Foreign Intelligence Agency (Morrawia): Difference between revisions
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On June 18, 1948, the National Security Council issued a directive and granting the authority to carry out covert operations against ''"hostile foreign states or groups"'' that could, if needed, be denied by the [[Federal government of Morrawia|Morrawian government]]. | On June 18, 1948, the National Security Council issued a directive and granting the authority to carry out covert operations against ''"hostile foreign states or groups"'' that could, if needed, be denied by the [[Federal government of Morrawia|Morrawian government]]. | ||
===1975 | ===1975 Talgiri coup d'etat=== | ||
{{Main|1975 | {{Main|1975 Talgiri coup d'etat}} | ||
In 1972, the oil crisis struck Morrawia, plunging the nation into economic turmoil. President Mirosław Jaworski found himself desperate for solutions as the crisis deepened, and in the year that followed, Morrawian oil companies such as [[M-OIL]], [[AAC]], [[Echelon Corporation|Echelon]], and [[Vanguard United]] began aggressively exploiting foreign oil reserves in countries like [[ | In 1972, the oil crisis struck Morrawia, plunging the nation into economic turmoil. President Mirosław Jaworski found himself desperate for solutions as the crisis deepened, and in the year that followed, Morrawian oil companies such as [[M-OIL]], [[AAC]], [[Echelon Corporation|Echelon]], and [[Vanguard United]] began aggressively exploiting foreign oil reserves in countries like [[Talgiristan]]. This aggressive extraction led to significant detriment to the local populace and strained relations with the Talgiristan government. By 1975, the situation had escalated to a critical point, and President Jaworski, after extensive consultations with his advisors and government officials, made a decisive move to protect Morrawian interests. | ||
In a series of clandestine meetings, President [[Mirosław Jaworski|Jaworski]] instructed Foreign Intelligence Agency (FIA) Director [[Aleṡ Hawer]] to initiate a covert operation aimed at overthrowing the government of | In a series of clandestine meetings, President [[Mirosław Jaworski|Jaworski]] instructed Foreign Intelligence Agency (FIA) Director [[Aleṡ Hawer]] to initiate a covert operation aimed at overthrowing the government of Talgiristan's President [[Salar Ghilzai]]. This plan, dubbed [[Operation Page Turn]], was designed to install a more compliant regime that would ensure continued access to vital oil resources. The target of the coup was the installation of [[Lashkar Ali Shah]], a Talgiri monarch seen as more favourable to Morrawian interests. | ||
Operation Page Turn involved meticulous planning and coordination. The FIA utilized a combination of intelligence-gathering, political manipulation, and direct action to destabilize the Ghilzai government. FIA operatives on the ground in | Operation Page Turn involved meticulous planning and coordination. The FIA utilized a combination of intelligence-gathering, political manipulation, and direct action to destabilize the Ghilzai government. FIA operatives on the ground in Talgiristan worked to foment unrest among the local population, exploiting existing discontent and orchestrating protests and strikes. Simultaneously, high-level negotiations and bribes were employed to win over key military and political figures to support the coup. | ||
The operation reached its climax in a swift and decisive action, where a coordinated uprising, backed by select military units loyal to Lashkar Ali Shah, toppled President Ghilzai’s administration. The coup was executed with minimal bloodshed, and within days, Lashkar Ali Shah was installed as the new leader of | The operation reached its climax in a swift and decisive action, where a coordinated uprising, backed by select military units loyal to Lashkar Ali Shah, toppled President Ghilzai’s administration. The coup was executed with minimal bloodshed, and within days, Lashkar Ali Shah was installed as the new leader of Talgiristan. This successful regime change ensured that Morrawian oil companies could continue their operations without further hindrance, securing the energy needs of Morrawia and stabilizing its economy. | ||
===1997 Bikinian democratic revolution=== | ===1997 Bikinian democratic revolution=== |
Latest revision as of 11:59, 19 November 2024
Zahraniċní zprawodajská slużba | |
Karel Abrahám Center for Intelligence in Nowé Hromy, Wallash | |
Agency overview | |
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Formed | November 5, 1935 |
Preceding agency |
|
Headquarters | Karel Abrahám Center for Intelligence, Nowé Hromy, Wallash, Morrawia |
Motto | "Truth in Silence, Power in Knowledge" |
Employees | 15,271 (estimate) |
Annual budget | ₮43 billion (as of 2020) |
Agency executives |
|
Parent department | Executive Office of the President of Morrawia |
Parent agency | Office of the Director of National Intelligence |
Child agencies |
|
Website | fia |
The Foreign Intelligence Agency (FIA) (Morrawian: Zahraniċní zprawodajská slużba), known informally as the Agency (Morrawian: Rozwėdka) and Thunder (Morrawian: Hrom), and historically as the Company (Morrawian: Spoleċnost), is a civilian foreign intelligence service of the federal government of the Republic of Morrawia tasked with gathering, processing, and analyzing national security information from around the world, primarily through the use of human intelligence and conducting covert action through its Directorate of Operations. The agency is headquartered in the Karel Abrahám Center for Intelligence in Nowé Hromy, Wallash.
As a principal member of the Morrawian Intelligence Community (IC), the FIA reports to the director of national intelligence and is primarily focused on providing intelligence for the president and the Council of Ministers. The agency's founding followed the dissolution of the Office of Information Services (OIS) after the presidencies of presidents Sád and Steinmayer by President Eduard Palacký, who created the Foreign Intelligence Office under the direction of a director of central intelligence by presidential directive on January 22, 1933. The agency's creation was authorized by the National Security Act of 1935.
Unlike the Federal Investigation Bureau (FIB), which is a domestic security service, the FIA has no law enforcement function and is mainly focused on intelligence gathering overseas, with only limited domestic intelligence collection, especially after the establishment of the Bureau of Homeland Security. The FIA serves as the national manager for human intelligence, coordinating activities across the IC. It also carries out covert action at the behest of the president.
The FIA exerts foreign political influence through its paramilitary operations units, including its Special Activities Center. The FIA was even instrumental in establishing intelligence services in many countries. It has also provided support to several foreign political groups and governments, including planning, coordinating, training in torture, and technical support. It was involved in many regime changes and carrying out terrorist attacks and planned assassinations of foreign leaders.
Since 2001, the FIA is organized under the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI). Despite having had some of its powers transferred to the DNI, the FIA has grown in size following the terorrist attacks of the 2000s, the with some of the largest terrorist attacks in Morrawian history. The FIA's role has expanded since its creation, now including covert paramilitary operations. One of its largest divisions, the Information Operations Center (IOC), has shifted from counterterrorism to offensive cyber operations.
The agency has been the subject of several controversies, including its use of torture, domestic wiretapping, propaganda, and alleged human rights violations and drug trafficking.
Purpose
When the FIA was created, its purpose was to create a clearinghouse for foreign policy intelligence and analysis, collecting, analyzing, evaluating, and disseminating foreign intelligence, and carrying out covert operations.
As of 2020, the FIA had five priorities:
- Counterterrorism
- Nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction
- Indications and warnings for senior policymakers
- Counterintelligence
- Cyber intelligence
Organizational structure
The FIA has an executive office and five major directorates:
- The Directorate of Digital Innovation
- The Directorate of Intelligence
- The Directorate of Operations
- The Directorate of Support
- The Directorate of Science and Technology
Central Office
The director of the Foreign Intelligence Agency (D-FIA) is appointed by the president with Senate confirmation and reports directly to the director of national intelligence (DNI); in practice, the FIA director interfaces with the director of national intelligence (DNI), Federal Congress, and the National House, while the deputy director (DD-FIA) is the internal executive of the FIA and the chief operating officer (COO-FIA), known as executive director until 2017, leads the day-to-day work as the third-highest post of the FIA. The deputy director is formally appointed by the director without Senate confirmation, but as the president's opinion plays a great role in the decision, the deputy director is generally considered a political position, making the chief operating officer the most senior non-political position for FIA career officers.
The Central Office also supports the Morrawian military, including the Morrawian Army Intelligence Command, by providing it with information it gathers, receiving information from military intelligence organizations, and cooperating with field activities. The associate deputy director of the FIA is in charge of the day-to-day operations of the agency. Each branch of the agency has its own director. The Office of Military Affairs (OMA), subordinate to the associate deputy director, manages the relationship between the FIA and the Unified Combatant Commands, who produce and deliver regional and operational intelligence and consume national intelligence produced by the FIA.
Directorate of Intelligence
The Directorate of Intelligence, is tasked with helping "the President and other policymakers make informed decisions about our country's national security" by looking "at all the available information on an issue and organiz[ing] it for policymakers". The directorate has several regional analytic groups, groups for transnational issues, and three groups that focus on policy, collection, and staff support. There are regional analytical offices covering the Thrismari, Bakyern and Thuadia, Caleren and Meredonne, and Hiraethia and Caliandia.
Directorate of Operations
The Directorate of Operations is responsible for collecting foreign intelligence (mainly from clandestine human intelligence sources), and for covert action. The name reflects its role as the coordinator of human intelligence activities between other elements of the wider Morrawian intelligence community with their human intelligence operations. This directorate was created in an attempt to end years of rivalry over influence, philosophy, and budget between the Morrawian Ministry of Defense and the FIA. In spite of this, the Ministry of Defense announced in 2005 its intention to organize its own global clandestine intelligence service, the Defense Clandestine Service, under the Military Intelligence Agency (MIA). Contrary to some public and media misunderstanding, DCS is not a "new" intelligence agency but rather a consolidation, expansion and realignment of existing Defense human intelligence activities, which have been carried out by MIA for decades under various names.
This Directorate is known to be organized by geographic regions and issues, but its precise organization is classified.
Directorate of Science & Technology
The Directorate of Science & Technology was established to research, create, and manage technical collection disciplines and equipment. Many of its innovations were transferred to other intelligence organizations, or, as they became more overt, to the military services.
The development of the S-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, for instance, was done in cooperation with the Morrawian Air Force. The S-2's original mission was clandestine imagery intelligence over denied areas around the world. It was subsequently provided with signals intelligence and measurement and signature intelligence capabilities and is now operated by the Air Force.
A DS&T organization analyzed imagery intelligence collected by the S-2 and reconnaissance satellites called the National Photointerpretation Center (NPIC), which had analysts from both the FIA and the military services. Subsequently, NPIC was transferred to the Strategic Intelligence Agency (SIA).
Directorate of Support
The Directorate of Support has organizational and administrative functions to significant units including:
- The Office of Security
- The Office of Communications
- The Office of Information Technology
Directorate of Digital Innovation
The Directorate of Digital Innovation (DDI) focuses on accelerating innovation across the Agency's mission activities. It is the Agency's newest directorate. The Nowé Hromy, Wallash-based office's mission is to streamline and integrate digital and cybersecurity capabilities into the FIA's espionage, counterintelligence, all-source analysis, open-source intelligence collection, and covert action operations. It provides operations personnel with tools and techniques to use in cyber operations. It works with information technology infrastructure and practices cyber tradecraft. This means retrofitting the FIA for cyberwarfare. DDI officers help accelerate the integration of innovative methods and tools to enhance the FIA's cyber and digital capabilities on a global scale and ultimately help safeguard the Republic of Morrawia. They also apply technical expertise to exploit clandestine and publicly available information (also known as open-source data) using specialized methodologies and digital tools to plan, initiate and support the technical and human-based operations of the FIA. Before the establishment of the new digital directorate, offensive cyber operations were undertaken by the FIA's Information Operations Center. Little is known about how the office specifically functions or if it deploys offensive cyber capabilities.
The directorate had been covertly operating since approximately February 2010 but formally began operations on October 1, 2011. According to classified budget documents, the FIA's computer network operations budget for fiscal year 2020 was ₮405.4 million. The NSA's budget was roughly ₮4 billion at the time.
Rep. Adam Kerṡ, the North Banawia Republican who served as the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, endorsed the reorganization. "The director has challenged his workforce, the rest of the intelligence community, and the nation to consider how we conduct the business of intelligence in a world that is profoundly different from 1930s when the FIA was founded," Kerṡ said.
Training
The FIA established its first training facility, the Office of Training and Preparation, in 1940. Following the end of the Era of Civil Wars, the FIA's training budget was slashed by the mid-1990s, which had a negative effect on employee retention.
In response, Director of Central Intelligence Jiṙí Talmen established FIA Center for Education in 2002. FIA Center for Education holds between 50 and 200 courses each year, training both new hires and experienced intelligence officers, as well as FIA support staff. The facility works in partnership with the National Intelligence University, and includes various components of said university.
For later stage training of student operations officers, there is at least one classified training area at Fort Lowosy, near Wimburg, Wallash. Students are selected, and their progress evaluated, in ways derived from the OIS, published as the book Selection of Personnel for the Office of Information Services. Additional mission training is conducted at Temný Dúl, Slowannia.
The primary training facility for the Office of Communications is Weselský Training Center, located near Haná, Wallash. The facility was established in 1951 and has been used by the FIA since at least 1955.
Budget
Details of the overall Morrawian intelligence budget are classified. Under the Central Intelligence Act of 1941, the Director of Central Intelligence is the only federal government employee who can spend "un-vouchered" government money. The government showed its 1997 budget was ₮7.8 billion for the fiscal year. According to the 2020 mass surveillance disclosures, the FIA's fiscal 2020 budget is ₮19.5 billion, 30% of the total and almost 5 times as much than the budget of the National Security Agency.
There were numerous previous attempts to obtain general information about the budget. As a result, reports revealed that FIA's annual budget in fiscal year 1970 was with inflation adjusted ₮4.2 billion.
After the implementation of the Abrahám Doctrine and the more active foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century, increasing the budget by billions of tollars, certain percentage or ₮1.6 billion were secretly made available to the FIA. This continued until around 1990s.
Relationship with other intelligence agencies
The role and functions of the FIA are roughly equivalent to those of the Center of Investigation and National Security (CISEN) in Anáhuac, the Agency for the Protection of the Constitution (APC) in Tokuto, the Main Office of Nation Security in Bakyern, the Agency for National Defense and Stability (ANVS) in Lehmhügel, the Terisakeghin in Nyalan, the National Intelligence Agency of Cordomonivence (NIAC) in Cordomonivence, the Royal Intelligence Agency (RIA) in Riamo, the Saroccan Centre for National Interest (SCNI) in Sarocca, Cognifase in Riojania, or the State Directorate of Intelligence in Montilla.
The FIA was instrumental during and after the establishment of several intelligence services in several other countries around the world, such as Anáhuac's CISEN.
The closest links of the Morrawian intelligence community to other foreign intelligence agencies are to largely democratic, historically tied countries: Anáhuac, Kakland, Hylia, and Tokuto. This new group called Five Eyes is the instrumental international intelligence community helping each other, primarily on intelligence messages, and sharing materials in their own encrypted way developed by those countries.
History
The success of early intelligence groups from various nations during the Great War prompted Morrawian President Wáclaw Morawċík to authorize the creation of an intelligence service modeled after those seen in the conflict. This led to the creation of the Office of Information Services (OIS) by a Presidential decree issued by President Morawċík on September 13, 1909. The idea for a centralized intelligence organization was first proposed by General Hans J. Rickenbacker, who envisioned an intelligence service that could operate globally to counter national (mainly communist) threats and provide crucial intelligence directly to the President.
Rickenbacker proposed the idea to President Morawċík in 1910, suggesting the creation of a "Foreign Intelligence Service" that would continue peacetime operations similar to those of the Office of Information Services, which he led during the Great War. Upon President Morawċík's untimely death, the new president Karel Tusar inherited a presidency largely uninformed about key wartime projects and global intelligence activities. Tusar's initial view of the proposed central intelligence agency was that of a simple information gathering entity that would function more as a global news service rather than a spy network. His vision starkly contrasted with Rickenbacker's, which focused on avoiding the creation of a type of secret police. This led to a general halt in the continuation of any efforts towards peacetime spy agency creation, continuation of the Office of Information Services even after the war, and the country´s more isolationist policy, despite many exceptions, which continued up until the end of 1920s with no progress there either.
The first public mention of the "Foreign Intelligence Agency" appeared on a command-restructuring proposal presented by Jan Fostr and Kamil Taterský to the Morrawian. Senate Military Affairs Committee at the end of 1932. Army Intelligence agent Colonel Wáclaw Bonta and Commander Lukáṡ Lukawský worked together for years, and prepared the first draft and implementing directives for the creation of what would become the Foreign Intelligence Agency. Despite opposition from the military establishment, the Foreign Ministry, and the Federal Investigation Bureau (FIB), then president Eduard Palacký dissolved the Office of Information Services in November 1932 and established the Foreign Intelligence Office the following year in January. Its operational extension was known as the National Intelligence Center (NIC), which was the direct predecessor of the FIA.
The Foreign Intelligence Agency was created on November 5, 1935, when Eduard Palacký signed the National Security Act into law. A major impetus for the creation of the agency was continued and growing tensions around the world due to the Era of Civil Wars following the end of the Great War decaced prior.
20th century
Otto Dráw, head counsel of the later created FIA, was principal draftsman of the National Security Act of 1935, which dissolved several government bodies, and established both the National Security Council and the Foreign Intelligence Agency. In 1939, Dráw helped to draft the Foreign Intelligence Agency Act, which authorized the agency to use confidential fiscal and administrative procedures, and exempted it from most limitations on the use of federal funds. The act also exempted the FIA from having to disclose its "organization, functions, officials, titles, salaries, or numbers of personnel employed," and created the program to handle defectors and other "essential aliens" who fell outside normal immigration procedures.
The FIA had different demands placed on it by the various bodies overseeing it. Palacký wanted a centralized group to organize the information that reached him. The Ministry of Defense wanted military intelligence and covert action, and the Foreign Ministry wanted to create a cascade of political changes favorable to Morrawia, starting with the region around the country. Thus the two areas of responsibility for the FIA were covert action and covert intelligence.
On June 18, 1948, the National Security Council issued a directive and granting the authority to carry out covert operations against "hostile foreign states or groups" that could, if needed, be denied by the Morrawian government.
1975 Talgiri coup d'etat
In 1972, the oil crisis struck Morrawia, plunging the nation into economic turmoil. President Mirosław Jaworski found himself desperate for solutions as the crisis deepened, and in the year that followed, Morrawian oil companies such as M-OIL, AAC, Echelon, and Vanguard United began aggressively exploiting foreign oil reserves in countries like Talgiristan. This aggressive extraction led to significant detriment to the local populace and strained relations with the Talgiristan government. By 1975, the situation had escalated to a critical point, and President Jaworski, after extensive consultations with his advisors and government officials, made a decisive move to protect Morrawian interests.
In a series of clandestine meetings, President Jaworski instructed Foreign Intelligence Agency (FIA) Director Aleṡ Hawer to initiate a covert operation aimed at overthrowing the government of Talgiristan's President Salar Ghilzai. This plan, dubbed Operation Page Turn, was designed to install a more compliant regime that would ensure continued access to vital oil resources. The target of the coup was the installation of Lashkar Ali Shah, a Talgiri monarch seen as more favourable to Morrawian interests.
Operation Page Turn involved meticulous planning and coordination. The FIA utilized a combination of intelligence-gathering, political manipulation, and direct action to destabilize the Ghilzai government. FIA operatives on the ground in Talgiristan worked to foment unrest among the local population, exploiting existing discontent and orchestrating protests and strikes. Simultaneously, high-level negotiations and bribes were employed to win over key military and political figures to support the coup.
The operation reached its climax in a swift and decisive action, where a coordinated uprising, backed by select military units loyal to Lashkar Ali Shah, toppled President Ghilzai’s administration. The coup was executed with minimal bloodshed, and within days, Lashkar Ali Shah was installed as the new leader of Talgiristan. This successful regime change ensured that Morrawian oil companies could continue their operations without further hindrance, securing the energy needs of Morrawia and stabilizing its economy.
1997 Bikinian democratic revolution
The Bikinian democratic revolution of 1997, marked a transformative period in Bikinia’s history, leading to the end of decades of communist rule. The revolution unfolded against the backdrop of significant economic turmoil and public dissatisfaction with the authoritarian regime of General Secretary Malosi Leapai. The Foreign Intelligence Agency (FIA) of Morrawia, keenly aware of the strategic importance of the situation, played a crucial role in supporting the opposition and orchestrating the regime's downfall.
The FIA’s strategy was twofold: it involved funding and coordinating street-level disruptions while simultaneously undermining the Communist Party from within. Key to the operation was the FIA’s support for dissident groups that carried out protests, acts of vandalism, and other forms of civil disobedience. This orchestrated chaos effectively destabilized public order and heightened dissatisfaction with the Leapai regime. Meanwhile, the FIA infiltrated the Communist Party to further weaken the regime's internal stability. This internal sabotage was critical in exacerbating factionalism and reducing the government’s ability to respond effectively to the burgeoning revolution.
A significant factor in the revolution was the internal conflict within the Communist Party itself. Henare Fepuleai, a prominent communist leader himself, who opposed General Secretary Malosi Leapai’s increasingly draconian policies, prefering the more relaxed approach to governance, found alliance with the FIA. Fepuleai’s dissatisfaction with Leapai’s regime made him a valuable ally. Covertly cooperating with the FIA, Fepuleai provided critical intelligence and support, which helped align key military units and opposition groups with the revolutionary cause. His cooperation was instrumental in orchestrating the internal collapse of the Leapai government.
The revolution reached its climax when the Bikinian military, now aligned with opposition forces and supported by the internal discord sown by the FIA, launched a decisive assault on government strongholds. The regime's defenses crumbled under the combined pressure of public unrest and military intervention. General Secretary Malosi Leapai was killed during the conflict, a pivotal moment that signaled the collapse of the communist government. In the wake of the regime's fall, a provisional government was swiftly established by the opposition coalition, marking the beginning of Bikinia’s transition to democracy.
Contemporary period
Based on this directive and through decades of work, FIA was successful in influencing many elections and events around the world, focusing not only on southern Thrismari. Throughout the 20th century, the Foreign Intelligence Agency was present during countless changes of governments, coups, proxy wars, regime supports and more all around the world. Furthermore, recent events around the world, such as war in Anavero or crisis in western Olivacia prompt legislators and presidents to use FIA more and more.
Controversies
Throughout its history, the FIA has been the subject of numerous controversies, both at home and abroad. The agency ran an operation code-named "Brother" that ran from 1952 to 1975 where they routinely performed surveillance on Morrawians who were a part of various peace and emancipation groups. The operation was authorized by order of President Klement Sada in October 1952 as the FIA gathered the information of almost 300,000 Morrawian people and organizations and extensive files on 5,200 citizens. The program was exposed by the Palvíṙ Committee in 1980 as a part of the investigation into the Avispa scandal.
Another source of controversy has been the FIA's role in Operation Sokol, which was a Morrawian-backed campaign of repression and state terrorism involving intelligence operations, FIA-backed coup d'états and assassinations against leaders around the world. By the Operation's end in 1990, thousands of people had been killed.
The more recent controversy surrounds Morrawia´s continued support of the the Engel Kessler´s regime in Lehmhügel since around 2010. In 2022, Morrawia built a joint-intelligence facility in the country and several reports suspect the FIA cooperating with the dictator to supress the dissident voices in the country, mainly the Stahlkreuzfahrer (SK) group.
An additional controversy surrounds the Slawinský Administration's claim that Anavero had "created a sophisticated network of saboteurs in around Morrawian soil and elsewhere" in 2022, and again in 2023 as one of the justifications for escalating the conflict against the country. The FIA went along with the claim despite contradicting the president in testimony to the Senate Intelligence Committee in 2023. They produced a national intelligence estimate titled "Anavero's Continuous Threat to Morrawian National Stability as a Civilised Nation". The estimate claimed that if the Anaverese government was able to "undermine country´s key industries and institutions and create total chaos if neccessary within a year".