's elite infantry continued to beat the Ravnian forces. However, they could not advance too far, elsewise they would overextend and become cut off from the line and destroyed. Thus for stretches of months, Kovachev's units were forced to remain in the same general vicinity as the rest of the line crept at a snail's pace. Since his troops were specialized in rapid warfare, they constantly moved around to maintain effectiveness. His troops moved from position to position, constantly harrying Ravnian forces and inflicting minor hit and run defeats on them. Even as they continued to do well, news reached them that the rest of the front was only slowly gaining on the Ravnians, and that the Ravnians were holding back the advancing Tengarian forces quite well. And so the stalemate continued on, without major change on either side. To make matters worse, news that the Eastern Front against the Amathians was faring poorly did not encourage the soldiers.
In the waning days of 1927, Kovachev's forces were engaging in a skirmish with Ravnian forces. A Ravnian pillbox was pinning down most of his men, preventing them from moving on, and inflicting heavy casualties. Several attempts to take the pillbox failed, until Kovachev personally led an assault on a Ravnian pillbox, taking it out of commission, and was wounded in the right shoulder while bringing back wounded men from the previous assaults back to the line. Simeon was hospitalized for a few months off the front as he healed from his wound, not arriving back on the front until April of 1928. For this act of heroism, Kovachev was granted the Tengarian Golden Cross, the highest decoration for valour in Tengaria, and was also elevated to a Knight Commander of the Order of St. Vasil. Because of this, Kovachev also secured a promotion to Brigaden general, taking command of an entire brigade.
In the Summer of 1928, as a last-ditch effort to break the Ravnian front to commit more troops to the Eastern Front, Tengarian forces launched an offensive to break the stalemate on the Ravnian Front. Operation Nakovalnya initially was successful, pushing back the line somewhat, but stagnated along most of the line. However, in the northern portion of the front, Kovachev's brigade and other forces broke through the Ravnian line, causing the northern portion of the Ravnian line to collapse. Continuing to hit hard, the First Division continued to inflict losses and secure important objectives from Ravnia before coming to a halt when they could go no further without overextension. For his actions during the campaign, Kovachev was promoted to General-mayor, finally coming to command the entire First Division. While the Operation had been a success, men vital to the integrity of the Ravnian front were moved to counter the further advances of the Amathians. The Ravnian front, especially around the south, was now weakened, and began to be pushed back slowly towards the south. The forces on the northern flank, however, were able to hold against the Ravnian forces.
As the war continued, the situation became worse for Tengaria. The Amathians continued to advance, taking the city of Drangovo in the winter of 1929. At the beginning of spring in 1930, the Ravnian forces smashed through the southern flank of the Ravnian front, causing the Tengarian forces to collapse and retreat northwards. Their path exposed, Ravnian forces were able to march into Krasiv and attack Tengaria from the west. Now with the South exposed, most of the Tengarian forces began to be beaten back on two fronts, as the enemy approached closer and closer to the capital of Lenovo. However, the forces to the north held out against Ravnian assaults. The Emperor, seeing the crisis, promoted Kovachev to full rank general, placed him in charge of the remnants of the Ravnian Front, and ennobled him, naming him the Count of Stelsti. Despite the wide-reaching scope of his new commands, all Kovachev could do was check Ravnian assaults, keeping them from reaching Vasilgrad and keeping Lenovo from being attacked in the west. However, in order to do this, he had to withdraw all his troops from the progress points they had made in the Ravnian front. The Amathian forces still continued to press on, laying siege to the capital in late August.
By the beginning of September, the city was almost certain to fall. The Amathians were heavily pressing the city, and most of the other Tengarian armies had been disbanded, captured or had surrendered. As a proven loyalist to the Empire and in command of the largest remaining portion of Tengarian soldiers, the Emperor named Kovachev as the Regent of the Solarian Empire. Finally, on September 6, the city of Lenovo fell, and the Emperor was taken prisoner. Most of the government which remained loyal to the Emperor was taken prisoner or fled, although not a few supported the new occupation. Kovachev learned that he had been named as the Regent, and appointed at first Colonel Todor Radoslavov as a temporary Minister-President of the government-in-exile. Knowing about the fall of the capital city, he took his remaining forces and withdrew to the rugged hills of Visoclesia. He determined that he would fight until the bitter end, and decided to rename the remnants of forces which he led as the Free Solarian Army. By the end of October, his forces had established themselves in the North, and prepared to fight a guerilla war.
Resistance Leader
Although Tengaria had collapsed, the provinces of Visoclesia and Silenya had yet to be conquered. Their rugged hills and rural terrain made it ideal to serve as a base of operations to stage a war of attrition against the Amathian occupation. As the Amathians solidified their control over the southern regions of Tengaria and established the Tengarian State, Kovachev took the opportunity to regroup his forces and gather remnants of other forces which had fled to the north. He made contacts with loyalists and supporters within occupied territories to the south, establishing underground networks to promote resistance and to gain intelligence on the Amathian forces he was fighting against. However, he refrained from any open attack against the Amathians, lest he aroused their wrath upon him before his plans were full wrought. He established defensive positions and fortifications in the rural hills, in case the Amathians would attempt an assault on the remaining regions. In addition his resistance forces were able to be supplied by the Soravians, as the territory controlled by the Tengarians bordered Soravia by land as well as through Lake Min. On the shores of that lake, Tengaria's third largest city, Visnagrad, was still under control of the Free Solarian Army, and was the effective capital of the Empire at the time. Most of the government was captured, defected, or was slain, but members of the old imperial administration who had fled Lenovo were able to form a new government in the city, which became the widely-recognized government of Tengaria, enough to comprise a Senate and administration, with Ivo Andreiev being appointed as Minister-President in December. Kovachev had effective control of the north himself through means of the Free Solarian Army, which was given emergency power until the territory could be properly restored. In addition, Soravian military officers supervised Kovachev's actions as well. The Amathians did not press on their attack for some time, giving Kovachev the opportunity to fortify his position and to establish supply lines and fortifications in the hills.
Once the groundwork was all in place, under Simeon's loose command within the occupied territory the Tengarian Resistance began to attack Amathian occupiers from within enemy lines, disrupting supply lines, cutting communications, and raiding military installations in the summer of 1931. At the same time some forces in Resistance occupied territory launched assaults on weak points in the Amathian defense before withdrawing back into the hills. This provoked the ire of the Amathian occupiers, who carried out bitter reprisals against the resistance. Several unsuccessful attacks were pushed into the hills, resulting in heavy losses for the Amathian attackers. Several attempts were made to probe Kovachev's line, but eventually the Amathians decided that assaulting the hills would be futile. The Amathians then focused on the consolidation of control of the occupied territory, rounding up and executing resistance members and major political rivals. Simeon's family was taken prisoner during this time; however, they did not execute any of them, although they did not execute them, as Teodora had been careful not to aid the resistance, a thing which Simeon had requested through correspondence in order to keep her safe. Amathia's military focus, having mostly dealt with the Tengarian forces, now focused primarily on Soravia. Kovachev was firm but cautious, believing that to compromise the stable position he had now would ultimately result in total defeat.
In December of 1932, the Amathian forces in Tengaria decided that the city of Visnagrad was a strategic point, which must be occupied to give the Amathians total control over the River Len and access to Lake Min to open another front against the Soravians. Although the hills were too well defended, the fertile and low Len River valley which cut the hills in two led directly to the city and was more sparsely defended. Most of Tengaria's artillery had been lost or captured by the enemy during the first years of the war, and the resources the Free Solarian Army had were already spread out. The Tengarians assumed that there would be no assaults during the winter months, and so the guard was not as strong as it could have been. The Amathian intelligence had also managed to keep it out of the knowledge of Kovachev, and so the offensive which began on December 10th decisively beat back the Tengarian forces guarding the valley and quickly pushed northward. Having not been prepared for the attack, the secondary lines of defense were ill-manned, and so the Amathians were able to get a foothold in the hills and were able to strike at the Tengarian frontal defenses from behind. At the same time, Ravnian forces attacked the coastal region of Visoclesia from the west, providing pressure on two fronts and threatening to encircle the entire Western region of the resistance forces. The Amathians advanced quickly up the Len River valley, while keeping their eastern flank heavily guarded; for they knew that Kovachev was on the Eastern side of the river.
Knowing the perilous position his forces were in, Kovachev acted quickly, taking a portion of his best men northward towards Visnagrad while sending most of his forces to feign attacks against the enemy from the eastern flank. He also had the enemy intelligence fooled into thinking he was with the main body, and that the men he had sent northwards were to help defend the city of Visnagrad under the command of a subordinate. However, instead of heading to Visnagrad, he turned south and crossed the Len in the far north after constructing a pontoon bridge; he led his men at breakneck speed into the forests of the Visoclesian Hills. Eventually they came around and swung against the Amathian line from the Western hills, cutting the line in two on the west side of the river. The western advance, cut off, was quickly and decisively defeated, leaving only the forces on the east side of the river. With their flanks now grievously exposed and the entire advance compromised, the eastern forces began to retreat carefully, still protected from their positions in the eastern hills. There were skirmishes and Kovachev sent small groups of men to cross the river several times in raids; however, he could not cross the river in force without compromising his men in a deadly crossing. Kovachev's forces raced southwards to use several bridges south of the main body, but these were carefully defended by Amathian forces. Several Amathian attempts to retake the Western bank from the south or from bridges resulted in bloody defeats, and so eventually the Amathian forces were driven back to positions not far from when they had begun. Kovachev's forces retook the hill positions on the Western side, but the Amathians continued to have a foothold in the Eastern Hills for yet a while longer. This victory allowed for forces of the Free Solarian Army to be free to fight back the Ravnian advance in the West.
Eventually, the war began to turn against the Amathians as the Soravians and rebels began to make significant gains and drive back the Amathians. After having been on the defense for several years, the Free Solarian Army now directed themselves to liberating the country. The Amathian occupation had weakened over time, and soon Simeon had enough volunteers and forces, many of whom were Soravian soldiers, to begin a counter assault, with close coordination with the Soravian leadership. Although in nominal command of the Tengarian forces, often he had to defer to the Soravian commanders during this time. While Tengarian forces had surrounded Lenovo and were laying seige to the city, a Republican terrorist named Lyuben Boyanev, likely with the approval of the collaborationist government, assassinated the Emperor in his prison cell. The Emperor had already been blinded by Amathian soldiers in 1930, and had been living in poor conditions since then. Although Kovachev was normally calm and collected, contemporaries reported that when he heard the news of the Emperor's murder, broke down into tears. Simeon recounted in his diary that his failure to save the Emperor was the single greatest regret in his life, and the event haunted him for the rest of his life.
By October 24 1933, Lenovo was liberated, and Simeon led his victorious army through the streets, and almost refused to attend himself for fear of pride. However, his commanders persuaded him otherwise, rather that he should appear as a return of legitimate governance as regent of the Emperor, as well as to drive home and promote Tengarian freedom. He was widely acclaimed by the people, much to his personal discomfort, but in his diary he noted that despite his reluctance, he knew that "someone needed to assume this role to heal the wounds of my fatherland. I give myself on account of the common good, not on account pride." This was one episode of Simeon's struggle to match Sotirian humility with accepting praise from others. He was reunited with his wife and son, who had spent nearly 3 years under house arrest by Amathian authorities. After this the remaining Amathian forces began to crumble, and by early 1934 most of Tengaria had been liberated by members of the Tengarian Free Solarian Army, except for the far Western and Eastern marches still controlled by Ravnia or Amathia. After the liberation of Drangovo Simeon assigned his subordinates to carry out the final stages of the war, while he assumed his office as regent and began the resumption of governance in the newly liberated country.
Last Days of the Empire
Simeon was de facto head of state of the Empire of Tengaria during its final days, executing the office of regent for the Emperor's son, who had yet to take office. Although he had been regent for almost four years, most of his time had been spent working for the survival of the Tengarian Resistance. Now he was faced with a country still in war, albeit a war that looked like it was nearing its end; almost all of the old institutions had been changed in some way, with many of the civil servants gone or removed from office; many Tengarians who had collaborated to various degrees with the Amathian occupiers to various extents; groups advocating for political reform or revolution; thousands of displaced families, destroyed businesses and homes, uncompensated widows and families; issues of debt concerning military funding which Soravia had provided during the war; an imprisoned Emperor, and many other pressing issues which had to be dealt with immediately. Simeon now was fully occupied with these pressing matters of governance above his military duties, which he now primarily handed off to his second in command, Dimitri Denov.
With Denov handling the remainder of the war, Simeon made his first priority the restoration of order and stability within the country. Appointing an experienced administrator named Sabin Lyubenev as Minister-President Simeon attempted to bring back what he could of the Imperial era but realized that many things would have to change if the Empire were to survive. He called for all able and loyal civil servants and members of the Senate who had fled to return to their posts and worked diligently to restore local governments as best he could. Then he began making a program for those whose lives had been ruined by the war, providing financial assistance, especially to those who had lost someone in the fighting. He also worked to clear away the effects of the war as best as could be done. Under these policies, lives began to approach returning to the state of normal, causing Kovachev's popularity to increase. However, during this time he was unable to deal with a major problem facing Tengaria, the issue of debt; many of his policies plunged the country deeper into it. He believed that in order for Tengaria to be able to repay its debts, it must needs heal its wounds and rebuild its economy.
Kovachev also set up a special judicial organization to investigate claims of Amathian collaboration among Tengarian citizens and to determine their accuracy. In Kovachev's plan, collaborators were to be punished according to the severity of their crimes. Those who had committed high treason or had committed crimes against Tengarian citizens would be executed. Those who had merely assisted or went along with the occupation in other ways were to be not as severely punished. Most of the most prominent names of those who were involved in the collaborationist government or who had committed major crimes were executed publicly. Kovachev personally oversaw the execution of two of the Minister-Presidents of the collaborationist government and the Emperor's assassin. The last of the Minister-Presidents, Vasil Stoychev, along with other prominent members, had fled the country. Many received lighter punishment, such as to do manual labour to repair the damage caused by the war, in which case they assisted in Kovachev's other initiatives. However, outside of this organization, many extrajudicial killings of collaborators occurred throughout Tengaria by vigilantes, resistance members or even army members, even during the course of the war; many also were publicly shamed or shunned for their participation for years to come.
With the Emperor assassinated, the throne was designated to pass to his son, and Simeon made plans for his coronation and resignation of the regency. However, the Soravian government and military used its influential presence in Tengaria to refuse a restoration; instead they declared that Tengaria must become a republic like Soravia had been for decades. Simeon attempted to change this outcome, but the Soravians threatened economic pressure and the status of the massive loans Soravia had provided prevented Simeon from having any real leverage, and threatened to use force to remove him from power if he did not comply. Simeon's generals and supporters encouraged him to go along with Soravia's plan, as he had the popularity to rule the government however he wished, with some even suggesting he could pull off a restoration in the future. However, Simeon refused to comply with this counsel, claiming that he was a faithful servant of the Emperor, and would never betray the sacred charge he had been given. However, he saw the futility of resisting Soravia's demands, and so, agreed to let a constitution be written. He continued to rule as regent during this time, continuing his programs and now preparing for transitioning out of his political role. The constitution was written and ratified in June 1935 by a Soravian picked Constitutional Assembly, a body which was formed by many liberal scholars and political figures, and deliberately discluded the prominent All-Solarian Union, and then elections were held in August of the same year. Gregori Ervo was elected to the Presidency, as well as a full Senate, the first one in 5 years. On the 14 of November, the same day that Ervo took office, Simeon abdicated from the regency in a carefully worded document, which still assumed that the Empire was not formally abrogated, and that power was restored to the monarch. However, that same day, the new government officially proclaimed the Tengarian Republic, and so the Empire was brought to its effective end.
The Early Republic
By this time, Kovachev was revered all throughout Tengaria as a war hero and a man of great ability and courage. Many were confused or did not understand why he had stepped down from office, or why there had been an administrative change. Many were unenthusiastic about the new political order at first, but the vocal minority quickly made their voices heard, proclaiming the new ideals of the republic and spreading them throughout the country. The republic attempted to establish its legitimacy, although from the beginning it was beset with problems. In the first elections, President Ervo's government relied on a four-party coalition of both left and right wing parties led by the TNP, a centrist and generally liberal conservative party which for the most part continued many of the practical policies which Simeon had in place. However, Ervo, at the insistence of the Republican ideologues in government, granted clemency and pardoned many of the collaborators who had fled the country. This move was widely unpopular, and was opposed by Kovachev, but was pushed through to bring back many of the republican figures back into the government.
Although Kovachev had stepped down as head of state, he did not resign his post as head of the armed forces. President Ervo was personally friendly towards Kovachev, and respected him greatly for his abilities and heroic actions, but also was wary of his monarchism and his influence he had over the people. Still, he knew that Simeon would keep the military in good order and would not rebel against the government on account of his strong moral principles, and so he was content to let him do as he would. Besides which, there were few republicans in the Army at the time, and Ervo knew that Kovachev was a safer choice than many of the other experienced officers at the time, who might attempt to launch a coup against the government. For these reasons, Simeon retained his post as the chief commander of the armed forces of Tengaria, holding the rank of Field Marshal, and at only 34 years of age, he looked as if he still had a full career ahead of him.
Kovachev oversaw the demobilization of many wartime members of the armed forces, and the army decreased in size to adapt to peacetime, in addition to severe austerity measures imposed by the government. Many of the veterans who had fought by his side and career soldiers continued to remain under him, and he organized the newly-named Tengarian Army into a proper fighting force, although this was hindered by a severe lack of money. The navy was almost completely destroyed during the war, and the country lacked the funding to replace it. The Tengarian Air Force was also sorely underdeveloped, but again a tight budget prevented it from growing much. Despite the fact that he almost had no budget to work with, he did work to keep the army in as best a shape he could. He began to introduce recently developed armored tactics and mechanized war into the infantry based army through means of severely outdated tankettes, armored cars and repurposed tractors. He had them drill to meet all kinds of adversities if necessary. He trained every officer to be able to serve several ranks above their position. He also took time to occasionally meet with random groups of soldiers or officers to both increase morale and to understand how his forces were doing. However, the administrative burden of being the chief commander made this time relatively limited as when had been a lower ranked officer.
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With Tengaria not at war, he was also able to spend more time with his now growing family. His oldest son Gregori, who had been born on the eve of the Great War, was over nine years older than his next sibling, Milena. During the first five years of the Republic, he welcomed two daughters, Milena and Olga, and one son, Petar, into the world. Although his work would constantly take him away, he enjoyed spending time with his family when he could, especially with his young son Gregori, who wished to follow his father's career in the Army, and who was later enrolled in the Sila School, the same that Simeon himself had attended as a boy. Simeon was careful about his children's education, ensuring that they were educated by skilled tutors, mostly of the Znaniya School. He also took time to promote and sponsor the growing influence of the Znaniya school in the educational scene, and in addition to military training sought to incorporate their philosophical ideas and moral development into the officer corps of the military, a move which caused concern by Republican politicians. However, a government examination of the training found no subversive problems with the education, and so it was allowed to continue.
By the late 1930s, the political situation in the government began to deteriorate as the four party coalition was proving unstable. As the TNP began to lose influence, the social liberal Progressive Party came out as the new coalition leader in the next elections in 1940; however, they also required a new more left-wing four party coalition in the Chamber of Deputies and the right-wing gained control of the State Council. This marked the beginning of the more pronounced partisan troubles which began to plague Tengaria, with a broad-reaching coalition having to compromise to pass anything at the same time an opposition-controlled upper house house able to oppose any unwanted legislation put forward by the coalition. Simeon purposely did not involve the army in the partisan struggles, and sought as much as possible to keep the military from the political influence, creating a state within a state. This was largely effective, as the Army was much more ready to be loyal to him, a hero and a commander that respected them, than to a divided government, although its sympathies largely lay with the right-wing All-Solarian Union.
However, this arrangement did not please the new President Stoychev, who had been a Minister-President of the collaborationist Tengarian State and was considerably less friendly to Kovachev than Ervo had been. He saw Kovachev as a rival and a threat to his power, and believed that his attempts to insulate the military from partisan struggles were in fact attempts for him to consolidate power for himself. Furthermore, Kovachev had overseen the execution of other prominent collaborators, and Stoychev would have been likely executed if he had not fled, and as such a hostile relationship already existed between the two. However, despite the conflict between the two, Stoychev realised that to dismiss Kovachev from his post would be a public scandal and only undermine his position. As such, he did everything he could to undercut Kovachev that would not be easily noticed to most people. Simeon was not happy with the situation, but also did not wish to openly disobey the government, and knew that to leave freely would be to leave the military in the hands of a hostile government. Simeon in his own way began to spread his influence quietly to defend his position and his view of the armed forces, leading to both sides waging an administrative war behind-the-scenes.
Kabu Civil War and Solarian War
When the Kabu Civil War broke out in 1941, Tengaria's ally Soravia was a major supporter of the Nationalist North Kabu against the socialist South Kabu. Tengaria did not really have the resources to support the war through full military action. However, President Stoychev realized his chance to get Kovachev and his influence out of Tengaria for some time. While keeping his position as Field Marshal, Simeon was sent to North Kabu along with many of his most loyal officers and men to act as military advisors and to supervise the warfare. Despite knowing that this was an underhanded move by Stoychev and that it was meant to be an insult as beneath the position of Field Marshal, Simeon accepted his charge and departed for Kabu. Once there, he began to work as best he could to help train and advise the North Kabuese forces, especially the command staff, and was instrumental in the planning and directing of several successful campaigns. While there, he earned himself a good reputation among the North Kabuese army officials, who respected his dedication, work ethic, and honesty. In order to better communicate with the men he was working with, Kovachev also learned the Kabu language during this time as well.
Part of the reason why Simeon was sent to Kabu laid in the political struggle between Kovachev and Stoychev over control of the army. Although Kovachev was still nominally in charge of the armed forces, and worked as best he could to maintain what he had already done even despite the long distance, the control which he could have over his forces was lessened by his distance. Stoychev was able to use this time get many of his own men, ones with political ties to the leftist parties of the Chamber of Deputies, into the armed forces. By doing this he attempted to undermine the absolute control which Kovachev wielded in the military. It worked, as many of these men would later become the backbone of the Republican forces during the Civil War. Stoychev also was able to act upon many lesser things which Simeon only learned about too late; and so Simeon became frustrated with the deliberate attempts to sabotage his army. However, he rarely ever showed his frustration to anyone, and it is recorded mostly in his diary.
Simeon spent nearly four years in Kabu, until in late 1944 he was summoned back to Tengaria by Stoychev due to the country's participation in the Community of Nations intervention in the Solarian War. Rather than acting in an advisory role as he had in Kabu, Kovachev would take command of the Tengarian forces to fight back against the Etrurians which had occupied portions of Amathia. The Tengarian forces acted in tandem with the Soravian forces and largely under their larger command, although Kovachev was fairly respected by the Soravian generals and was an important part of the strategic planning of the Western campaign. However, the lack of proper equipment and supplies meant that despite being well-disciplined and flexible, the Tengarian soldiers could not be as effective on the field as their better equipped Soravian counterparts. As such, the bulk of Tengarian forces acted as support units and in logistical assistance, especially because the Soravian supply lines went through Tengaria. Thus for most of the war, Kovachev played the role of quartermaster to the advancing Soravian forces. Still, Tengarian soldiers did participate in several notable engagements, such as the Battle of Columbia Aquila.
As the war progressed, the war went in favor of the CN intervention forces, with the Soravians and Tengarians reclaiming the Etrurian poritons of occupied Amathia, and eventually saw the Etrurian regime collapse. With the War over, Kovachev and his men assisted in the immediate aftermath, helping citizens under former occupation, building refugee camps, as well as generally keeping order in the days immediately following the war. During this time, Kovachev was forced to deal with tensions between his troops and the Amathians, who still bore grudges from the war over a decade prior, and many of whom were opposed to the Councilist government in Amathia. Because of the tensions and conflict of interests, Tengarian peacekeeping troops soon withdrew from the country, and returned to Tengaria in early 1947.
Tensions with the Government
Kovachev returned to Tengaria well after the completion of the 1945 elections, which saw Stoychev elected for another five years, and a new five-party coalition, still led by the Progressive Party but replacing the moderate People's Party with the left-wing TSMR. However, the State Council still had a right-wing majority, preventing the united left coalition from achieving much. Because of this, the country's political divisions had grown even worse. Stoychev now had more legislative support to be hostile towards Kovachev, although he did not feel secure enough to dislodge him from his position as commander of the armed forces. The President continued to work at undermining Kovachev by passing over Kovachev's well trained officers for political appointments, beginning to fill the upper ranks with republican loyalists.
Tensions first reached a head between the President and Field Marshal over the status of the former Imperial Estate. During one of the last stages of his regency, Kovachev had assigned all lands and properties owned by the former Imperial family and monarchs to the Tengarian Army as military instillations, foreseeing that a government would attempt to seize the properties for their own uses. Several attempts had ocurred before, but had ultimately failed. Stoychev brought the issue to the head when he demanded that the lands be seized as public property and Kovachev refused, saying that it was lawfully property of the military. Attempts to pass laws through the Senate failed when the State Council sided with Kovachev and refused to change the law. The former Tengarian Imperial Palace, which functioned as the headquarters for the armed forces, was set fire to but quickly put out, with the arsonist soon being discovered as a crony of Vasilov. Despite being convicted as guilty, Stoychev pardoned the arsonist anyways, causing widespread anger. Nevertheless, Stoychev did not have legal standing to overturn the property use, and so could do nothing.
As the political situation in Tengaria continued to deteriortate, the poor economic state it was in continued to worsen as well. Kovachev continued to develop the military as well as he could with a tight budget. Due to the small numbers of soldiers the government could afford, Kovachev continued his process of developing the army as professionally as he could, developing a strong corps of non-commissioned officers with increasingly specialized skills. In order to compensate the soldier's poor wages, he gave most of his own salary to the soldiers when he could, under the stated intention of doing so in order to help them meet their needs. For this reason, he was accused of bribery by his opponents, despite the fact that his donations were given to the military's payroll department rather than directly to soldiers. When word reached the troops, this also helped to both increase their loyalty to him as well as provide many with a reason to stay in the armed forces. In addition, Kovachev was known to regularly give his money to churches, charities, poor houses or to individual persons in need, while still keeping enough to satisfy his family's needs, and kept his personal living expenses to a minimum. As the economic situation continued to deteriorate, Stoychev continued to lose popularity while word of Simeon's humble lifestyle and generosity continued to maintain his reputation.
Arrest and Trial
In the elections of 1950, the leader of the TSMR, Vladimir Vasilov, very narrowly beat out the VS candidate, and was able to win the Presidency. The same five-parties kept a narrow majority in the Chamber of Deputies, but with the TSMR taking the role of principal party. Unlike Stoychev, who was openly hostile to Kovachev, Vasilov was not afraid to openly insult him and threatened to dismiss him if he did not keep in line. Simeon records in his diary that on his first encounter meeting him, Vasilov spit in his face and dismissed him from his presence, calling him a "reactionary traitor". Thus the relationship between the two floundered from the very beginning. Vasilov had prior to taken office had openly spoke against Kovachev as being the cause of the political stagnation in the Republic and of standing in the way of the Proletarian revolution. Kovachev attempted multiple times to work with the President, but was rebuffed every time.
A month into the Presidency, on December 5th, 1950, with almost no warning, Vasilov used his powers as commander-in-chief to dishonorably discharge dismiss Kovachev from his post and stripped him of his rank and of all his military honours. This act which was illegal according to military law, which required a court martial for such a discharge. Vasilov's edict stated that Kovachev was "guilty of insubordination and treason against the Tengarian Republic", and cited his previous refusals of orders to hand over the estate property. The same day, Kovachev was arrested and taken into custody. Kovachev did not resist the arrest, and was reported to go along with it quietly but immediately appealed to the law, citing his right to a military trial before such measures were enacted. Vasilov initially thought to deny him a military trial, intending to try him in a civil court.
The arrest and dismissal sent shockwaves throughout Tengaria, as Simeon still was very popular, and protests rose throughout the country almost as soon as word spread. Many of the elements of the army, who felt threatened by the sudden removal of their leader, threatened to mutiny and stage a coup against the Presidency if Kovachev was not granted a trial. Vasilov's ministers, largely distraught over the President's impulsive and ill-advised action, soon counseled him that to refuse Simeon's appeal would put the Presidency in even more serious legal trouble, and would lead to a possible insurrection. Vasilov acquiesced to their suggestions, and agreed to let Kovachev's appeal for a military trial stand. The move had soured public opinion of Vasilov, but also frustrated his allies and even Kovachev's opponents, who thought that it was carried out in the worst way possible.
During his time in prison, Kovachev spent his time reading, writing, and recieving visitors. His son reported that there was no major discernable change of him when he was in prison from before. Kovachev's trial began on January 14th, and was widely publicised and covered. The trial ended up being an embarrasment for the Presidency, as most of the actions of the edict were strictly illegal and defied military as well as civil law. As such, it lasted only two days. The military court upheld the President's right to discharge Kovachev and dismiss him as commander of the armed forces as vaild; but rejected the dishonorable discharge and stripping of medals without court martial as contrary to military law. Furthermore, the court also acquitted him on the charges of treason and insubordination which would have rendered his discharge dishonorable. He was released from prison, but was still relieved from duty and dismissed from his command in the army, and forced into retirement, although with a pension befitting his position. He was replaced by a republican partisan and friend of Vasilov named Todor Stoychev.
Brief Retirement
Although Kovachev was worried about the state of Tengaria now that he was thrust out of authority, he records in his diary that he accepted it as God's will and would adapt to his new circumstances as much as possible. He continued reading and writing, and also spend more time deal of time with his family. He told his friend Dimitri Denov that "I have never been so fortunate than to be at rest and leisure with my family." He was able to play a more direct role in his children's lives, and was able to help teach and educate his youngest son Dimitri. During this time, he took up several pastimes, including writing, hunting, singing, playing cello, and other things he had done previously but had never had the time to relax and focus on. He would complete two books, one on political philosophy called On the Principles of Government and another on military theory and strategy called The Art of the General, both of which proved popular. On the Principles of Government was almost censored because of its openly pro-monarchical stance on government, but became defining of his political opinions which he would emphasise later in life.
Although he was formally discharged from the military, he continued to meet and correspond with many of the officers of the Army, keeping in contact and mainitaining a network of communication. In addition to this, he continued to retain a significant deal of public influence, and accepted many invitations to speak at various places and engagements around the country. He did not wholly distance himself from public life, and confessed in his journal that "I think God has given me suspicion that ere long I will called back to public service of my fatherland, and I must be ready to answer when it comes." Although out of the government apparatus, his popularity continued to remain, especially as the economic and political state of Tengaria continued to get worse and worse. This image was also helped by positive coverage of the country's main newspaper, Solarni Novini, covering the charitable work he was doing during this time.
In the leadup to the 1955 elections, Kovachev was approached by the pro-monarchist All-Solarian Union to run as the party's Presidential candidate. Kovachev declined the offer, although he was supportive of the party. The reasons why he rejected the nomination are speculated by multiple sources. Some suggest that Kovachev simply wished to avoid partisan representation and remain his status as an independent. Other biographers suggested that he was biding his time to wait until war broke out to ensure that he could reshape the country, though all of these have the benefit of hindsight. His own stated reason was that "I had a fairly clear indication in my spiritual discernment that God was not wanting me to accept at this times." This happened quietly, so very few knew of his rejection of the nomination.
In the end, his retired second-in-command and longtime supporter of the Union, Dimitri Denov, was selected by the VS to be their candidate. He ran on a campaign which claimed that the Republican project had failed and that it was time to bring back the monarchy to ensure political stability, fix the economy, and to bring back order to the country. Already having been the single largest political party in Tengaria, it was growing more and more popular as the situation in Tengaria continued to deteriorate. With the low popular trust in the Republic due to the great civil unrest and the period of great economic collapse, the movement proved very popular, with most of the other right-wing parties collapsing into it, much to the concern of Vasilov and the left-leaning parties. Kovachev was personally in favor of the movement and was sympathetic to it in private conversations and correspondence, but was careful never to make any public statements in support of it.
With Kovachev out of the picture, Vasilov was able to use the military to forcibly surpress VS rallies and to arrest key memebers, claiming it was out of concern for national security. Vasilov openly declared the Union to be a "reactionary and counter-revolutionary" movement with "hostile intent to destroy the republic", and attempted to surpress it; however, his attempts to prosecute its members never succeeded in court and those arrested were almost always acquitted and released by the courts. Due to Vasilov's increasingly draconian measures to surpress the movement, public anger and outrage against the government began to amount and increase, and protests against the government grew more and more numerous. In addition, many members of the military had reservations about the President's policies, and Kovachev recieved many letters from his former subordinates asking how to respond to these seemingly morally objectionable orders. Due to the VS's control of the State Council, no laws could be passed outlawing the party succeeded. As the conflict between the government and the VS continued to escalate, Kovachev wrote in his diary that "it was a sad reality that I realised today that unless things drastically change, our fatherland will be brought into civil war." He began to spend less time in Lenovo and moved his family to the Kovachev estate in Strelsti.
Elections of 1955 and Vasilov's Coup
When the elections took place in August of 1955, the result was a victory for the VS, winning the Presidency, Chamber of Deputies and the State Council despite the left-wing uniting to form the Popular Front. This resulted in the first non-divided Tengarian government in fifteen years, and a fact which outraged the republicans in the government. Despite evidence found by the Novini indicating election tampering by government officials, President Vasilov immediately attempted to cancel the results of the election and declare them invalid. He was able to get the support of the incumbent Chamber of Deputies, but the move was blocked by the State Council as well as a Court review of the election. Unable to get anywhere through means of the law, the President decided that it was through means of the military that he would enforce his decision to suspend the elections. Several right-wing figures and leaders in Lenovo were arrested and summarily executed, causing other ones to flee the capital. However, the military was proving increasingly uncooperative, and was on the verge of mutiny.
Protests, which had been common in the years leading up to the election, broke out in far greater strength and numbers with the declaration of emergency. Violence broke out in the streets, and several people were killed in skirmishes between protesters and government forces. On November 14th, the day the new government was to be sworn in, the newly-elected members which attempted to convene in the Senate were arrested on the steps of the Senate Building by Vasilov's forces, a move which caused a massive protest in the streets. Vasilov gave the order for the soldiers to fire on the crowd, killing seven and wounding nine more, an event which came to be known as the "Black 14th". After this, Vasilov finally declared martial law, and attempted to assume full control of power through means of a self-coup. During this time, Kovachev had been outside of the capital on his family estate in Strelsti, having anticipated the violence in Lenovo and had been preparing for a response.
Denov on the same day assumed the Presidency outside the city of Lenovo, and fled to the city of Istros with his supporters, now that Vasilov had issued martial law and would arrest the newly elected government. Informed quickly of events transpiring in the capital to now the full extent of Vasilov's actions through contacts inside the city, Kovachev at once agreed to join the Patriot cause when Denov invited him to come out of retirement. He agreed to at once take command of the military forces loyal to Denov and the elected Patriot government of Tengaria, knowing full well that it would bring him into open conflict with the Republican incumbent government. Kovachev would later state to the Novini on his decision to support Denov's government that "The decision for me was quite clear. The Republicans had proven that they would knowingly commit crimes against their own system and become hypocrites in a futile attempt to keep themselves in power, and would result to shedding the blood of citizens in order to accomplish this. They had finally cast off the last semblance of legitimacy, and could no longer be considered a competent authority. The Republic, which for so long been on its last legs, in a single day had killed itself by the same ones who were claiming to save it."
When news spread that Kovachev had openly declared for Denov and against Vasilov's government, it was immediately denounced by Republicans, who decried him as a traitor and finally claimed that he had revealed his true colours. Vasilov is recorded to have said "the snake finally rears its ugly head". However, since Kovachev had been in most people's eyes a pillar of honesty and integrity, it only served to undermine the legitimacy of the Republican government and give further support to Denov's government. Patriot militias, which had already been growing steadily with the political problems, saw an influx of members once Kovachev declared for the Patriot cause. It, along with the influence and coverage of the Novini portraying Vasilov's actions a coup, inflamed popular support for the Patriots, and expanded the scale of the conflict to reach across the entire country. It was during this time in Istros that the first assassination attempt against him would occur. When he was walking alone at night, he was attacked by a Republican partisan with a knife. Kovachev evaded the attack and incapacitated the man, who was arrested. It is said that Kovachev personally forgave his attacker, but also encouraged him to amend his ways. The would-be assassin later joined the Army and served with distinction.
Utilizing his connexions and various communication channels which he had prepared for such an occasion, Kovachev was quickly able to contact his friend and supporters in units and announce the defection from Vasilov's authority, and declaring loyalty to the rightful President and government. Many in the military, eager to hear that Kovachev had returned and was finally taking a stand against Vasilov's regime, were excited to join. Within a few days, units across the nation were joining the Patriot's cause, and by the 17th of November the forces were ready to oppose Vasilov's attempted coup in open warfare. Kovachev had amassed an army of over 15,000 men, nearly a third of the army, which included almost all of the most experienced, best trained and best led units in the army, and due to careful planning were able to sieze most of the best equipment which the army possessed, in addition to the large militias being raised. The Republican leadership of the army, comprised mostly of political appointees, found itself unable to react effectively while the defecting units were mobilizing, and only found itself in a precarious situation when it was too late. With Kovachev's forces ready for conflict, Tengarian Civil War was able to begin in earnest.
The Civil War
Main Article: Tengarian Civil War
At the beginning of the Civil War, the military units in the country were located primarily around the capital and in the East closer to Amathia, although smaller units were stationed in Visoclesia and the south. The majority of units in the capital and almost all of the ones in the East sided with the Vasilov government, while the ones in the north south, as well as a sizeable contingent of the ones near the capital sided with Kovachev and Denov. Militias from across the country also declared for both sides, with most of the country siding with the Patriots. Republican forces consolidated themselves around the capital and reorganized for warfare in the East. Kovachev's forces were principally located around the city of Istros, with another secondary force in the north. Although in whole outnumbered, the bulk of Republican forces were stationed in Auroria and Calia, leaving only approximately 10,000 Republicans in Lenovo. Most of the valuable equipment was also located in supply depots around the city, making it the valuable place to take first.
Kovachev's main plan for the first part of the war was to take the capital before the forces in the East could regroup and reinforce the city. Marching quickly northward, his forces from Istros advanced up the Len River valley, while the northern contingent marched from the north. Meanwhile, smaller units in close proximity to the capital siezed and controlled the important points surrounding the city, and managed to secure some depots before republican forces could do so. In addition, Patriot militias took areas control of districts of the city itself, causing skirmishes to break out on the city streets, although the Republicans did have enough forces to engage in open urban warfare, although pro-Republican militias began fighting in the streets with the Patriot militias. The Republicans were poorly coordinated, but attempted to send a brigade southwards to stop Kovachev's advance into the city. The two forces met near the town of Velchevo in December 18th of 1956, where Simeon's forces quickly surrounded and defeated. The remaining fled back to the city, where the command had set up defensive positions for a final defense of the capital city. By early January, the city was under siege from the south, and by mid January they would be joined by the northern forces, who were able to surround the city.
The Siege of Lenovo would be the pivotal battle of the war. The Republican forces in the city attempted to stop the Patriots, but were outnumbered and poorly coordinated. To make matters worse, the actions of Patriot groups within the city undermined the supply lines and coordination tactics of the defender of the city. Kovachev took a conservative approach to the capture of the city, which he claimed was to ensure that the least damage was done to the city and to the non-combatants who were still inside. He at multiple points requested the surrender of Vasilov, who refused to accept. As time went on, more and more military units defected to the Patriots, once it seemingly was inevitable that the city would fall. The Eastern forces were still nowhere near the city, which gave Kovachev the time he needed to move his forces forward slowly. Eventually, the republican defense began to collapse entirely, and Patriot forces were able to enter the city. However, the Siege lasted longer as Republican militias and defenders would engage in urban guerilla warfare against the attacking forces, slowing progress and inflicting casualties. This only delayed the inevitable, and by March 8th the city was under control of the Patriots. Vasilov and his government were taken into custody, striking a massive blow to the Republican cause.
Despite having taken the capital, the war was not finished. The Republican forces still outnumbered the already bloodied Patriot forces, and had made their way towards the capital, and had no intention to give up fighting because of the loss of the government. To make matters worse, on March 10th President Denov was assassinated by a Republican only a day after he had come into Lenovo, which presented a problem for the government. Denov had at the beginning of the war appointed Kovachev as his deputy, causing him to succeed him in his presidential power. Kovachev took the title "Head of State", but for the moment dedicated governing responsibilities to his friend and ideological leader of the VS in the Senate, Simeon Radez, as acting head of government while he oversaw the war effort. Kovachev was deeply saddened by the death of Denov, but accepted the responsibility of government which had been thrust upon him. Opponents have claimed that Kovachev himself had ordered the assassination in order to consolidate power; this claim is generally universally rejected.
Kovachev's next focus was responding to Todor Stoychev's advance on the city, and rallied his troops to get ready for the upcoming battle. On March 25th, the Feast of the Annunciation, Stoychev's forces attacked Kovachev's forces neary the city of Bogorodista, intially piercing through the lines and driving them back, although it left the flanks exposed. Kovachev allowed them to advance before enclosing them in a double envolopment with forces from the north and south. Sotychev's forces were divided and encircled, and although Stoychev managed to escape with a small fraction of his army, nearly 16,000 Republican soldiers were taken prisoner. With the bulk of the Republican forces gone, the war had decisively fallen under the control of the Patriots. The remaining Republicans fled eastward, purused by Kovachev's forces. For the next months, Kovachev's forces drove out pockets of remaining resistance across the country, with support for the Republican movement rapidly shrinking, while pursuing the fleeing Stoychev and his forces.
On May 16th of 1956, Radez was assassinated by a Republican operative. Kovachev was forced to leave the war effort and return to Lenovo, with civil as well as military authority thrusted upon him. He now had de facto almost complete control of the government's affairs, and with the war winding towards its conclusion felt able to continue. Now that the war was winding to a close, Kovachev began to take heed for the Tengaria which would exist in the wake of the Civil War. He consulted with the members of the government on the best way forward, including the members of the Senate who had remained and supported the Patriots, which beside the right-wing monarchists included some moderates as well. Seeing the partisan conflict which had caused the civil war in the first place, Kovachev came up with the idea to unite the government under one political movement which moved beyond parties and worked for the common good. In August of 1956, Kovachev announced this new movement, called the Patriotic Union, which, in Tengaria's divided state, quickly saw rapid appeal. Many members of the government left their own parties to join the movement, although at first it was mostly made up of members of the All-Solarian Union.
However, tragedy struck the Kovachev family when Simeon's son Gregori, a polkovnik in the army, was killed in action against Republican forces on November 26th. Kovachev was stunned to hear the news, and personally very saddened. However, like his other concerns, he had to push them aside to focus on the larger picture at hand. He wrote in his diary that "Grief is natural at such loss, but what I cannot bear most is to leave my wife all alone throughout this; if only it did not get in way of my duty. My duty to my country, given to me by God, comes first before my own feelings." He resented the fact that he could not do more to be with his family during this time. Because he did not show emotion publicly, some who knew him leveled accusations against Kovachev that he did not care about his own son, or that he was an unfeeling brute. Despite his personal loss, he continued to oversee the final stages of the war effort, which dragged on because of Amathian support of the Republicans and use of guerilla warfare to resist the Army forces. As the war had continued to its final months, more and more of the Republican militias began to disband and to flee the country. The Republican government and forces who had not fled into exile or were captured. On July 8th of 1936, Stoychev was captured and taken prisoner near the Amathian border, being the last major Republican leader at the time. The last major militia holdout, the city of Avren, fell to Patriot forces on November 13th. With the fall of Avren, the Tengarian Civil War was practically over. A few minor militia holdouts remained, but now the country was once again mostly at peace.
Tengarian Statesman
Head of State
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Since the assassination of Radez, Kovachev had already been overseeing the political aspects of most of the country durin the final stages of the Civil War. The Patriotic Union movement which he had started during the war had grown rapidly, due to an effective propaganda campaign which Kovachev aided by the Novini. This was further aided by the surpression of the parties which had supported the Republicans. With the war almost completely over, Kovachev now had the monumental task of rebuilding Tengaria's broken economy and internal affairs, a process that would take lengthy time and effort, which needed to happen before there could be an overhaul of the government. The provisional government under his leadership immediately took steps to give restitution to war veterans and families, to punish major offenders and rebels, and to rebuild infrastructure and homes damaged by the war. To this end, the government took extensive financial aid from Soravia to rebuild everything, placing it more into Soravia's debt and thus more into its sphere of control for the time. Nevertheless, Tengaria continued to rebuild slowly but surely, and Kovachev began to put the first aspects of his future policy together. The growing Patriotic Union which led the provisional government oversaw the rebuilding process, which help to further cement its popularity.
Another important duty of the provisional government was to bring justice to the republicans after the end of the civil war. Kovachev, liked after the Great War, established a special tribunal to prosecute the Republicans for attempting to unlawfully sieze power and attempted to coup the government. Vladimir Vasilov, who had been imprisoned for several months, was executed in November 27th after standing trial, and Denov was executed on December 1st. Many high-ranking Republicans were also tried and executed for treason, or were exiled from the country, or had other harsh punishments placed upon them. This led to a mass emigration of political exiles, which also had the effect of greatly stifling any remaining open republicanist sympathy in the country. The trials and executions, especially considered when many of the particular trials themselves were most likely less than fair, are considered by some to be a major blemish Kovachev's reputation, as a mere purging of political rivals.
Kovachev personally as much as possible attempted to punish those loyalists who killed without trial or who committed major atrocities during the war, claiming that "justice must be kept regardless of faction. I will not tolerate those who take the lives of innocents without cause, as they betray the very ideals of our fatherland". This move was very unpopular with many of the loyalist militias and soldiers of the army, although some saw it as proof of Kovachev's integrity. Despite Kovachev's idealism, however, this attitude was ineffective at actually rooting out the prepetrators, because many of those who committed atrocities were able to get away with it by keeping it hidden or by finding more sympathetic members of the army or civil administration to cover it up. Officers ommitted to inform Kovachev of such information not infrequently, and many collaborated in the cover-up to maintain their own positions lest Kovachev found out. Some scholars assert that in future years Kovachev should have found evidence of these atrocities, but that by that point he refused to act on it.
After the conclusion of the war, a return to the monarchy was widely expected upon suggestions from the former members of the All-Solarian Union, Kovachev began to negotiate with the Soravian authorities again for the possibility for a restoration of the monarchy. Again, the Soravians refused to allow it, and even rejected his offer that it be put up to a national referendum. However, the Soravians would allow for the exiled Dragomir to return to his home country once a more firmly Soravian-aligned republican government had been put in place. In addition to this, the Imperial claimant wrote a letter to Kovachev urging him to follow the Soravian government's wishes, and that the time for restoration had not come yet. He also added that Kovachev's leadership was necessary to heal the hurts of the broken nation before any such restoration could be possible. Kovachev informed the former All-Solarian Union members of these developments, adding that despite his personal wishes, this was the prudent thing to do for the time. This move caused a deep discontent towards Soravia by many in the Tengarian right-wing which would remain present in the Patriotic Union until Dimitri Kovachev took power. Besides which, Kovachev knew that the move would be viewed poorly abroad, and in part justify many of the concerns which the Republicans had during the war. Despite this, Kovachev deeply felt that he had personally failed in his responsibility by failing to restore the Empire. Kovachev remained in charge of the provisional government until he took office as President in 1958.
New Constitution
Kovachev believed that in giving up power after the Great War, he had been responsible in part for the rise to the conditions which had brought about the Civil War. He determined that he would not make the same mistake, and took upon himself the task of writing a new constitution for Tengaria. He believed that the first constitution of Tengaria was insufficient to having a government which could carry out the task of rebuilding Tengaria. The goal of this new constitution would be to solve the issues of the early republic and fix the issues of political instability and factionalism which had plagued Tengaria in the previous decades. This task was done on top of the complex wave of affairs he had to deal with in the wake of the war, and thus took well over a year. Kovachev, while writing it, consulted frequently with his friends who happened to the philosophers and scholars of the Znaniya School, who helped him to shape the document based on their political principles. Much of it also came from his own thought and beliefs about the nature of government, and reflect the ideas which he laid out in his book On the Principles of Government, and also utilized the political works of Xenagoras and Ivan Istina.
The Constitution which he wrote is well known for deviating greatly from most established constitutions, and notably does not mention the authority of the people in any way, does not include a section on rights, instead stressing such things unity and stability. It called the country "Tengaria" simply to both devoid itself from the failed Republic, although functionally it established a Presidential Republic. The constitution enshrined Episemialism as the Faith of the country, based both on Kovachev's personal devoutness and belief that the Church would be a thing which could bring the country together. It banned all political parties, instead insisting that the government must be a nonpartisan consensus government, in order to ensure unity by barring factions from the political system. In addition, the constitution had no term or time limits for the Presidency, because Kovachev thought that good leadership should last as long as necessary and change for the sake of change should not be forced. The constitution also featured very strong presidential perrogatives. Kovachev believed that only a firm hand could guide Tengaria back from economic collapse and poltical chaos to order and stability, and that the President needed to have the power to execute the vision laid out in the constitution. Besides for the functionality of the government, the consitution also gave signifcant space to Kovachev's understanding of government and his own philosophical principles. Lastly, the document also includes several clauses which suggest that the President is a temprorary authority until the time comes for the restoration.
By late January of 1958, the Constitution had been written and revised to the point it was ready for promulgation, and in early Febuary was put to a popular referendum across Tengaria. The constitution was ratified, winning an overwhelming majority of the vote, however, few knew little about it other than Kovachev had wrote it and that it was widely popularized by the media to be a constitution which would bring back peace, prosperity and order, which most people at the time wanted after the chaotic events of the past decades. The constitution took effect when Kovachev officially signed it into law on March 15th. While the preperations for the first election under the new constitution began, Kovachev continued to function as the provisional head of government in the interim. March 15th would be celebrated as "Unification Day" because the new constitution was held be the new beginning after a time of disunity and division. The few political parties which still remained, mostly right-wing parties, were officially disbanded; most chose to join the growing Patriotic Union movement while a few chose to remain as independents.
Inernationally, Kovachev's constitution was immediately lambasted as authoritarian and heavily undemocratic by Eastern Euclean sources, with some left-wing scholars claiming that it was enshrining effective functionalism. Kovachev's international image was soured, as international news agencies were quick to depict him as a tyrant establishing a dictatorship. Before this, his reputation had been largely mixed. The blatant disregard for democratic principles in the constitution caused the International Council for Democracy to suspend Tengaria, only for it to withdraw a few years later. Not all international responses were negative. Soravia, an heavily authoritarian regime itself under the control of Gabriel Tozulyak, approved of it because it would place power firmly in Kovachev's hands. Although he had disagreed with Soravian authorities about the restoration of the monarchy and was stubborn, in most other regards he been willing to work with them and was trusted by the Soravian authorities to be a man of his word and a Soravian ally they could trust, a situation which was unlikely to occur if anyone else had assumed power. In addition, they also understood that his popularity and hero status would be key in establishing the legitimacy of an authoritarian regime within Tengaria. Outside of Soravia, the new constitution was praised by several political philosophers and scholars, usually religious conservatives, but these tended to be in the minority.
Early Presidency
The first elections in Tengaria under the new constitution occurred in August of 1958, with no parties officially on the ballot, although many of the candidates were members of Patriotic Union. Since the President was not popularly elected, he would have to be confirmed by the electoral college established by the new constitution. Due to the special circumstances of this being the first election, the electoral college was comprised of all sitting Senators elected in 1955 who had remained in their positions through the war. His victory was widely regarded as a foregone conclusion, as no one wielded the same influence that he did or stood to oppose him. Kovachev won with a unanimous electoral vote, the only President to have done so since the establishment of the electoral college. This would be the only election Kovachev would stand, as the constitution placed no limit on the length of the Presidential term. Union politicians won 342 out of 380, or 90%, seats in the Chamber of Deputies, giving Kovachev's political movement a supermajority and effective power to carry out political and societal reforms as he wished. Even the remaining independents, few were wholly opposed to Kovachev's plans for reform.
When Kovachev assumed control of the Presidency, he announced his resignation of commander of Tengaria's armed forces, a position which he had continued to hold as Head of State, finally ending his career which had spanned three decades of his life, albeit with a brief interlude of 5 years during his forced retirement. However, as President, he would remain as commander in chief for the rest of his life, and continued to be involved in military affairs. Kovachev reorganized the command structure to ensure loyal and experienced officers were in the positions of command, and worked to give better equipment, funding and training than had been available during the Republic due to lack of funding. However, Kovachev kept the small size of the army, focusing instead on creating a professional volunteer army instead on relying on large numbers of conscripts. Tengaria still relied heavily on Soravia for military equipment, but during this time began to develop some modifications based on Soravian equipment.
Kovachev continued with the economic policies he had maintained during his time as head of state, which had already shown marked success in turning the state of the Tengarian economy around. Taking loans from Soravia, Tengaria utilized heavy state investment to produce jobs and to build infrastructure which had fallen significantly behind the other Euclean countries. Kovachev's government invested heavily in manufacturing, developing the industry which had increased in the early 20th century but had sharply declined during the course of the Republic. During this time, Soravian firms would also established factories and bases within Tengaria, bringing the two countries together and also bringing more financial support. Tengaria's economy began to steadily improve during this time, and as the manufacturing industry expanded, the service sector began to increase. In order to facilitate transportation, Kovachev prioritised the re-development of the country's railway system, which already was used to transport most freight, over that of the country's roadways. Due to a combination of successful initiatives and the development of strong monopolies in industries, by 1970 the government was making a surplus, and began to pay off the loans which it owned to Soravia.
With the economy stablising, Kovachev chose to focus on the development of a project which he held in greatest importance, that of education. Kovachev had a great admiration for the classical liberal education he had recieved, and believed that its decline was one of the principal issues plaguing Tengaria. Following the example of the scholars of the Znaniya school, he believed that a new revitalisation of Tengaria's education would be highly beneficial and necessary to maintain the political order he was attempting to established. For the first two years of his Presidency, Kovachev worked to develop an educational model in accord with his principles, despite the opposition of several advisors. By October of 1960, Kovachev had prepared a curriculum which would be implemented throughout the country. This would be adopted both by the state schools as well as the schools run by the Episemialist Church, and mandated for all private schools as well. The reform would take several years to accomplish, taking place alongside the great expansion of the state education system, which the Republic had never the money to develop and had fallen into shambles. Due to the poor state it was in, the reform was able to be largely implemented without major opposition.
Throughout the first decade of his Presidency would deal with many other aspects of rebuilding. Many of the buildings which had been destroyed or damaged in the Great War and the Civil War needed to be rebuilt or repaired, with some structure lying in disrepair for decades. The government began to repair, restore and to rebuild many of Tengaria's broken down areas. His economic reforms continued the industiralisation which had begun in the later Empire, and would prove the groundwork for his successors to modernise and further develop the economy. He restored many of the priveleges to the Calians and Armonians which had been stripped away by the Republic, and implemented policies which would protect their languages and relative autonomy. He worked to restore Tengaria's international standing in events and competitions, with the country once again having success at the Invictus Games.
Despite working to restore Tengaria's standing in the region and the world, Kovachev's relations with his neighbors and other Euclean countries during the time was strained, due to his principles as well as his personal sense of integrity. Amathia's regime, although under Soravia's influence, had unfriendly relations with Tengaria on account of the opposition of regimes in combination with the tensions which remained from the Great War. The Euclean Community did not like Kovachev's regime, as they thought it was an undemocratic and authoritarian dictatorship, in addition to the reluctance Kovachev felt about allowing Eastern Euclean foreign companies onto Tengarian soil. Further controversy also arose when Kovachev abstained from attending or recognising the 1965 Euclovision Song Contest, hosted in Tengaria, because he did not personally approve of the music performed.
Later Presidency
Throughout Kovachev's Presidency, the Patriotic Union continued to perform better at every election, further cementing its hold over the government and establishing it as the dominant political force. Kovachev's improvement of the economy and stability of life had sustained his popularity, as well as the favorable news coverage found in the government-friendly news sources. With a stabilised and quickly developing economy and an economic surplus, Kovachev believed that Tengaria could turn from rebuilding and further increase quality of life, economic indepedence, and to further his cultural and social agenda. Kovachev continued infrastructure development, developing Tengaria's transportation and railway system, as well as implementing restrictions on certain music, art and media at the same time as promoting kinds which the government deemed morally acceptable. When West Miersa joined Euclovision in 1975, Kovachev had the country withdraw from it, due to a series of poor performances previously in Kovachev's dislike of the contest itself.
Although he was extremely popular within Tengaria, the political exiles and dissidents continued to oppose his regime. A terrorist group known as the Tengarian Republican Army orchestrated bombings and killings throughout the 1970s. The RAT would send several assassins after Kovachev, but none were sucessful. The closest attempt was a car-bombing attempt which detonated before Kovachev had stepped in, killing the driver but leaving Kovachev unscathed. To combat this threat, Kovachev reformed his security detail and worked to rework Tengaria's intellegence service to protect him and his family. However, these threats did not stop him from continue to speak publically. He made it a point to give a weekly address to the Tengarian people, a practice which he kept regularly unless he was traveling abroad on diplomatic trips. As Tengaria's chief executive, he had many engagements with foreign dignitaries and leaders. His reputation as a diplomat was rather mediocre, and when he engaged with others he tended courteous and charitable but honest and spoke his mind openly, a trait which impressed some but did not please others.
As Kovachev grew older, his health began to decline, and he began to ease on his active political life. He considered retiring from office, but felt that he should remain in power as long as he could preform his duties. He delegated aspects of power to his grandson, Ivan, as his right-hand, grooming him to take power once he vacated office, as well as to other trusted deputies and subordinates. On the twentieth anniversary of his Presidential election in 1978, he was 76 years old and still hale, although considerably older and more frail. He did not make as many public appearances as before, but did not relinquish his duties. Despite this delegation of duties, diplomatic incidents and unfortunate personal events would plague the final five years of his Presidency, which he said in August 1982 would prove the "toughest years of my Presidency".
In August of 1979, the Sostava War broke out in Soravia, Tengaria's political ally and backer, and its only other ally West Miersa became mired in the Lemovician War. These wars had deep ramifications for Tengaria, for it came at a time when the world economy was having difficulties, which had finally caused Tengaria's economic growth to cease. Kovachev was initially concerned that other countries might use the oppurtunity to take advantage of Tengaria, but it soon became clear that neither Ravnia nor Amathia would sieze the oppurtunity. Kovachev recognised the government of Vilem Gardos; however, he did not send military support, and refrained from doing so throughout the duration of the conflict, remaining officially neutral. In 1980, Tengaria's neighbor Amathia, which had been under a socialist regime since the 1930s, saw the Amathian Revolution take place, which resulted in the collapse of the Equalist Republic. Kovachev worked with the provisional government and the Amathian Democratic Republic in its early stages, attempting to rework Tengaria's relationship with Amathia. It would begin a slow process of readjustment and détente which would be carried over by his successors.
In August of 1980, his grandson Ivan Kovachev was assassinated by a member of the RAT. Kovachev, who had in part raised Ivan in his own household after the boy had lost his own father, Gregori, in 1956, when he was just over a year old, was deeply impacted by the event. It also called the succession into question for a time, as Simeon's son Petar was a priest and his son Dimitri tended to side with the pragmatists more than his father. After deliberation, he began to train Dimitri as his chosen successor to fill Ivan's place. However, just months later, on January 2nd, 1981, His wife Teodora passed away due to an illness. With the two deaths in the short period of time, Kovachev began to withdraw from public affairs over the next couple of months, and became taciturn and solitary, and his personal corespondence and diary output also sharply declined. However, by April of 1981 Kovachev had resumed most of his duties and had returned to work, although never to the same capacity he had prior to these events.
Death
Towards the end of 1982, Kovachev's health began to decline, and by December 5th, all power was effectively handed over to his son, Dimitri, who had taken over as acting head of the Patriotic Union, and his deputy President, Vasil Radev, who had becoming acting President. During his final month, he stopped recording things in his diary, and deliberately left it untouched and as is, entrusting it to his son Petar. According to his son Dimtri, Kovachev had a "strong feeling" he was going to die in the upcoming month, and spent regular time giving his son advice on how to rule and govern once he had finally passed. He spent what time he could ordering his affairs, spending time with his family, as well as with members of the Episemialist clergy. In addition to spending much time with others, in his final month he spent a great deal of time meditating on the scriptures, or meditating silently. His son Petar reported that he regularly asked to have the 50th Psalm read to him, and frequented the Sacraments, attending Divine Liturgy when he could in the palace chapel.
Kovachev made his last public appearance on December 25th, giving a public Nativity address from the Presidential Palace through a television broadcast. In the broadcast, he gave a farewell address to the country, saying that "I know that very soon I will pass from this world. God has been merciful and just to me, and has given me a life of service. It has indeed been a pleasure to serve my fatherland with all of my effort; I pray that you all continue with the same patriotic love for it that is necessary for any polity to prosper. The task of continuing to preserve the common good and to uphold justice and virtue is not easy, but to abandon it would be true folly indeed. Trust in God, do what is right, and that will work to preserve our fatherland, in the name of Sotirias." The broadcast was one of the largest watched broadcasts in Tengarian history, and recieved international intention as well.
Soon after the announcement on December 27th, Kovachev was confined to his bed and was unable to get up for extended periods of time. When his son Dimitri asked him if he had any regrets, Kovachev replied that "There are many which I realise now show my imperfection in the life of grace, but God has still found it fit to use even my flaws for greater good. My deepest personal regret, however, is that I would have restored the Emperor to his throne." On January 1st, the Feast of the Circumcision, he recieved the solemn Holy Mystery of Unction. On the morning of January 2, 1983, Kovachev recieved Holy Communion for the last time, and recieved The Office at the Parting of the Soul From the Body. He remained lucid until, although weak, until his final moments. His last recorded words were "Lord, have mercy on the soul of your unworthy servant", which were spoken shortly before he slipped unconcious. Simeon Kovachev finally died of respiratory failure at about midday, exactly on the day two years after his wife Teodora had passed away. Present were his surviving children and grandchildren, as well as seven Episemialist priests, and important government officials. That afternoon, announcements of his death were broadcast throughout Tengaria.
Funeral
Succession
Tengaria Under Kovachev
Social Policies
Kovachev implemented several policies which more closely intertwined the Patriarchate of Istros to the Tengarian government. He greatly expanded the number of public holidays to match the religious calendar, and allowed the Church to have heavily influence in the educational system.
Kovachev took architecture very seriously, and took Vitruvius' principles of "firmitas, utilitas, and venustas" as being necessary for any building. Rather than constructing new buildings with the popular brutalism or with other modern architectural schools, he worked as much as possible to sponsor more conservative architects of the Tengarian-style architects to restore the buildings when they could be restored, or to build similar structures when they could not. He worked to restore damaged works of art and other programs, and was a firm supporter of art conservation and restoration. However, this usually only applied to various kinds of art and culture which were deemed as "desirable", and those which were not received much worse treatment.
Economic Policies
In 1968, Kovachev learned about a foreign project which developed a successful molten salt reactor, which could lead to the use of Thorium in lieu of Uranium for nuclear power, but which was not adopted due to the lack of feasibility in nuclear proliferation. Due to the deposits of Thorium which Tengaria possessed, Kovachev made the decision that Tengaria would develop this new kind of reactor and utilize it as its energy source. Prior to this, Tengaria relied heavily on fuel imports from Soravia, and Kovachev hoped to draw out more power from domestic products and to achieve energy independence. To accomplish this task, Kovachev called on Tengaria's nuclear scientists, the foremost of which was Iordan Dafov, to develop a reactor which could reliably be used on a commercial scale, and invested significant resources on the project. For the next decade, Dafov and his team would run tests to develop a stable model of a stable and secure liquid fluoride thorium reactor in October of 1977. Kovachev would begin the process of constructing the country's nuclear power plants with this reactor, although this process would not be completed until the mid 1980s under his son Dimitri.
Patriotic Union
The Patriotic Union largely began as an extension of Kovachev's influence, to which he attempted to instill principles into over time. Due to the Union's broad reaching nature, it quickly developed factions, first largely along the old partisan lines which pre-dated the war. The Union during the first part of Kovachev's Presidency was dominated by the right-wing former members of the All-Solarian Union, although it included more moderate republicans and conservatives. As time continued, however, the factions began to change and develop away from party lines, usually around the issues concerning the approach to governance government, within the broader framework of a statist system. The former members of the VS and those who readily accepted Kovachev's policies became known as the "Purists", and were instrumental in implementing Kovachev's political principles, which were in turn heavily based on the works of the Znaniya school and Teleology. The moderates and those who began to push for modernisation became known as the "Pragmatists", and generally sought to preserve the status quo by following policies of other states, especially Soravia. Throughout Kovachev's Presidency, the Purists would be more prominent in government. Although other more particular factions would develop, these two would remain the dominant within the Union, as most members were considered one or the other.
Philosophy and Ideology
Kovachev's philosophy, political positions and ideology were deeply influential during his tenure as leader of Tengaria. Kovachev had many influences from his reading and from his life which influenced the way in which he thought about matters both political and not political. Kovachev admitted that he took a "deep interest in philosophy", and once lamented that "focusing on the active life, while good, has prevented me from entering as deep into the contemplative life as maybe I would have wished". Krasmirev notes that "to Kovachev very little of what he did was without recourse to the philosophy which he had steeped himself in from a young age. Being remarkably wide-read and deeply thoughtful on such matters, he no doubt would readily agree with Theocritus that 'the unexamined life is not worth living'".
From a young age, he was exposed by his mentor, Ivan Istina, to the writings of Theocritus, Xenagoras and many of the writers of the Tengarian Golden Age. This, combined with the interpretation of the figures within the Znaniya School, would be some of the central figures within his development as a youth, in addition to the mulitude of other texts that he read during his time as a student. His further studies at the Agora school in Istros cemented his ties to the Znaniya School. This would not only shape the way in which he viewed politics, but also the world itself. Adopting a broadly Teleological point of view, Kovachev believed that the world was intelligible, and that the finding of modern science were not contrary to what could be known through both natural philosophy and then through metaphysics. In addition, he was known to take a stance of philosophy that trusted the senses as the way in which we acquire knowledge of world, and held that excessive skepticism of what is perceived cannot lead to any true philosophy. He rejected many of the modern philosophers for being "fundamentally wrong in their first principles", but nevertheless believed that their work "must be taken with the utmost attention and sincerity and addressed diligently."
In addition, the influence of the school would also shape both his philosophy of politics and his political ideology. According to Kovachev, beyond any ideology or position he was "fundamentally concerned with the common good". He had a personal distaste for what he called "-isms", and that the good of any community relied more on the virtue and integrity of its citizens beyond any ideology. For this reason he insisted he was opposed to the notion of "ideology", and refrained from identifying himself with them. He rejected the left–right political spectrum and the opposition of terms "liberal" and "conservative", and often thought of himself as a liberal even though he did not come close to the word as it was used in eastern Euclea. In addition, he rejected what he called the "uncritical deification of democracy" as the only true political system, saying that the modern "infatuation" of the ideals of the Weranian Revolution and the Etrurian Revolution, including nationalism, republicanism, and democratism as the only acceptable political system was "naive and harmful".
Generally, scholars consider his political views to be right-wing or sometimes as far-right, being largely authoritarian. His outspoken support for the Empire of Tengaria and opposition to the Tengarian Republic is considered to be indicative of him as a monarchist. His special opposition to the democracy and republicanism and rejection of the "whims of the populace" are considered by some to be extremely indicative of being totalitarianism, in addition to the way in which the constitution was structured, obstructing political pluralism and his holding on to power until death. However, other scholars his (at least nominal) explicit rejection of totalitarianism, his desire to transcend partisan division to focus on the good of the country, his opposition to ethnic nationalism and support for Calian and Armonian groups, and his attempts to introduce liberal education to form a "free people" suggest that his views were not as extreme as others portray them to be.
On the Principles of Government
Published in 1953, Kovachev's book On the Principles of Government ("Principia Civilitatis", "Принципи на Политиката") is considered to be his defining work of political philosophy and by some to be his magnum opus.
Personal Life
Personality
Through
Family
Main Article: Kovachev family
Kovachev is regarded as the head and founder of the Kovachev political family, which has continued to dominate Tengarian politics since his death in 1983, due to Simeon's influence. Simeon outlived his two expected successors, his oldest son, Gregori, who died in the Tengarian Civil War, and his grandson, Ivan. He was succeeded in the Presidency by his youngest son, Dimitri, and his other son Petar became a Priest and later a Prominent Metropolitan Bishop. His granddaughter, Teodora, is the current President of Tengaria. Other members of the Kovachev family occupy important government posts. However, besides the public offices which his family achieved, Simeon also played a vital role in the private aspects as well.
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Although Simeon grew up in a stable family, he was always quiet and shy, and never formed a close relationship with any of his sisters. After his early youth he did not see much of his family at all on account of his military education. However, he still spent the breaks with his parents and siblings, but began to see them less and less frequently. Once he became and officer and started his own family, he only saw them a few times. Despite these circumstances, he kept a prolific correspondence with his parents for the next while, and many affectionate letters have been saved. He cared deeply for his parents, and was grateful for all of the gifts they had given him in his early life. He is once said to have remarked that "I would be nothing without the gifts my father and mother gave to me. I do have a debt to them I can never fully repay." He was deeply grieved by news of the death of his parents during the war.
In his own family, Simeon was deeply devoted to his wife Teodora, and also to all of his children. Despite the separation with his wife for nearly eight years, he remained faithful to her and enjoyed her company, or if absence, her correspondence through letters. The letters exchanged between them form some of bulk of Simeon's writing. When he could, he also liked to take personal involvement with his children in their endeavors, and also corresponded with them frequently. However, his duty often called him away from his family, which in part grieved him. The Kovachev family remained closely together, however, as the generations increased, the family began to drift further apart. By the time of his death, Simeon was the patriarch of a large family of three generations. He had five children with Teodora, three sons and two daughters:
- Gregori, oldest son, born in 1926 soon before the outbreak of the Great War. Married, had two sons. Killed in action in 1956 during the Tengarian Civil War at the age of 30.
- Milena, born in 1935 at the end of the Great War. Married to Theodosii Istina, grandson of Ivan Istina, had three sons and three daughters. Died in 2019 due to natural causes at the age of 84.
- Olga, born 1937. Married to Vasil Radev, had one son and two daughters. Died of natural causes in 2008 at the age of 71.
- Petar, born 1939. Entered into the priesthood. Metropolitan Archbishop of Lenovo since 2002.
- Dimitri, born 1945. Married Anastasia Ivaneva and had one daughter, Teodora. Succeeded his father and became President of Tengaria in 1983. Died of cancer in 2014 at the age of 69.
Private Life
Simeon spent most of his life in the line of some duty, either in school, the military, or as President.
Simeon is considered by some to be a polyglot, being fully fluent in five languages (Tengarian, Solarian, Armonian Savader, Calian and Kabuese) and having mixed degrees of proficiency in others, including Ancient Piraean (reading), Amathian, Gaullican and Soravian. With Tengarian as his first language, he acquired Solarian and Piraean through his early schooling, then Armonian and Calian while training to be an officer in the Imperial Army, and Kabu when acting as an advisor to North Kabu during the Kabu Civil War. He developed proficiency with the other languages later on in his capacity as regent and later President of Tengaria. Although he spoke Tengarian most frequently to his family and fellow administrators, he preferred his personal writing in Solarian, and his diary was written in a combination of different languages, mostly in Tengarian and Solarian. When speaking or writing to Armonians and to Calians, he would utilise their languages as much as possible.
Legacy
Simeon Kovachev's life is extremely well documented, due to the amount of material written by or about him throughout the course of his life. This plentitude of resources has in some ways "made scholarship on Kovachev easy, in other ways extremely difficult", according to Rumen Krasmirev. The amount of contemporary material about him presents a challenge to navigate through in order to reach a complete picture. Furthermore, many of the writings about or from Kovachev are considered be biased or uncritical by several scholars. The primary sources on Kovachev are usually his diary and personal correspondence written by Kovachev, which have been made available and widely published, as well as official government records and documents during his long tenure in office. Numerous reports from people who met and knew him, both in and outside Tengaria, also shed light on what others thought or chracterised as his behavior. Furthermore, due to Kovachev's active political life there exist many news articles and reports of his actions, although these are sometimes regarded as biased either for or against him.
Simeon regularly, although with varying degrees of productivity, kept a diary from his later Academy days in 1919 until shortly before his death in September of 1982, a period of 63 years. This diary spanned through multiple volumes, and show little signs of later editing. Petar Kovachev, who inherited his father's personal correspondence and diaries, states that the original documents are "substantially unaltered" from when they were first written, and are generally accepted as a decisive account of Simeon's own writing. Some scholars believe, however, that although Kovachev's diary is largely unedited, it was written with a mind to reflect the image of himself that he wanted to convey rather than his honest feelings, claiming that it makes him appear to be better than he really was. The extant personal correspondence which is saved, however, largely corresponds with the writing style and thoughts he expressed within the diary.
Kovachev was close to relatively few people aside from his family and his political and military colleagues; most of the intimate knowledge of his personal life he did not disclose were made known through the account of his wife, his children, and his closest colleagues. Most of his closest friends and confidants outside his family, such as his mentor Ivan Istina, his second in command Dimitri Denov, leader of the VS Simeon Radez, died before he took the office of President, and their written accounts are somewhat sparse in comparison. However, many people who had extensive interaction with Kovachev, such as his guards, his secretaries and deputies, would also provide valuable sources of information.
Inside Tengaria
Foreign Response
Glorification
Simeon of Tengaria | |
|---|---|
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| Right Believing | |
| Venerated in | Episemialist Church |
| Canonized | 20 December 2020, Lenovo, Tengaria by Endemic Synod of Istros |
| Feast | 17 April |
| Patronage | Politicians, Military officers, Educators, Tengaria |
Simeon Kovachev was well known for his personal sanctity, his promotion of Sotrianity, and his friendship with the Church throughout his lifetime. Almost immediately, movements for his glorification began across Tengaria in 1983. His cult began to grow among the pious quickly, and continued to grow through the next few decades. Devotions were made to him, and during the period of thirty years several miracles were reported to his intercession, including the healing of a young girl from a deadly cancer in 1992. Despite a rapidly growing public movement, the Endemic Synod decided to put off any formal considerations for a few decades until the cult had time to properly develop and a rigorous investigation could be made. However, private devotion was not only permitted but encouraged. In addition, the Presidency supported the glorification movement.
Thirty years after his death, in 2013, the Holy Synod authorized the Canonization Commission of the Endemic Synod to begin a thorough and comprehensive review of his life. The plentitude of sources and various writings by him and on him by friends, family, subordinates, and enemies caused a careful examination to take place over the course of seven years. Among the sources were the extensive Kovachev family records, the records of the Presidential office, official documents and press releases, old military papers, Simeon's extensive private letters and works, as well as reports from people who knew him. After examination of both written records and eyewitnesses and other sources, the Commission finally released its report to the Endemic Synod on December 17, 2020.
The Commission's report was highly favorable towards Simeon, citing various examples of his life and stating that his life had been the model of holiness. The bulk of it consisted in the examination of his writings and of the reports of his closest friends and observers, painting a picture of a serious and dutiful man who had a strong sense of piety. The report also took note of opposing viewpoints, but concluded that most of those were made by political opponents, attacking for political reasons. Taking all of the research into consideration, the Commission stated in the concluding section of the report:
"Kovachev was a man of deep piety and faith, a loving father and husband, and a devout Sotirian who placed Sotirias at the centre of his life. He was a faithful son of the Holy Church and a temporal defender of Her against Her enemies, and an obedient servant of God and Emperor and yet still a leader when he saw it as his duty to his fatherland. In conclusion, there can indeed be no doubt that Kovachev lived his life in accord with the Sotirian faith and as an example of holiness, sacrificing his very life for the sake of the people of Tengaria."
After the report was submitted, the Endemic Synod deliberated over whether or not to proceed with the glorification. Reports from the Synod claimed that the bishops were not divided over whether or not Simeon's life was sufficiently holy, but rather on account of the public scandal it might cause due to his political connexions. Despite supposed reservations, the Synod announced the decision to recognize Simeon as a Saint and allow his public veneration on December 20th, completing the process and solidifying his status. He was declared Saint Simeon of Tengaria, and is seen as the patron of politicians, military officers and educators. He also is seen as a patron of Tengaria as a whole, although he has not been proclaimed as such officially.
His formal and final glorification ceremony is scheduled to take place on April 17th of 2021. The church Simeon attended during his political time in Lenovo, the Church of Saint Helena, has been declared as his shrine, until a new one can be built.
Opposition
Due to Simeon's status as a controversial President, his glorification has been opposed, more often from international sources. Many view him, although perhaps well intentioned, a dictator, and one who promoted a system of governance which saw the. Furthermore, those who were political exiles from Tengaria or descended from them can have a deep hatred for him, despising his important role in the Tengarian Civil War or the means he took of stablizing the country afterwards, or for his reactionary policies.
Simeon was criticized by several of his contemporaries, mostly political opponents. President Vladimir Vasilov is claimed once to have exclaimed in 1952 that "No matter how much he claims to not desire power, the army is loyal to him rather than me! Kovachev's 'virtues' are nothing more than mere pride and arrogance. He will take the power from us one day, and we will rue it." Todor Stoychev, an officer who served under Kovachev and who was the leader of the Republican forces during the Civil War, claimed that Simeon was "a charlatan and a idealistic fool who deceives others into thinking that he is virtuous in order to increase his own vanity". Some contemporaries also claim that his morals and ideals were a facade for an inward lust for power and ego.
Within Tengaria itself, there were some who were adamantly opposed to the glorification, seeing it as a political move with no other purpose than to further the current government. One source claimed that "this unfair act of glorification will only serve as legitimacy for the perpetuation of the Kovachev regime". Once the glorificaiton had taken place, another also claimed that "This was the inevitable outcome, as the Kovachevs have the Church firmly in their control."
Internationally, many expressed displeasure over what they deemed a violation of the role of Church and state. Several sources claimed that this move was an "unjust weaponization of religion", on account of the fact that they saw it as a means of using faith to prop up a dictatorial and undemocratic regime. Even Tengaria's main geopolitical ally, Soravia, had its foreign minister, Oleksandr Semenenko, speak out against it in an official statement: “Whilst the Soravian government recognises what is an admirable display of religious integrity and piety, and a notable devotion to the progression of the Tengarian state and its people, we must condemn his canonisation as a gross misuse of religious and political power within the state, and implore the relevant authorities to reconsider the intersection between church and state.”
Further criticism that the decision was based on familial relations has arisen since Kovachev's son, Petar, is a prominent member of the Endemic Synod. In spite of this opposition, the Endemic Synod still proceeded with the glorification.
Quotes
"If I die, know that I die for for God and for the good of my fatherland. This war is horrible- I could never love war for its own sake. I have seen my men die in front of my eyes, torn apart by artillery and gunfire. It is ugly and disgusting. But at the same time, it is glorious, based on account of the good which it aims. I will lay down my life for this greater good, for the sake of the preservation of the nobility which our fatherland stands for. This is my honor and my sacred duty, and greatest gift I can make of my life."
-Letter to his wife Teodora from the Ravnian frontline, March 29, 1928
"I write here to inform you that no one is fooled by this mockery of justice, which is an insult to our nation and its people. Your 'clemency' is farcical because it only absolves those who are only loyal to you and has no real Sotirian mercy behind it. For the sake of our country, I beg you to put aside your personal ambitions and hatred and actively pursue the good of the nation and punish these men. Despite your claims on the contrary, perhaps it is not I who is the source of your problems in governmental managment, but your commitment to a false set of ideals."
-Letter to President Vasilov concerning the arson scandal of 1946.
Titles and Honours
His Excellency Simeon Kovachev, President of Tengaria
Tengaria: Knight of the Collar of Order of St. Vasil
Tengaria: Knight Commander of the Order of St. Boris
Tengaria: Tengarian Golden Cross
Tengaria: St. George Medal
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