Foreign relations of Yisrael

Royal Foreign Minister Ariel Goldblatt gesturing as he addresses the press.

Introduction

The foreign relations of the Kingdom of Yisrael are the responsibility of His Majesty's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (known alternatively as His Majesty's Foreign Ministry), which is currently headed by Foreign Minister Ariel Goldblatt.

Yisrael is a major global economic and financial hub and is informally known as the "Banker of Scipia". In addition to its economic strength, Yisrael possesses an advanced regional military presence.

The Royal Government in Yerushalayim pursues a strategy of principled stability and shared prosperity by promoting self government and free market capitalism. This has pitted it against most leftist powers left in the globe, who oppose the Jewish kingdom's anti-communism. Yisrael advocates neoliberal free markets and social conservatism, and these ideological aims are key determinants of its relationships with other world nations.

Overview of foreign bilateral relations

Country		Status of Relations				Visa requirements?	Embassy?	Interests section Only?	Foreign policy dispute?
		Direct	Indirect	None
Arthurista			N/A	N/A		1		N/A	N/A
Ascalzar		2	N/A	N/A			2	N/A	N/A
Belfras			N/A	N/A		1		N/A	N/A
Charnea			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Drevstran		N/A		N/A			N/A	3	N/A
Enyama			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Fabria		N/A	4	N/A			4	N/A	N/A
Fahran			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Garima			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Garza		N/A		N/A			N/A		N/A
Ghant			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Gelonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Gran Aligonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	5
Kaayhltaa Tlag		N/A	N/A					N/A	N/A
Keuland		N/A	N/A					6	6
Latium			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Lihnidos			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Lion's Rock			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Lyncanestria			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Messidor Union			N/A	N/A				N/A	7
Mutul		N/A		N/A			N/A	8	8
Onekawa-Nukanoa			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Ostrozava		N/A	N/A					N/A	N/A
South Ottonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
North Ottonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Sante Reze			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Skaldafen		N/A	N/A					N/A	N/A
Sudmark			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Sydalon			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Talakh			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Thraysia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Tikal		N/A		N/A			N/A	9	N/A
Tsurushima			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Tulura		N/A		N/A			N/A	10	N/A
Valgtea		N/A	N/A					11	11
Vardana			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A

Footnotes
1. Arthurista, along with Belfras, is among a narrow class of nations of whom Yisrael created bilateral visa-free reciprocal travel policies.
2. As the Queen of Sydalon is the ruling Co-Prince of Ascalzar, all Ascalene affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Sydalon and the Yisraeli Embassy in Ostracine, Sydalon.
3. Yisrael maintains indirect ties through an interests section in the Ghantish Embassy in Angrast. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
4. As Fabria is encircled by Sydalon, all Fabrian affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Sydalon and the Yisraeli Embassy in Ostracine, Sydalon.
5. Since the 2019-2020 Gran Aligonian crisis, the actions of the interim regime under Leuter Sion have caused relations between Yisrael and the GA to plummet due to Sion's demand that all foreign armed forces, state or private, leave the island state, despite valid contracts for Yisraeli PMC interests on the GA. Sion later was caught insulting President Yitzchok Katz to the President of Mont, causing an international scandal.
6. Keuland and Yisrael maintain no diplomatic ties in light of the kingdom's treatment of its Jewry, regulating their attire, political and property, and movement. Yisrael has established a "permanent pipeline" based in nearby Ottonia to smuggle Jews out of Keuland called Operation Exodus II. The Government of Yisrael has a consular officer and several attachés stationed in the Arthuristan Embassy in Kalda per a bilateral diplomatic agreement with Arthurista, but does not consider this presence an "interests section." Keuland, in return, has accused the consular presence as being "a base for spies," which Yisrael has repeatedly denied.
7. Mont has objected to the Hezekian Reaction as well as the Yisraeli security operations against anti-royalist rebels who fled to Mont and base themselves there to launch attacks against the Yisraeli state.
8. Yisrael and Mutul maintain indirect relations despite the international sanctions regime by designating the neutral power Sante Reze as the protecting power, with Yisrael having an interests section in the Sante Reze Embassy in Kalak'Muul, Mutul. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
9. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Tikal City, Tikal. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
10. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Arimal, Tulura. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
11. Yisrael has no direct relations with Valgtea due to suspected ties to pro-Sydalene Christian terrorism against Yisrael. However, the Government of Yisrael has a consular officer and several attachés stationed in the Arthuristan Embassy in Engelhavn per a bilateral diplomatic agreement with Arthurista, but does not consider this presence an "interests section." Valgtea, in return, has accused the consular presence as being "a hotbed of spies," which Yisrael has repeatedly denied.

Special relationships

Arthurista

Main article: Arthurista-Yisrael relations

Friendly

Garima

Main article: 2005 Polnitsan War

Onekawa-Nukanoa

Main article: Onekawa-Yisrael relations

Cordial and neutral

Charnea

Main articles: Great Scipian War and Year of the Triple Coup

North Ottonia

Ottonian-Yisraeli relations, both formally and informally, date back centuries. However, with the Partition of Ottonia in 1950, both countries had severed ties due to the Autocracy government's (1941-1951) overwhelming support to the ruling authoritarian regime of National Front dictator Kaarlus Klaussunn who was overthrown during the Ottonian Revolution (1947-1950) by North Ottonia's predecessor movements.

President Asher Berkowitz traveled to the Ottonian Federal Republic in June 1955, six years almost exactly to the day the last Yisraeli trainers and troops left Ottonia, and gave a public apology for the Kingdom's actions during Operation Bamidbar and the Revolution. He was politely embraced by his fellow liberal, Premier Harald Baaltrsunn, and both governments formally establishing diplomatic ties.

Over the next few years, both economies experienced growing business networks and import/exports. Baaltrsunn's successor, Junna Braandur, more warmly befriended Berkowitz and Yisraeli society, and visited Yisrael in 1957. This was followed by a cultural exchange program in 1958. This exchange program led to a particular subculture of Ottonian-accented Anglic speakers in Yisrael compared to the then-typical Arthuristan-taught Anglic language and grammar.

Ties broadened continually between the late '50s and early 1960s, with a stronger Ottonian-Yisraeli bond forming during the Fourth West Scipian War (1963-1966), when Sydalon under a irredentist fascist government invaded Yisrael to annex it completely under the Sydalene banner. The long Ottonian Premiership of Eleonur Hendrsunn (1959-1980) and a series of Constitutional Liberal presidents starting with Berkowitz and going, almost uninterrupted until Boaz Benayoun (1968-1974) and his Vice-President Tal Habbad (1974-1976), created a generation-long liberal synergy between both powers.

Relations cooled and turned chilly with the election of Binyamin Schwartz in 1976 and the Yarden backlash, and throughout the late '70s and early-mid 1980s, Yisrael reoriented geopolitically towards the royalist and conservative Western Monarchies. Following this, Schwartz realigned Yisraeli support towards South Ottonia, further angering politicians in the North. Despite this, economic ties actually grew as Yisraeli investors poured tens of millions of shekels into both Ottonias, funding industrial interests and technology start-ups. This dichotomy - worsening political relations but growing economic intertwining - occurred from the 1980s through the 1990s and early 2000s.

The election of Eitan Herzog in 2004 reset relations, with both countries hosting more bilateral meetings and sharing public rhetoric towards international events. Herzog's successor, Conservative Noah Feldman, while a hawk and more firmly in the western monarchy camp, straddled his policy towards both Ottonias, retaining improved ties with NO while also upgrading relationships with South Ottonia. On the Ottonian side, Herzog and Feldman found a willing partner in Sofya Rudulf, who was Premier from 2007-2019. Rudulf emphasized growing openness and improved ties with "the South", including both western Belisario-Scipia as well as South Ottonia, specifically.

However, relations dipped slowly over the Feldman years, as in the second term of his administration, Feldman more aggressive spoke out against global republicanism and socialism, irritating the North. Since Junn Andrsunn became Premier, relations became strained as the Gran Aligonian crisis broke out, the sudden [Hezekian Reaction]] and election of firmly right-wing Yitzchok Katz occurred in Yisrael, and the Periclean basin became a battleground between the capitalist-monarchist bloc and their opponents, of whom North Ottonia generally aligned with.

Since January 2020, many foreign policy analyusts have characterized bilateral ties as "restrained neutrality," having lost the luster of is previous cordiality.

Unfriendly

Messidor Union

Main articles: Mont-Yisrael relations and Hezekian Reaction

Gran Aligonia

The GA and Yisrael have a had long-running ties as closely-linked Periclean trade partners for centuries. Formal diplomatic recognition was exchanged in the 18th century, and both an ancient Jewish community as well as a more recent expatriate Yisraeli community existed on the islands since that point.

Relations were cordial from the mid-1700s until the late 19th century, when Yisraeli imperialists started eying the island-state as a possible geo-strategic colonial possession amid growing tensions with Sydalon and its Latinic allies in the western Periclean and southern Belisarian basin. Although the idea percolated in right-wing Yisraeli circles between the 1870s and 1910s, war hawks remained focused on the West Scipian Contention with Sydalon, especially in the build-up to the 2nd West Scipian War (1915-1918).

In the late 1920s, a right-wing hawkish government came to power, eager to expand its holdings from the Protectorate of Tarshish (in modern-day NW Mont) to escape the near-enclosure by Sydalon and its allies in a future conflict. With the GA's increasing isolation and cut ties with major powers such as Latium and Lihnidos, Royalist Conservative Prime Minister Reuven Levy orchestrated the 1932 2-16 Incident, which saw Yisraeli-backed Aligonian nativists attack a visiting Yisraeli warship in the Villa Romera harbor, killing several sailors and moderately damaging the ship in a brazen daytime attack.

The Levy administration declared war and the GA fell to Yisraeli occupation in less than a week. A colonial regime, the Protectorate of Gran Aligonia, was proclaimed over the island chain, and it was strongly fortified in anticipation for the next war. Thousands of Yisraelis moved to the island seeking business opportunities, an exotic locale, or to fill military and colonial administration posts.

The GA remained under Yisraeli rule for another eighteen years until a Latium-backed uprising and expeditious landing by Latinic-trained expat GA troops in December 1950 amid the three-way civil war among Yisraelis both in Yisrael and its colonies. In January 1960, outgoing President Asher Berkowitz, an avowed liberal, signed a diplomatic treaty reopening relations between the island-group and Yisrael. Over the course of the 1960s and 1970s, a slow trickle of Yisraelis started returning to Gran Aligonia for business or tourist opportunities.

Under President Noah Feldman, Yisrael actively started cultivating allies in the moderate royalist bloc under Duke Artús Montecalvo under absolute monarch Prince Veremundo. However, with the outbreak of the 2019-2020 Gran Aligonian crisis and Veremundo's abdication and support of the republican bloc, ties frayed. Veremundo attempted to expel all foreign state and private armed forces from the isles in 48 hours, a move all foreign parties rejected. Veremundo ally and Interim GA Grand Minister and republican protest leader Leuter Sion later upped the rhetoric slamming the leaders of Yisrael, Latium, and the Roth Group (whose PMC division had numerous contractors working in the GA).

Diplomatic relations have continued to plummet, with cold-cum-hostile ties between Yisrael and the GA.

Formerly hostile, now cordial (post-1973)

Sydalon and Fabria

Main articles: Sydalon-Yisrael relations and Yarden Accords

Sydalon

Sydalon and Yisrael had been at odds for centuries, dating back to the first third of the 13th century when the First Crusade landed in modern-day Sydalon and created several crusader states that ruled various parts of the early medieval Jewish realm located in modern-day Yisrael.

In the early modern era, Sydalon and Yisrael clashed in the first of the West Scipian Wars, from which emerged a centralized, unified Jewish state. Relations ebbed and flowed in the next two centuries, but geopolitical rancor re-emerged during the Era of Great Nationalism in the mid-to-late 19th century, when both Sydalene and Yisraeli societies were gripped by new pan-nationalist and imperialist ideologies. In the last years of that century, a cold war became the bilateral reality for both kingdoms.

Pan-nationalist regimes in both countries would lead to the Second (1910s), Third (1941; 1949), and Fourth (1960s) West Scipian Wars. A major objective of these national visions was control over the Yarden River Valley and attempts by one nation to annex the other. After the Fourth War, guided by pro-peace governments and the major Great Powers such as Arthurista and Latium, a five-year peace process emerged that culminated in the signing of the 1973 Yarden Accords.

The 1970s and 1980s remained fraught with subtle tension and paranoia about a betrayal of the pact, but by the late '80s, a cold peace turned warmer as generational changes and strong institutional and governmental backing of the Accords in both nations built trust. By the year 2000, a generation of peace and building trust led to a cordial relationship and deepening commitment to the "Yarden status quo."

By the time of the 2017-18 Sydalene Revolution, relations had settled warmly to such the extent that the fears of an Yisraeli military intervention was perceived among the revolutionary Sydalene leadership not as a way to invade and annex Sydalon, but to support the Monarchy of Sydalon and the continuation of an independent Sydalene state.

Bilateral relations are warm and cordial, and as the two states enter the 2020s, foreign policy analysts expect closer ties to continue to flourish.

Fabria

Relations between Fabria and Yisrael were tense in the first years of the Holy See's re-establishment in Sydalon in 1909 in the broader context of the West Scipian Contention, of which Fabria fiercely backed Sydalon.

This state of affairs stayed the same until the Yarden peace process, though there continued to exist pan-nationalist conservatives among the Fabrian Catholic Church's ranks who opposed the Accords and were active in many of the late '70s Yarden revisionist movements.

While the Church's mainstream generally tracked Sydalon's in warming to Yisrael between 1973 and 2000, there remained entrenched pockets of revisionists who worked against the status quo and reserved a particular scorn for the Jewish kingdom. The election of one of their own to the papacy in 2015, Pope Julius IV - an open and avowed Yarden Revisionist - significantly chilled relations between Yisrael and the Holy See, a geopolitical development that continues to this day.

Latium

Main articles: Latium-Yisrael relations and Latin-Yisrael Higher Education School Credit Reciprocity Agreement

Latium and the Jews of West Scipia have a long and storied history, dating back to the 1st century BCE. A civil war in Judea between two claimants under the Chasmonian dynasty led to the invitation of the Latins to mediate, leading to the Chasmoneans' overthrown and installation of a Latin puppet king Herod and his heirs before the Latin Empire seized direct control of Judean governance in the 1st century CE. Latinic pagan rule was severe and hard towards traditional Jews, but a sign of new progress, ideas, and technology for others.

The Latins ruled for several centuries before they withdrew from most of their Scipian holdings in the early Middle Ages, when the Mesfin Empire overran their northern Scipian territories. Relations were re-established c. 1100 CE when the collapse of the Almurid Caliphate led to the Jews of occupied Judea to declare themselves the Medina Yehuda; Medina Yehuda and Latium maintained ties until 1237, when the former was overrun by the First Crusade's Sydalene Crusader States.

The 15th and 16th century saw an explosion in cross-strait trade, with a high volume of Latin and Yisrael traders frequenting the other's country. In the 17th century, a formal embassy was revived by both states, and in 1715 the Latin Emperor was one of many who sent congratulatory messages to the new Yisraeli king upon his country's ascension as a fellow kingdom.

Relations were cordial and static between the early 18th and late 19th century; in reaction to rise of pan-nationalist sentiments in Sydalon and Yisrael in the 1860s onward, Latium started strongly favoring Sydalon in the event of a future conflict. In turn, the Yisraelis leaned heavily on Arthuristan diplomatic and military assistance, with both powers backing their respective West Scipian states in the West Scipian Contention.

Between 1890s and late 1960s, Latin-Yisraeli relations were practically non-existent and hostile due to the intermittent West Scipian Wars. Latium backed the Yarden peace process and the subsequent 1973 Yarden Accords. Latin opinion towards Yisrael usually tracked Sydalon's; as Sydalon-Yisrael relations improved in the late 1980s - early 2000s, so did Latin-Yisrael ties.

Geopolitical analysts note that at the cusp of the 2020s, Latin-Yisraeli ties suddenly grew much closer: the messy 2019-2020 Gran Aligonian crisis, the sudden royalist Hezekian Reaction, and the election of Yitzchok Katz, whose Cabinet is noticeably pro-Latium. With intertwine interests in Gran Aligonia, and a Yisraeli government much more favorably disposed towards Latium's conservative-royalist geopolitical orientation, the two countries have begun to engage in high-level diplomatic talks and, alleged by their critics, joint anti-republican actions in the GA and elsewhere. Latium quickly fast-tracked Yisrael's joining of the royalist-leaning military Periclean Pact as an Associate member in December 2019, with the Katz administration pursuing the full membership track ever since.

The biggest surprise in international politics at the start of the 2020s may be the fast-growing diplomatic, geopolitical, military, and security ties of Latium and Yisrael.

See also

• Foreign relations of Latium