National Reconstruction Alliance (Gylias): Difference between revisions
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Due to its dedication to image, the party notably refuses to participate in [[Sigrid Eisen]]'s [[Sigrid Eisen#Minor Party Alliance|Minor Party Alliance]]. Lai reportedly told Sigrid during a meeting, "You've got some ''{{wpl|ganbaru}}'' walking in here and calling us a minor party. I like that." | Due to its dedication to image, the party notably refuses to participate in [[Sigrid Eisen]]'s [[Sigrid Eisen#Minor Party Alliance|Minor Party Alliance]]. Lai reportedly told Sigrid during a meeting, "You've got some ''{{wpl|ganbaru}}'' walking in here and calling us a minor party. I like that." | ||
Locally, ARENA has achieved some notable successes. It has something of a base in [[Arsad Region|Arsad]], particularly in the city of Keraþ, the former site of Emilia's [[Impresa di Chieti]]. ARENA's Nania Saeşe won the Arsad gubernatorial elections from [[List of Gylian regional elections#1978|1978]] to [[List of Gylian regional elections#1998|1998]], making her Gylias' longest-serving regional governor. Similarly, Keraþ has elected numerous ARENA mayors, making it the main competitor to the {{G-UM/meta/shortname}} in the city. | Locally, ARENA has achieved some notable successes. It has something of a base in [[Arsad Region|Arsad]], particularly in the city of Keraþ, the former site of Emilia's [[Futurist Front#''Impresa di Chieti''|''Impresa di Chieti'']]. ARENA's Nania Saeşe won the Arsad gubernatorial elections from [[List of Gylian regional elections#1978|1978]] to [[List of Gylian regional elections#1998|1998]], making her Gylias' longest-serving regional governor. Similarly, Keraþ has elected numerous ARENA mayors, making it the main competitor to the {{G-UM/meta/shortname}} in the city. | ||
ARENA has also won gubernatorial victories in [[Sváen Region|Sváen]] (Ienia Eute, [[List of Gylian regional elections#2002|2002]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#2018|2018]]), and briefly in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] (Dele Sişaly, [[List of Gylian regional elections#1982|1982]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#1990|1990]]) and [[Envadra Region|Envadra]] (Reza Taşéy, [[List of Gylian regional elections#1998|1998]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#2002|2002]]). Commentators have noted that ARENA's wins for governor have come mostly in left-leaning regions, following leftist incumbents, and Nania and Ienia in particular pursued largely conventional left-wing policies in office despite using the ARENA posturing. | ARENA has also won gubernatorial victories in [[Sváen Region|Sváen]] (Ienia Eute, [[List of Gylian regional elections#2002|2002]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#2018|2018]]), and briefly in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] (Dele Sişaly, [[List of Gylian regional elections#1982|1982]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#1990|1990]]) and [[Envadra Region|Envadra]] (Reza Taşéy, [[List of Gylian regional elections#1998|1998]]–[[List of Gylian regional elections#2002|2002]]). Commentators have noted that ARENA's wins for governor have come mostly in left-leaning regions, following leftist incumbents, and Nania and Ienia in particular pursued largely conventional left-wing policies in office despite using the ARENA posturing. |
Revision as of 10:36, 12 September 2020
National Reconstruction Alliance | |
---|---|
Founded | 1962 |
Preceded by | Futurist Front (unofficial) |
Ideology |
Historical: |
Political position | Nominal: Far-right De facto: Big tent joke party |
Colours | Dark blue |
Website | |
http://www.arena.gls/ | |
The National Reconstruction Alliance (French reformed: Alliance rénovatrice nationale), abbreviated ARENA, is a Gylian political party, part of the Non-inscrits bloc.
ARENA was established in 1962 by Emilia Malandrino, making it an unofficial successor of the Futurist Front. Initially a post-Futurist party, its political elements gradually faded away and were replaced by a complete reliance on image and the charisma of its leader. It has been described as an "image party" or "a cosplay convention masquerading as a political party".
ARENA occupies a self-described "adversary" role in Gylian politics and cultivates an image as well-dressed frondeuses. It is customarily considered far-right due to its presentation, but Gylian commentators stress the primacy of image and lack of real ideology, making it in practice difficult to place on the political spectrum.
In practice, members can advocate any ideology as long as they "look the part", making it a big tent joke party similar to the LSD Party, a comparison Emilia embraced.
Despite traditionally achieving limited success in federal or local politics, ARENA has nevertheless had a notable effect on Gylian popular culture as a result of its image.
History
ARENA was founded in 1962 by Emilia Malandrino, the former leader of the Futurist Front and then-independent member of the Popular Assembly. It was registered in time for the 1962 federal election.
Initially, the party adopted a post-Futurist platform, emphasising national syndicalism and national mysticism. In practice, emphasis quickly shifted to Emilia's personality. Following her lead, the party adopted a distinctive image of "androgynous strongwoman camp", favouring androgynous suits and ties as their "uniform".
The party assumed an adversarial role in Parliament, but treated debates more as verbal jousting matches. They did not oppose the Golden Revolution, often abstaining on crucial legislative votes, and targeted most of their hostility at the reactionary FROS and CC. Their antics gained them a reputation as Parliament's rezy-like antas. Rin Tōsaka wittily observed that Emilia and her colleagues would've made "great kendōka" rather than actual politicians.
ARENA furthered its "wicked" image by openly associating with the Mava Organisation (and later the Megelanese ligéra) and sharp-elbowed businesswomen like Şaisa Tausi, Sári Gábor, and Samantha Thompson. They strategically cooperated with Maria Elena Durante's MED on key occasions. They opposed "anarchaotics", and played a key role in ridiculing and discrediting them during the 1968 protests.
The party increased its first preference vote in the 1969 federal election, particularly for the Senate, and became the third-largest non-inscrit party.
ARENA took a harder opposition line against the Aén Ďanez government. During the wretched decade, it aimed its campaigns at voters frustrated by the crises and at risk of radicalisation, competing directly to siphon FROS support. It provided outside support for the Filomena Pinheiro government, declining offers to officially enter the cabinet, and stood against the dérive au droite.
Emilia died in 1989, having become one of the longest-serving Gylian party leaders. Despite speculation that the party would fracture without her rallying figure, it continued under new leader Lai Kalþan.
The 1990s represented a peak for the party's federal support. It capitalised on the end of the wretched decade, the NB–UFP split of 1989, the expulsion of the FROS and RR from politics, and the Non-inscrits' breakthrough in 1990. Renewed national optimism and the destruction of the authoritarian far-left and far-right allowed ARENA to vacuum much of the protest vote that had gone to RR and FROS previously. It made strong inroads into municipal councils and regional councils.
Since the 2000s, its support has receded to its previous average. Following an equally lengthy term as leader, Lai retired in 2016.
Political profile
Ideology
ARENA has been labeled a "virtual", "plastic", "personality", or "image" party due to its lack of real ideology. It was initially post-Futurist, revolving around advocacy of national syndicalism and national mysticism. These have now disappeared and been replaced by cultivating an image of "androgynous strongwoman camp".
It is usually classified as a far-right, and Emilia at times accepted this framing, describing the party as "the LSD Party of the right" and "the farthest right outpost short of a social quarantine area". However, it lacks the Gylicist, ultranationalist or hostile characteristics of FROS, and indeed has been a bitter rival of right-wing and far-right formations. For this reason, Gylian commentators emphasise ARENA's status as a singular movement, committed to image rather than ideology.
Under Lai's leadership, the party explicitly embraced a syncretic image, using the slogan, "Neither left nor right, nor even centre." In practice, a wide variety of beliefs occur within the party membership, and its social and economic policies overall trend vaguely leftist, and fit in the framework of the Gylian consensus.
Observers have noted that despite the party's anti-establishment posturing, it notably avoids themes of left-wing or right-wing populism, instead settling for a more "selective appeal".
In general, ARENA is one of the most leader-centric parties in Gylian politics, resulting in a more statist bent.
Image
The defining elements of ARENA's image are "wickedness", adversarism, and "toughness". Members cultivate an image as sharp-dressed, cultured fighters, reflected in the adoption of formal and business suits as a common "uniform".
Emilia's precedent has shaped a certain androgynous bent for the party's image, producing a feminised appropriation of the strongman posture. ARENA members incorporate mystical and spiritual elements drawn from martial arts and rezy into their image, portraying a graceful and self-disciplined ideal of strength.
Many ARENA members and politicians own firearms or swords, and treat the extensive preparation and self-discipline required to obtain a firearm license as a mystical ritual that reflects their physical, mental, and spiritual development.
Due to its willingness to associate with "wicked" criminals, the party has been described as an avenue for Miss Fortune-like figures to pursue political careers. The most famous former criminal to have done so is Kaþi Mofat.
ARENA's campaign literature and party political broadcasts are remarkable for focusing almost completely on the figure of the leader or candidate, and using "wicked", rezy-styled humour, portraying voting for ARENA as a "naughty but harmless thrill" — a strategy reminiscent of the Mava Organisation's "self-performance art". Their adoption of a "seductive pose" towards political opponents fits in with a tradition of harmlessly eccentric presences in Gylian politics, shared with market anarchists and other non-inscrits like Love, Nature, Democracy and People's Party for a Flourishing Nightlife.
Despite its cartoonish image, ARENA has a notably strong record for representation of LGBT, genderfluid, genderqueer, agender, and disabled people in Gylian politics and elections.
Symbols
The party's symbol is the outline of a person (resembling the letter Y) in a white circle. It superseded the flash and circle previously used by the Futurist Front.
Popular support
Federal electoral support for ARENA tends to fluctuate around 1–3% in first preference votes. It is a notable beneficiary of second and later preferences, often receiving them from supporters of parties with a similarly light-hearted image such as LSDP, LND, Pirates, or PPFN.
ARENA's lack of overlap with "genuine extremists" is demonstrated by the willingness of left-inclined non-inscrit voters to give it high ranks in second preferences, while FROS and RR voters give it low ranks.
Due to its dedication to image, the party notably refuses to participate in Sigrid Eisen's Minor Party Alliance. Lai reportedly told Sigrid during a meeting, "You've got some ganbaru walking in here and calling us a minor party. I like that."
Locally, ARENA has achieved some notable successes. It has something of a base in Arsad, particularly in the city of Keraþ, the former site of Emilia's Impresa di Chieti. ARENA's Nania Saeşe won the Arsad gubernatorial elections from 1978 to 1998, making her Gylias' longest-serving regional governor. Similarly, Keraþ has elected numerous ARENA mayors, making it the main competitor to the UM in the city.
ARENA has also won gubernatorial victories in Sváen (Ienia Eute, 2002–2018), and briefly in Nezyál (Dele Sişaly, 1982–1990) and Envadra (Reza Taşéy, 1998–2002). Commentators have noted that ARENA's wins for governor have come mostly in left-leaning regions, following leftist incumbents, and Nania and Ienia in particular pursued largely conventional left-wing policies in office despite using the ARENA posturing.
In popular culture
In contrast to its limited electoral success, ARENA has enjoyed high visibility since its formation, and achieved acceptance and "naughty respectability". The "wicked" appeal of figures like Emilia Malandrino and Lidia Leone allowed the party to be treated as adversaries rather than enemies during the Golden Revolution. At crucial moments, the party has joined with "mainstream" parties to defend the Gylian consensus, most notably in closing ranks behind the Filomena Pinheiro government.
Its role in politics has been compared to the Mava Organisation: ARENA's pivotal contribution has been to fight and weaken authentic far-right formations, often with tacit support from other parties and governments of the day. Consequently, it has monopolised the space that would have gone to far-right politics, and serves to redirect those energies towards a harmless alternative: political theatre instead of practical politics.
The party's tongue-in-cheek, cartoonish image is its most iconic trait. ARENA has made a significant contribution to the modern conventions of depicting female heroines and adversaries of Gylian popular culture. The influence of its image is visible in cinema, animation, comics, and video games. Several renowned Gylian works such as Agent Jane or Dreamwave Productions franchises have drawn on ARENA's reputation in depicting their lead characters, while others have explicitly portrayed characters as ARENA members or officeholders. ARENA has also been parodied, especially in political pornography (such as the Chiaki Uchigane series) and sketch comedy. Gylian musician PJ Harvey humorously dubs her musical style "ARENA rock".
As a result of ARENA's reputation, its name is used in Gylias to metaphorically refer to the limit of acceptability of something — "worse than ARENA" means something has crossed the line from adversary to enemy, or from "wicked" to "evil".