Anáhuac
Anáhuac República Federal de Anáhuac | |
|---|---|
 Coat of arms
| |
| 'Motto: 'In Unum Progredientes Progressing in Unity | |
| Anthem: "Anáhuac al Grito de Guerra" | |
 | |
| Capital | San Jorge Xayacatlán |
| Official languages | Spanish de facto |
| Recognized languages | Spanish and 32 Olivandian languages |
| Ethnic groups | 24 Olivandian and diverse foreign ethnic groups |
| Religion | 88.9% Christianity
—77.7% Roman Catholic —11.2% Protestantism 8.1% Irreligious 0.2% Others 2.5% Unaffiliated (believer) |
| Demonym(s) | Anahuaca/a, anahuense |
| Government | Federal presidential constitutional republic |
| Matías Larrazábal Torres | |
| Fernanda Hernández Alanis | |
• President of the Senate | Odilo Beltrones Leyva |
| Legislature | Congress |
| Senate | |
| Chamber of Deputies | |
| Independence from: Leogria | |
• Declaration of Independence | 12 October 1808 |
• Consumated | 15 September 1811 |
• First constitution | 12 December 1812 |
• Second constitution | 4 January 1856 |
• Current constitution | 5 May 1917 |
• Santa Elisa Peace Accords | 25 September 1970 |
| Area | |
• Total | 1,257,343 km2 (485,463 sq mi) |
| Population | |
• 2020 census | 112,095,000 |
• Density | 89.1/km2 (230.8/sq mi) |
| GDP (PPP) | 2022 estimate |
• Total | 2.06 trillion |
• Per capita | 20,266 |
| GDP (nominal) | 2020 estimate |
• Total | $1.200 trillion |
• Per capita | 10,250 |
| Gini (2016) | 44.9 medium |
| HDI (2019) | 0.790 high |
| Currency | Gran Rugidoense peso ([[Wikipedia:ISO 4217|ISO 4217]]) |
| Time zone | UTC+05:00 UTC+06:00 |
| Date format | dd-mm-yyyy |
| Driving side | right |
| Calling code | +52 |
| Internet TLD | .an |
.png)
Anáhuac (Xaliequense: Atl + nahuac) (Common: ´close to the water´) [1], officially the Federal Republic of Anáhuac (Spanish:República Federal de Anáhuac) is a country in the southern portion of Olivacia. It is bordered to the north by Savane; to the west by the Sunadic Ocean; to the east by Zhiguryia and the Kaldaz Ocean; and to the south by Iskamiya. Anáhuac covers 1,257,343 square kilometers (485,462sq mi), with approximately 112,095,000 inhabitants [2]. Anáhuac is organized as a federation comprising 13 states and San Jorge Xayacatlán, its capital and largest metropolis. Other major urban areas include Santa Elisa, Santiago de Lujambio, Hernández de Córdoba, Héroica Ciudad de Mendoza, Ixchel, San Agustín, Gran Rugido and Los Canas.
Pre-Canterian Anáhuac traces its origins to 8,000 BC [3] and is identified as one of the many cradles of civilization; it was home to many advanced Mesolivacian civilizations, most notably the Tarascans and the Xaliecans. In 1521, the Canter Empire conquered and colonized the region from its base in San Jorge establishing the colony of New Canteria. The Catholic Church played an important role in spreading Christianity and the Spanish language, while also preserving some indigenous elements. Native populations were subjugated and heavily exploited to mine rich deposits of precious metals. Over time, a distinct Rugidoense identity formed, based on a fusion of Thuandian and indigenous customs; this contributed to the successful Rugidoense War of Independence against the Canter Republic between 1808 and 1811. [4]
Anáhuac's early history as an independent nation state was marked by political and socioeconomic upheaval, with liberal and conservative factions constantly changing the form of government. Liberal reforms were enshrined in the Constitution of 1856, which sought to integrate indigenous communities and curtail the power of the military and the church, granting religious freedom for the first time. This triggered an internal war of Reform during which conservatives installed Emperor Cristobal I against the Republican resistance led by Raymundo Vigil. The last decades of the 19th century were marked by the dictatorship of President Ángel Lenoci, who sought to modernize Gran Rugido and restore order.[5] The Lenociato era ended in 1910 with the seven year-long Anahuaca Revolution, which killed approximately 10% of the population and after which the victorious Constitutionalist faction drafted an even more socially-oriented 1917 Constitution, which remains in effect to this day. The revolutionary generals ruled as a succession of presidents until the assassination of Ignacio L. Dueñas in 1928. In the period of the Era of Civil Wars, tensions between the left and right spectrums over what destiny should the nation take, led to a fourth and final civil war. [6] Since 1970, there has been a unprecedented economic growth and social progress. [7] [8] [9]
Anáhuac is classified as a developed country [10]; it's economy and relatively large population, global cultural influence, and steady democratization makes Anáhuac a regional and middle power; it is often identified as an emerging power but is considered a newly industrialized state by several analysts. However, the country continues to struggle with social inequality, poverty and a rising crime problematic. It often ranks poorly in Global Peace Index[11], due in a large part to the low-intensity ongoing conflict between the government and drug trafficking syndicates, alongside sporadic ultra-leftist guerrilla uprisings. The Rugidoense War of Drugs, the 1988 Siege of Senora and the 2021 Anahuaca guerrilla uprising have led to an approximate 22,000-25,000 deaths since 1988.
Anáhuac is a prominent member of the Saltstil Pact[12] and the Canterian Commonwealth, with expectations to join the Anterian World Assembly.[13]
Etymology
Anáhuac is said to signify "country by the waters" in Xalieca. The name usually refers to the location in which the city of Tlaxomolco (modern day San Jorge Xayacatlán) was founded fulfilling the standards of Ometéotl[1]. It can be broken down like A(tl) + nahuac. Atl means "water" and nahuac, which is a relational word that can be affixed to a noun, means "close to."
Modern-day Xalieca groups called their lands Xalco (Sand place), given that most of the Xaliecan Empire lands were the hostile sands of the Jilachi Desert. Lands beyond the Xalieca speaking world are commonly known as the nic-anahuac, which meant "Anahuac reached this far", or "those who come from Anahuac came this far". These lands are regarded as modern day Iskamiya [14], Savane [14] and Riojania [15] according to historians and anthropologists.
History
Indigenous civilizations
Main articles: Pre-Canterian Anáhuac and Mesolivacian chronology
The earliest human artifacts in Anáhuac are chips of stone tools found near campfire remains in the Valle de la Calma and radiocarbon-dated to circa 9,000 years ago. While is probably not the first place to have domesticated this cultives, is the site of the domestication of maize, tomato, and beans produced an agricultural surplus. This enabled the transition from Paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages beginning around 5000 BC. In the subsequent formative eras, maize cultivation, and cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal (base 20) numeric system, were diffused from the primitive Anahuacan cultures to the rest of the area.
First complex civilizations in Anáhuac can be traced in the Dizhan culture, which flourished on the southermost part around 400 BC. Dizhan cultural traits diffused through Anáhuac into other formative-era cultures on modern day Lujambio, Senora and the Valle de Laura. Other civilizations that followed during the formative period of the nation were the Tarascans and the Maya't'aan. In the subsequent pre-classical period, the Tarascanians and Dizhans civilizations developed complex centers at Kabah and La Venta, respectively. During this period, the first writing systems were developed in the Epi-Dizhsans and the Maya't'aan cultures. The writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Hieroglyphic script. The earliest written stories date from this era.
After the reformation of the Tarascan Empire into the Tarascan Confederacy, competition ensued between several important political centers in Anáhuac, such as the En Ngixios and the Tlanextlians. Toward the end of the post-Classic period, the Xaliecans eventually estalished themselves as the sole civilization in central Anáhuac to have full political power in the region, giving rise to a political and economic empire based in the city of Tlaxomolko, extending from said city to the corners of Lake Girón. Civilizations such as the Didxažon and the Maya't'aan would eventually collapse for political unstability or famine. Other civilizations included the Teonulians and the Nguichee arose in coliding areas of the Xalieca Empire, furthering ensuing competence and alliances.
In the years preceding to the Canterian Conquest, the lands of Anáhuac were undergoing a series of perpetual flowery wars between the Holy Alliance (compromised of the Xaliecan Empire and the Empire of Nguichee) against the Tarascan Confederation, En Ngixian Empire and the Tlanextlians for the control of suitable lands in modern-day Tectetán and the Valle de Laura.
Colonization
Main article: Canterian conquest of Anáhuac
Although Olivacia was discovered in 1483, it was until 1519 when Álvaro Morte de Montemayor sighted the shores of the ruined city of Itzatlán, former capital city of the already long gone Didxažon. According to the book Historia verdadera de la expedición a las tierras de Anáhuac, he settled his men in the former ruins and declared the land for the Canterian Empire and named it Santiago de Pascua as the date of its discovery was the traditional holiday of Easter. The subsequent small settlements were built using the stones of the former pyramids.
A month after arriving, the food and main resources were on the verge of shortage on the small settlement he met some of the tributaries of the Xalieca and asked them to arrange a meeting with Moctezuma III, the tlatoani of the Xalieca Empire. Moctezuma repeatedly turned down the meeting, but Álvaro was determined. Leaving a hundred men in Santiago de Pascua, he marched on Tlaxomulco in mid-August 1519, along with 600 soldiers, 15 horsemen, 10 cannons, and hundreds of indigenous carriers and warriors. in the north. The Tlanextilians were the first ones to fought against the Canterians in a series of three battles from 2 to 5 September 1519. After he continued to release prisoners with messages of peace, and realizing the Canterians were enemies of Moctezuma, Xicotencatl the Elder persuaded the Tlanextilian war leader, Xicotencatl the Younger, that it would be better to ally with the newcomers than to kill them. Eager to exact revenge on the Xalieca, Xicotencatl allied himself with the conquistadors.
When Montemayo arrived to Tlaxomolco, the Canterians had a large army. On November 8, 1519, they were peacefully received by Moctezuma III. Moctezuma deliberately let him enter the Xaliecan capital, hoping to get to know their weaknesses better and to crush them later. Moctezuma gave lavish gifts of gold to the Canterians which, rather than placating them, excited their ambitions for plunder. In his letters to the Canterian Empreror, he claimed to have learned at this point that he was considered by the Xalieca to be either an emissary of Moyokoyani or the god himself – a belief which has been contested by a few modern historians.- But quickly he learned that several Canterians on Itzatlán had been killed by Xaliecans while the use of enslaved natives. In retaliation for this act, the Canterians decided to take Moctezuma as a hostage in his palace, indirectly ruling Tlaxomolco through him.
Meanwhile, other expeditions, opposed to Álvaro Morte de Montemayor, arrivied in Anáhuac with 1,090 men. He armed himself with 350 men to combat these expeditions as he knew that if the captain of any of these expeditions succeded, it would bring his power down. On the capital, Canterians loyal to Franco Pizarro de Adamán provoked the Massacre of the Templo del Sol against the Xalieca nobility. Álvaro speedily returned to Tlaxomulco. On June 31, 1520, Moctezuma III was killed (the Canterians claimed he was stoned to death by his own people; others claim he was murdered by the colonizers once they realized his inability to placate the locals). Faced with a hostile population, the Canterians decided to flee for Apizaco. During the Terrible Noche (June 31 – July 1, 1520), the Canterians managed a narrow escape from Tlaxomolko across the Tapalpa causeway, while their rearguard was being massacred. Much of the treasure looted was lost (as well as his artillery) during this panicked escape from Tlaxomolco.
Having lost 870 men, the Canterian men finally prevailed with reinforcements arriving from Canteria itself. A policy of attrition towards Tlaxomulco began afterwards, cutting off supplies and subduing cities that aligned themselves with the Xaliecans. The Xaliecans would fall back to Tlalpujahua following a siege to Apaxco. Even while succeed in ambushing pursuing Canterian forces, inflicting heavy losses, the last portion of the Xayacatlán would fall to the conquistadores. The siege of Tlaxomolco ended with a Canterian victory and 95% of the city destroyed. Finally, with the capture and execution of Cuauhpopocac, the last tlatoani of the Xalieca Empire, on August 9 1521, the indigenous empire collapsed on its own and Álvaro Morte de Montemayor was able to claim the Xalco for the Canterian Empire, thus renaming the recently destroyed Tlaxomolco to San Jorge.
The territory known as Xalco became part of the Canterian Empire under the name of New Canteria in 1532. San Jorge was systematically rebuilt by Montemayor following the downfall of the Xalieca Empire in 1521. Much of the identity, traditions and architecture of Gran Rugido developed during the 300-year colonial period from 1521 to independence in 1810.
As the Vicerroyalty of New Canteria
Main article: Vicerroyalty of New Canteria
TBA
Anahuacan War Independence (1808-1811)
Main article: Anahuacan War of Independence
Tensions in New Canteria were growing after the mid-eighteenth-century reforms. With these reforms, the viceroy sought to increase the power of the Canter state, decrease the power of the Catholic Church, rationalize, and tighten control over the royal bureaucracy by placing mainland-born officials rather than Olivacian-born, and increase revenues to the state by a series of measures that undermined the economic position of Olivacian-born elites.
The ruling white Canter elite and most of the country had very different views not only in culture and religion but on the role of government and social relations, with many elites viewing the government as a tool for progressing their own power, while indigenous groups saw the government as a communal vessel. Leading up to the crisis in 1806, both Creole and Anahuacan-born Canters, and indigenous and mixed groups had come to dislike the colonial regime for different reasons. In early days of September 1808, the viceroy of New Canteria, José Ángel Reyes de Eliza was ousted in a silent coup d’état by the ruling elite after attempting to sympathize with lower members of the “Chain”. The new regime under viceroy Óscar Gutierrez de Pérez y Sicardo attempted to rebuild the main government, being seen as a puppet of the ellite by the lower classes.
On October 12, 1808, a "loyal revolt" broke out in La Rioja. The event, known as the Cry of La Rioja was proclaimed by priest Mohamed Navarro to bring Reyes de Eliza back to power. The first insurgent group was formed by Navarro, Captain Ángel Reyes, La Corregidora (English: "The Magistrate") Ana Victoria de la Reguera, the priest José María Sánchez, Captain Hemilio Muñoz and General Andras Ibarra. Navarro and some of his soldiers were executed by firing squad on 31 January 1809.
Following Navarro's death, leadership of the insurgency by Captain Raúl López and then by priest José María Sánchez, whom occupided key northern cities with the assitance of Darío Maldívar and Félix Arvizu. On 19 October 1809, the Congress of San Ángel signed the first official document of independence, known as the Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of South Olivacia. This Act also abolished slavery and the caste system. Being a Catholic priest himself, Sánchez also called for Catholicism to be the exclusive faith in Anáhuac. Sánchez was captured 5 November 1809, interrogated, was tried, and executed by firing squad. With his death, conventional warfare ended, and guerrilla warfare continued uninterrupted.
In the subsequent years, the insurgency was near collapse, but in August 1810, Viceroy Álvaro Cortines de Almenares sent a force led by a royalist Colonel Aramberri Lavín, to defeat an army led by Aarón Nuñez in Lujambio. Lavín, a native of San Jorge, had gained renown for his zeal against Navarro's and Sánchez's rebels during the early independence struggle. A favorite of the Anahuacan church hierarchy, Lavín symbolized conservative creole values; he was devoutly religious and committed to the defense of property rights and social privileges. However, he resented his lack of promotion and failure to gain wealth.
Instead of attacking Nuñez, Lavín aprroached Nuñez as he was impressed with his tenacity despite fighting larger odds, and on 24 February, 1811, the Plan of Santa Cruz and the Declaration of Independence of the United States of Anáhuac were signed. Levín proclaimed three principles, or "guarantees", for Rugidoense independence from the Canter Empire. In a similar fashion of Sánchez's ideals, ran Rugido would be an independent republic; creoles would be given equal rights and privileges to continentales; and the Catholic Church in Anáhuac would retain its privileges and position as the established religion of the land. A new army, the Ejército de la Confederación Independentista, (colloquially known as the Separatists) was placed under Lavin's command to enforce the plan.
On August 24, 1811, representatives of the Canter Empire, including a new viceroy and Lavín signed the Treaty of Xalco, which recognized Rugidoense independence under the Plan of Santa Cruz. The new viceroy then resigned of his charge, even with Canter mainland authority denying him the rights to resign. Later events saw Lavín and the Ejército de la Confederación Independentista march into San Jorge in triumph on 15 September 1811.
After 2 years, 11 months, and 3 days of fight, the United States of Anáhuac was born.
The United States of Anáhuac (1811-1824)
Main article: United States of Anáhuac
.jpeg)
Following the War of Independence, the United States of Anáhuac was born after the Constitution of 1812 was drafted by the post-independentist groups. Failing to secure the wishes of José María Sánchez for a constitutional monarchy, the Plan de Santa Cruz created instead a regency council which was headed by a triumvirate consisting of Aarón Nuñez, Ramón Adaucto and Aramberri Lavín. Elite Olivacian-born Canters in New Canteria had no real experience with exercising political power other than on their city councils, so that when the joint republic was proclaimed, the familiar form of rule of monarchism was thrown out of the window. Political turmoil began to brew, when Lavín attempted to impose limitations on the newly formed Congress and its main chamber, the Senate. This led to the assassination of Lavín in 1817, leading to Adaucto to rule the country after his death.
When Adaucto completed his theoretical six-year presidential term in 1823, he appointed former Royalist and Populist Gilberto de Córtazar as his successor. Córtazar followed the nearly dictatorial tradition of Lavín when a conspiracy to overthrow and assassinate the former president was discovered. Córtazar himself was soon deposed by Nuñez in an a countercoup in 1824. Nuñez would reinstall the young Senate and Congress, leading the country himself and alone. During Nuñez's tenure, slavery was abolished and made illegal across Gran Rugido. Nuñez also called for public schools, land title reforms, industry and trade development, and other programs of a liberal nature. As president, Guerrero championed the causes of the racially oppressed and economically oppressed.
The government of Nuñez however, would be deposed in a rebellion by Vice-President José Castañeda that began on 4 December 1829. With this action, it is widely considered that the United States of Anáhuac era ended, as following the Castañeda coup, the Centralist Republic of Anáhuac would rise and take it's place.
Centralist Republic of Anáhuac, Divorce Wars and Dictatorship of Ibrahim Salazar (1824 - 1854)
Main Article: Centralist Republic of Anáhuac See Also: Divorce Wars, Confederación del Sur, Republic of Tectetán, Kingdom of Córdoba, War of Independence of Riojania
Following the dissolution of the United States of Anáhuac, a second constituent congress convened to draft a formal constitution. The Constitution of 1824 empowered regions of Anáhuac to assert their political power, resulting in a constitution that reinforced radical federalism, "with a weak national government fiscally dependent upon the states." Despite it's weak foundation for the new sovereign state to confront challenges, this marked the birth of the Republic of Anáhuac.
Polarization between Liberals and Centralists worsened since the collapse of the United States and the transition of a Provisional government. In 1834, following conflicts in the Senate, General Ibrahim Salazar initiated actions to dissolve the Federation and imposed a centralist republic, and canceled reforms carried out under the mandate of Anastasio Gutiérrez Garibaldi.
The Centralists attempt to impose a unitary state produced armed resistance in regions that had most favored federalism. Centralism generated severe political instability, armed uprisings, and secessions: the rebellions in Córdoba and Vizcaya formed the Kingdom of Córdoba, the rebellions of Lujambio, Gran Zuñiga, Santiago that formed the Confederación del Sur, and finally the independence of the state of Tectetán. The Guerras de Divorcio (mainly consisting into opposition to the Centralist government) involved series of armed conflicts and political machinations between the Centrists and Liberals. Superficially the war can be viewed as a conflict between rival generals, however the Centrist position favored a presidency that reflected the viceregal tradition of Canterian colonial times, and the Federalists supported republicanism and local self-government. Centrists tended to draw support from the privileged classes including prominent members of the Catholic Church and professional officers of the Anahuacan Army. They were in favor of a strong, central government and Catholicism as the established church.
The most prolific war in during the Guerras de Divorcio was arguably the independentist rebellion in Riojania. The interstate rebellions flourished more than anything due to the fact that the centralist troops paid more attention to the independence movement in Riojania. Although quite short compared to the separatist movements in other states of the republic, the independence of Riojania was a decisive blow to the centralists. After losing said territory however, the centralist forces set out to suppress the rest of the rebellions. The Divorce Wars officially ended when the Republic of Tectetán rejoined the Anahuacan Federation in exchange of soldiers to fight Tarascan rebels in the Caste War.
Ibrahim Salazar assumed the presidency at least eleven times, with the last being in 1846, remaining in power until his deposition in 1854. Under Salazar's last dictatorial regime, the federation purchased Isla Roca Roja from Zhiguryia for 15 million pesos at the time. When a revolution gradually took over several key states of the Salazar regime, Salazar resigned to the presidency on January 1, 1855, and fled to Riamo.
After the fall of Salazar, Desidero Escobedo was named interim president by the military garrison of San Jorge on January 5, 1855. The most important act of the Escobedo government was the convening of a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution that would replace the Constitution of 1824. The subsequent Constitution of 1856 approved several changes in the political division of the Anahuacan territory: the merger of Santiago, Gran Zuñiga and Lujambio into a single state, the creation of the state of Pesquería, the creation of the state of Petén and the absorption of Baja Tectetán.
War between the Centralists and Liberals would began when the Catholic Church of Anáhuac and certain sections of the Centralists opposed the Constitution and its potential effects on the country. The resulting Reform War would be one of the first major changes in the politics of Anahuac.
Liberal era (1855-1872)
Main Articles: Reform War, Riamese intervention in Anáhuac & Anáhuac Empire
The overthrow of Salazar and the establishment of a civilian government by Liberals allowed them to enact laws that they considered vital for Anáhuac's economic development. The Liberal Reform attempted to modernize the economy and institutions along liberal principles. They promulgated new articles for the Constitution in 1860, separating Church and State, stripping the Centralist institutions of the Church and the military of their special privileges (fueros), mandating the sale of Church-owned property and sale of indigenous community lands, and secularizing education. Conservatives revolted, touching off a civil war between rival Liberal and Centralist governments.
In the midst of the civil war, the administration of president Raymundo Vigil placed a moratorium on foreign debt payments in 1861. In response, Riamese higher-ups signed the Convention of Portington, an effort to ensure that debt repayments from Anáhuac would be forthcoming. On 8 December 1863, the Riamese navy blocked off ports in the Sunadic and the Kaldaz and disembarked their troops at the capital city of San Jorge. The resulting Riamese invasion, alongside the rise of the pro-monarchist group Acción Nacional established the Anáhuac Empire (1864-1870), taking the Liberals by suprise.
After a quick defeat of the Liberalists, the group proclaimed it's leader, Rodolfo Cordero Puentes as Emperor of the newly born empire under the name of Emperador Cristóbal. However, as soon as the reign of Cristóbal I began, Congress and the Emperor immediately began to clash, in large part because their respective legal powers had not at this point been clearly delineated in the Nuevo Orden. These grabs for power alienated even allied conservatives, and the Emperor's proposals were rejected, which Cristóbal I then responded to by dissolving congress using the military on October 31, 1864. His pretext was that congress had accomplished nothing in the eight months it had been in session, work on a constitution had not begun despite that being the main purpose for its convocation, and that the matters of justice and finance had been completely neglected.
The Imperialists were never able to gain control of the entire nation while supporters of the Anahuacan Republic continued to wage war against the Empire. During his short reign, Cristobal's liberal ideals alienated him from his ultraconservative supporters, but gained limited support from moderate liberals and moderate conservatives, and attempted to pass sweeping reforms for the nation. Colonial ambitions of the Empire of Anáhuac we cut short after a underperforming navy and lack or resources.
In 1870, the apparent heir of the empire, Tulio Cordero Puentes and Republican faction leader, Raymundo Vigil planned a scheme of staging a coup d’état with the intention to restore the Congress and return the sense of democracy to the country. The planned coup was nicknamed Conspiración del Príncipe, due to the prince being the “mole” inside the Royalty. In exchange for information, the prince and the royal family would have complete immunity if the transition was successful. In the following year, turmoil progressed and Cristobal was killed by Tulio when the rebellion reached the capital. The Empire of Gran Rugido came to an end on July 21st, 1870.
The period known as the "Restored Republic" saw the arrival and presidency of Vigil, who was "the personification of the embattled republic," as president. Liberalism soon became synonymous with patriotism. The Anahuaca Federal Army that had its roots in the colonial royal army and then the army of the early republic was destroyed. New military leaders had emerged from the War of the Reform. Vigil won re-election in 1870, but was challenged by Ángel Lenoci, who criticized him for running for re-election. Lenoci then rebelled, only for being crushed by Vigil. Having won re-election, Vigil died in office of natural causes in July 1872, and Liberal Santiago Garza García became president, declaring a "religion of state" for rule of law, peace, and order. Soon after, Lenoci rebelled against the civilian president, issuing the Plan of Cervantes. Lenoci had more support and waged guerrilla warfare against García. On the verge of Lenoci's victory on the battlefield, García fled from office, going into exile. Another army general assumed the presidency of Anáhuac.
Lenociato (1875-1911)
Main Article: Lenociato
After the turmoil in Gran Rugido from 1810 to 1876, the 35-year rule of Liberal Ángel Badillo Lenoci (r.1876–1911) allowed the nation to rapidly modernize in a period characterized as one of "order and progress". The “Lenociato” was characterized by economic stability and growth, significant foreign investment and influence, an expansion of the railroad network and telecommunications, and investments in the arts and science. The period was also marked by economic inequality and political repression. Lenoci knew the potential for army rebellions, and systematically downsized the expenditure for the force, rather expanding the rural police force under direct control of the president. Lenoci did not provoke the Catholic Church, coming to a modus vivendi with it; but he did not remove the anticlerical articles from the 1857 Constitution. From the late nineteenth century, Protestants began to make inroads in Gran Rugido.
While the government encouraged foreign investment, national enterprises had their roots with the “Ley de Economía Basica por el Bien del Pueblo” ratified and passed in 1883. Investors developed extractive mining of copper, lead, and other minerals, as well as petroleum on the Anepalco region. Changes in the law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, rather than continuing the colonial law that gave all subsoil rights to the State. An industrial manufacturing sector also developed, particularly in textiles. At the same time, new enterprises gave rise to an industrial work force, which began organizing to gain labor rights and protections.
During this period, Lenoci had surrounded himself with a group of advisors that became known as the “Hombres de Ciencia” ("man of science"). The most influential of them was Secretary of Finance Jaime Jose Canavati. The Lenocian regime was influenced by positivism, as they rejected theology and idealism in favor of scientific methods being applied towards national development. As an integral aspect of the liberal project was secular education.
Lenoci's long success did not include planning for a political transition beyond his own presidency. He made no attempt, however, to establish a family dynasty, naming no relative as his successor. As the centennial of independence approached, Lenoci gave an interview where he said he was not going to run in the 1910 elections, when he would be 80. Political opposition had been suppressed and there were few avenues for a new generation of leaders. But his announcement set off a frenzy of political activity, including the unlikely candidacy of the scion of a rich landowning family, Germán Castillo. Castillo won a surprising amount of political support when Lenoci changed his mind and ran in the election, jailing Castillo. The October celebration of the Independence would be the last celebration of the Lenociato before the Rugidoense Revolution officially began on 24 November 1910.
Rugidoense Revolution (1910-1917)
Further information: Rugidoense Revolution
_(cropped).jpg)
The Revolution was a seven year-long civil war against the rule of Ángel Lenoci. When wealthy northern landowner Germán Castillejos challenged Lenoci in the 1910 general election and Lenoci jailed him, Castillejos called for an armed uprising against him in the Plan of Sabana. Rebellions broke out in Vizcaya, but most prominently in northern Gran Rugido. The National Army was unable to suppress the widespread uprisings, showing the military's essential weakness and surprising the rebels. Lenoci resigned in March 1911 and went into exile. An interim government was installed until elections could be held, the National Army was retained, and revolutionary forces demobilized. The first phase of the Revolution was relatively short and relatively bloodless.
In February 1913, prominent army generals staged a coup d’état in San Jorge, forcing Castillejos to resign the presidency and few days later he was murdered during the tenure of new President, General Maximiliano Bontelli. A new and bloody phase of the Revolution ensued when coalition of northerners opposed to the counter-revolutionary regime of Bontelli emerged, the Constitutionalist Army. The Constitutionalists were led by Governor of Anáhuac, Francisco Venegas. Forces loyal to Alberto Fernández continued their armed rebellion in Mendoza. Bontelli's regime lasted from February 1913 until July 1914, with the National Army defeated by revolutionary armies. The revolutionary armies then fought each other, with the Constitutionalist faction under Venegas defeating the army of former ally Doroteo Pizarro by the summer of 1915.
Venegas consolidated power and a new constitution was promulgated in February 1917. The Rugidoense Constitution of 1917 set new nationalist, social, and economic goals for the nation, curtailed the power of some foreign interests, and enhanced the power of the central state. With a relative sense of stability reached, Venegas became Provisional President of Gran Rugido in 1917, serving a term ending in 1920. He attempted to impose a civilian successor to the presidency, prompting central revolutionary generals to rebel in the Plan of San Agustín. Venegas fled San Jorge and was killed shortly after.
Revolutionary general and son of Ángel Lenoci, Santiago Lenoci ascended to power with the Partido de la Revolución Rugidoense. Following his ascendancy and a sense of defeat in the populace, revolutionary generals usually ruled the nation, a period where state power became more centralized and revolutionary reforms implemented, bringing the military under control of a "civilian" government.
Political Crisis (1920-1968)
Main article: Rugidoense Political Crisis
The first quarter-century of the post-revolutionary period (1920–1950) was characterized by Senoran revolutionary generals serving as Presidents of Gran Rugido, including Ignacio L. Dueñas (1918-1922), Martín Falcón (1922-1928), Abelardo Portes Gil (1928–34), Zenón Barrios Almazán(1934–1937), Luján Esparza (1937-1940), Videl de la García (1940–1946) and Ludovico Ledesma (1946-1952). Polarization between the left and right became more apparent in the late 20s, after Dueñas was assasinated in 1928, while attempting to run for presidency. Following this, a convoluted election that resulted in former revolutionary general Martín Falcón took charge under the now reformed PNR and the legacy of peasant leaders Alberto Fernández and Doroteo Pizarro continued through their groups becoming the first modern left-wing guerrillas. His period is better known as the Falconazo. Soon after 1940’s, Gran Rugido achieved some degree of political stability, which was interrupted by two local scale conflict that took place between the late 1940s and the early 1960s, known as La Violencia ("The Violence") and El Temblor ("The Quake") threatned to provoke a major conflict once again.
In 1953, the Federal Army assassinated Yvonne Fernández, leader of the Ejército de Liberación del Norte during a guerrilla ambush in Sabana. The left-wing group responded with the assassination of PNR presidential candidate Avelino Montes Gaitán on 9 April 1954. The subsequent riots, and further killings of politicians, make the polarization between left and right impossible to ignore to the Rugidoense society.
After 1952, the election of Oscar Vela Cantú, the first civilian president in the post-revolutionary period, Gran Rugido embarked on an aggressive program of economic development, known as “El Milagro Rugidoense” (The Rugidoense Miracle), which was characterized by rapid industrialization, modernization, urbanization, and the increase of inequality between urban and rural areas. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political problems continued, when organizations such as the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de Gran Rugido (English:National Workers Syndicate of Gran Rugido) and the Frente Gildardo Pagaza para la Liberación Nacional (English: Gildardo Pagaza Front of National Liberation) were formed. Instability further escalated with the presidency term extension revision, that extended the term of the President and Prime Minister from 6 to 8 years.
Even after the PNR lost for the first time against the newly formed Unión Democratica Rugidoense (UDR) with favorite Susete Hernández Niño as candidate, the 1962 election were called by the left as a massive fraud against the nation’s principles. Opposition to the Hernandez Niño government was strong on the leftist side and eventually, culminated with the 1967 student’s movement. In the political spectrum meanwhile, most of guerrillas and communist associations rearose following transparency laws. The railway syndicate led by Hectór Barrón and the steel foundries syndicate led by Emilio Bustos Nieto eventually aligned themselves with the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores and FGPLN.
Rugidoense Civil War (1968 – 1972)
Main Article: Gran Rugidoense Civil War
Further Information: Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, Trial of the Juntas (Gran Rugido)
Deeming the current situation as unstable, a coup d'état on May 5, 1968 brought the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional to power. It brought to the table of the government a mix between singuralist and socialist ideals. The purpose of this new military-civilian led junta was to stop a revolutionary movement already underway in response to the convoluted 1962 election. Nevertheless, the oligarchy opposed most of reforms and called for the dissolution of the Congress and its two main chambers: the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Rather than executed or arrested, deposed president Hernández and a few members loyal to her fled the mainland and established themselves in Isla Roca Roja. As the pressure from the oligarchy expanded on the junta on controlling the political polarization. In the meantime, the guerrilla movement was spreading to all sectors of the Rugidoense society, being fomented by the recently formed Gobierno Provisional en la Roca Roja (coloquially known as Provisionales). Opposing the repression and fanatical ideals of the military heads, several centrist guerrillas, namely the Union y Fuerza Movement began a rebellion across the nation.
As the military government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through death squads but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of support whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate and support Hernández Niño. But the violence was not limited to just activists but also to anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government. A marginalized pro-democracy group that metamorphosed into a guerilla force that would end up confronting these government forces manifested itself in campesinos or peasants. Many of these insurgents joined collective action campaigns for material gain; however, in the post-war period, many peasants cited reasons other than material benefits in their decision to join the fight.
Open warfare officially began on August of the same year, when the Campaña de Liberación was adopted by the Proceso military. Consisting on mounting an offensive to circle and eventually destroy the government in Los Canas, the ensueing battle scared away most of the Proceso Navy and Army. After the battle, the "Campaña Ofensiva N° 4510" marked the beginning of the Gran Rugidoense Civil War, which lasted from August 5, 1968 to September 19, 1970.
Five days after the siege of San Jorge was over, in the grounds of the Santa Elisa Autonomous University, reestablished president Susete Hernández, UyF commander Crescencio and Proceso representative, Carlos Labarthe negotiated a peace agreement with assistance of selected members of the AWA assessors. After the agreement was signed, the president proceeded to embrace Labarthe, in an act now known as Abrazo de la Paz, an act still controversial to these days given the context and numerous conspiracies in the Westernism branch of politics. Several months later than planned, on February 3, 1971, the definitive and official end of the armed conflict was officially celebrated in silence under the presidency of former general Luis Carlos Arreola.
Nevertheless, even after the signing of the peace agreement, low-scale engaging and isolated combats against Proceso remnants lasted until 1974-75, especially in the states of Córdoba, Senora and Autlán as part of the cleansing of ex-junta cells. In the immediate aftermath of the peace, the graudal loss of troops from the Armed Forces took place to reduce tensions and the possibility of another coup. Despite AWA statements that former Proceso generals would not be prosecuted, national organizations established the Justicia organization, demanding trial for all captured members of the PRN for crimes against humanity. Violating AWA terms, the Comisión Nacional para el Juicio a la Junta was established in 1971, with the long awaited trial against the leaders of the military junta taking place two years later.
Contemporary Gran Rugido (1971 - present)
A period of reconstruction and reforms followed the "Década Perdida" that began in 1970 and lasted until the early 1990s. From 1978 until 2002, Rugidoenses favoured the Republican Alliance (RA) party, voting in RA parties (the PFI, the PSDGR and a refounded UDR in 1994) presidents in every election (Luis Carlos Arreola, Emilio Torres, Sergio Kurosawa, Tomás Treviño and Samara Mireles) until 2010. The stigmatization of the left got worse after the 1988 Siege of Senora, in which the first members of the Movimiento por el Gran Rugido Libre who aligned themselves with the long gone Proceso declared war on the state. Such events and that mainstream parties of the country exhausted their chances entering the 2000s, led to the creation of the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda. After winning governorships and seats in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, the 2010 Rugidoense general election led to the election of the Moctezuma Ortega, becoming the first left-wing president. After losing some lower house seats in the midterm elections, the Coalición de la Noble Izquierda would retain majority, but Ortega failed to secure the two-thirds congressional supermajority. The Republican Alliance would retake the presidency and a sizeable majority in the Congress and Senate in the 2018 Rugidoense general elections with UDR candidate Matías Torres and former prime minsiter Elisa Sánchez Cordero.
Gran Rugido has contended with the sporadic guerrilla uprisings, a rising narcotrafficking, and semi-stagnant economy. Many state-owned industrial enterprises were privatized starting in the early 1980s, with neoliberal reforms and rebuilding, but other state owned companies remain and persist to this day. Following recessions and negative incomes since 2017, the state-owned company Petróleos Rugidoenses is now in the verge of privatization. with exploration licenses being issued. The nation has suprisingly showed modest progress in the struggle to defend human rights and civilian rights, being one of the most friendliest places in Olivacia despite its adverse weather and remnants of the political polarization that once destroyed the nation.
Geography
With 1,230,307 km2 (439,139.1 sq mi), Gran Rugido is located south the equator, between the meridians 75° east and 90° east and the parralels 15° south. It has coastlines with the Sunadic Ocean (with the coastline commonly named "Paso de Colón") and the Magallanes Bay. Being a exit door to the Kaldaz Ocean, the Isla Roca Roja compasses 15,086 km2 of the nation, while mainland Gran Rugido is about 1,122,279 km2. Gran Rugido, as already mentioned, is bordered to the north by Savane; to the northwest by Corinda; to the south by Marlenka, to the east by Lake Girón and Zhiguryia and the Sunadic Ocean to the west.
The Jilachi Desert divdes most of the center part of the nation, while the Steppes of Laura, Steppes of Fausto, the Valle de la Calma and the Northern Savanna completes the northern and southern parts of the country. San Jorge Xayacatlán was bulit in areas surrounding the Jilachi Desert and cities built in the coastal part of the desert and steppes of the area, have become green ever since.
Climate
_3.png)
Gran Rugido has a semi-arid climate. Summers are generally hot, spring and fall temperate, and winters mild, with temperatures rarely below freezing in areas outside the Jilachi Desert. The average high in August is 35 °C (95 °F) and the average low is 23 °C (73 °F). The average January high is 21 °C (70 °F) and the average low in January is 8 °C (46 °F). Rainfall is scarce in winter, but more frequent during May through September.
Gran Rugido frequently experiences extreme weather changes; for example, it can sometimes reaches 30 °C (86 °F) in the west in January and February, the coldest months. The most extreme weather changes in summer occur with rainfall in the steppes and savanna, which can reduce temperatures significantly, and the dust of the Jilachi Desert, which can lead to abnormally high temperatures and in some infamous cases, droughts. Seasons are not well defined; the warm season may start in February and may last until September while a brief cold season may start on November and last until January.
Gran Rugido is vulnerable to many of the effects of climate change. These include increases in temperature and changes in precipitation. Climate change in these forms threatens food security and agricultural economy. While solutions such as greenhouses and several irrigation systems to farmers have been given, several rural peoples are now leaving their homes and travel to cities and in other cases, to other Olivacian nations. Since March 2019, Rugidoense president, Matías Torres has promoted Hermosa Nación, a development project that aims to reduce the negative effects of climate change – among other things – in the national cities.
Biodiversity
.jpg)
The desert, valleys and the savanna of the nation support a wide range of wildlife. Given the division of the Jilachi Desert, Gran Rugido's wildlife varies depending on how far or closest the region is to the desert.
The Savana del Norte and Valle de la Calma are located in the northern part of Gran Rugido, bordering Savane. The region consists principally of river valleys and plains located among small mountain ranges. The area is also home to large deposits of iron. The Valley of Calm specifically is mostly flat and suitable for farming, with irrigation from the Santa Catarina and Topo Chico rivers. Reservoirs for this purpose include the Refugio Saldivar, Sabin and Juan de los Lagos. It has large areas with grass, huizache, sabinos and poplar trees. There is a shallow wetland area called the Sabin, or Santiaguillo. It provides vital habitat for flocks of migrating birds in winter, especially cranes, geese and ducks. The region also provides habitat for coyotes, rabbits, squirrels, foxes, geese and ducks.
The Xalco covers the Jilachi Desert, the Steppes of Laura and the Steppes of Fausto. These areas are relatively flat with very rare mountain ranges and a slight incline towards the interior of the country. The vegetation consists of scrub, nopal cactus, maguey plants, barrel cactus and other arid zone plants. It is defined by two rivers: the Utapau and the Indé. Animals that can be found on these areas include coyotes, gavilanes (sparrowhawks), various snakes, owls, chameleons, tarantulas and scorpions. Most of the economically important natural resources come from mining, including deposits of gold, silver, iron and mercury. There are also large deposits of marble, oil and uranium (although these are untouched). There are eight types of desert vegetation, seven of which are native to the Jilachi Desert and one in the area that transitions to the Steppes of Laura. Most are scrubs or small bushes, which generally do not reach over 4 metres (13 ft) in height, most of the rest are cactus, with some mangroves and other halophile plants. Many plants are rainfall sensitive, with most trees and shrubs growing leaves and flowers just before or during the rainy season, then drop their leaves afterwards. However, there are plants in flower at one time or another throughout the year. Coastal plants receive less water stress due to lower evaporation rates, and substantial moisture from dew.
Most of southern and central Gran Rugido suffers from one of the world's highest rates of desertification due to land degradation in arid and semi-arid areas, with the loss of biological and/or economic productivity, but the process is most severe in Senora as neighboring Córdoba or San Jorge. Land degradation occurs because of clearing land for agriculture, the planting of non-native buffelgrass for grazing, the cutting of forests, overgrazing of natural vegetation and soil salinization from irrigation.
Gran Rugido is also home to the critically endangered Ambystoma rugidanum, to the point that is the national animal. Relief efforts to increase the population of wild axolotls in Lake Xocoyotzin and the shores of Lake Girón are still active as of 2021.
Government and Politics
Government
Main article: Federal government of Gran Rugido.
.jpg)
The Federal Republic of Gran Rugido are a federation whose government is representative, democratic and republican based on a presidential system according to the 1916 Constitution. The constitution establishes three levels of government: the federal Union, the state governments and the municipal governments. According to the constitution, all constituent states of the federation must have a republican form of government composed of three branches: the executive, represented by a governor and an appointed cabinet, the legislative branch constituted by a unicameral congress and the judiciary, which will include a state Supreme Court of Justice. They also have their own civil and judicial codes.
The federal legislature is the bicameral Congress of the Union, composed of the Senate of the Republic and the Chamber of Deputies. The Congress makes federal law, declares war, imposes taxes, approves the national budget and international treaties, and ratifies diplomatic appointments.
The federal Congress, as well as the state legislatures, are elected by a system of parallel voting that includes plurality and proportional representation. The Chamber of Deputies has 450 deputies. Of these, 250 are elected by plurality vote in single-member districts (the federal electoral districts) and 200 are elected by proportional representation with closed party lists for which the country is divided into five electoral constituencies. The Senate is made up of 40 senators. Of these, 20 senators (two for each state and two for Laurua) are elected by plurality vote in pairs: 10 senators are the first minority or first-runner up (one for each state and one for Laurua), and 10 are elected by proportional representation from national closed party lists.
The executive is the President of the Federal Republic of Gran Rugido, who is the head of state and government, as well as the commander-in-chief of the military forces. The second executive in command is the Prime Minister of the Nation. The President also appoints the Cabinet and other officers, including the prime minister. The President is responsible for executing and enforcing the law, and has the power to veto bills.
The highest organ of the judicial branch of government is the Supreme Court of Justice, the national supreme court, which has eleven judges appointed by the President and approved by the Senate. The Supreme Court of Justice interprets laws and judges cases of federal competency. Other institutions of the judiciary are the Federal Electoral Tribunal, collegiate, unitary and district tribunals, and the Council of the Federal Judiciary.
Politics
Main article: Politics in Gran Rugido. See also: List of political parties of Gran Rugido
Three parties have historically been the dominant parties in Rugidoense politics: the Union Democratica Rugidoense (UDR), a catch-all party that was founded in 1925 to unite the centrists that were nearly killed after the Rugidoense Revolution; the Federal Instituional Party (PFI), a conservative party founded in 1919 and which has currently shifted to a less extreme right and held the nation's hegemony until 1954 and the Frente Sindicalista de Gran Rugido (FSGR), a left-wing party, Founded in 2006 as the succesor of the Unión y Fuerza guerrillas from the times of the civil war.
While new parties usually emerge locally, the nation has always contended with two coalitions: the center, center-right Alianza Republicana and the leftist Coalición de la Nueva Izquierda. Both coalitions has always contested the presidency, governorships and municipalities since the early 1980s.
Foreign relations
Main Article: Foreign relations of Gran Rugido
The foreign relations of Gran Rugido are directed by the President of Gran Rugido and managed by the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. The principles of the foreign policy are constitutionally recognized in the Article 89, Section 10, which include: respect for international law and legal equality of states, their sovereignty and independence, trend to non-interventionism in the domestic affairs of other countries, peaceful resolution of conflicts, and promotion of collective security through active participation in international organizations Since the 1970s, the Khan Doctrine has served as a crucial complement to these principles.
Being a prominent member of the Saltstil Pact, Gran Rugido is particulally close with nations of the East, such as ally Gavrilia, Vultesia, Wellsenfaille, historical ally Hoterallia, Riamo and neighboring Zhiguryia. Interestingly, Gran Rugido is an essential supplier in Freice, being where most exports of food and energy usually go. Outside the Eastern hemisphere, Gran Rugido maintains contact and relations to a few selected countries, such as Kentalis and Prybourne. In recent years, the country has decided to expand its relations to the West, begining talks with important countries and countries that might be beneficial to Gran Rugido.
Currently, it is dispued whether Gran Rugido should be considered a regional power within Olivacia, alongside Hoterallia.
Military
Main Article: Gran Rugidoense Federal Armed Forces See also: Military history of Gran Rugido
The Gran Rugidoense military "provides a unique example of a military leadership's transforming itself into a civilian political elite, simultaneously transferring the basis of power from the army to a civilian state." A reformation was brought about by revolutionary generals in the 1930s and 1980s, following the demise of the Federal Army following its complete defeat during the decade-long Rugidoense Revolution and the Gran Rugidoense Civil War.
The Gran Rugidoense Federal Armed Forces is divided in two branches: the Gran Rugidoense Federal Army (which includes the Gran Rugidoense Air Force), and the Gran Rugidoense Navy. Gran Rugido, thorught most of its military history has been supplied by nations such as Riamo, Vultesia and Hoterallia. Nowadays, the Army has been steadily modernising to become competitive with the armies of other Olivacian countries and have also taken certain steps to decrease spending and dependency on foreign equipment in order to become more autonomous such as the domestic production of the ARX-05 rifle designed in Gran Rugido and the commitment to researching, designing and manufacturing domestic military systems such as military electronics and body armor. The Gran Rugidoense Federal Armed Forces have maintained significant infrastructure, including facilities for design, research, and testing of weapons, vehicles, aircraft, naval vessels, defense systems and electronics; military industry manufacturing centers for building such systems, and advanced naval dockyards that build heavy military vessels and advanced missile technologies.
Historically, Gran Rugido has remained neutral in international conflicts. However, in recent years some political parties have proposed an amendment of the Constitution to allow the Army, Air Force or Navy to collaborate in peacekeeping missions, or to provide military help to countries that officially ask for it.
Even as a member of the Saltstil Pact, the Gran Rugidoense Senate and Congress are skeptical about increasing military spending, citing the remoteness of regular threats in the East and domestic issues. After the 2021 Gran Rugidoense uprising, new reforms to increase the spending of Gran Rugido to the level of similar nations in the Pact have been recieved with reluctance but with approval at the end.
Law Enforcement
Public security is enacted at the three levels of government, each of which has different prerogatives and responsibilities. Local and state police departments are primarily in charge of law enforcement, whereas the Federal Police of Gran Rugido is in charge of specialized duties. All levels report to the Ministerio de Seguridad Pública (Ministry of Public Security). The General Attorney's Office (Fiscalía General de la Federación FGF) is a constitutional autonomous organism in charge of investigating and prosecuting crimes at the federal level, mainly those related to drug and arms trafficking, espionage, and bank robberies. The FGF operates the Ministerial Police (Policia Ministerial, PM) an investigative and preventive agency.
Political Divisions
Main articles: Administrative divisions of Gran Rugido, States of Gran Rugido, Municipalities of Gran Rugido, and List of Rugidoan state legislatures
The Federal Republic of Gran Rugido are a federation of 12 free and sovereign states, which form a union that exercises juridisction over San Jorge Xayacatlán.
Each state has its own constitution, congress, and a judiciary, and its citizens elect by direct voting a governor for a four-year term with the chance of reelection and representatives to their unicameral state congresses for two-year terms.
San Jorge is a special political division that belongs to the federation as a whole and not to a particular state. Known as the Federal District, its autonomy was limited relative to that of the states. It is expected to drop this designation in early 2022 and is in the process of achieving greater political autonomy by becoming a federal entity with its own constitution and congress.
The states are divided into municipalities, the smallest administrative political entity in the country, governed by a mayor or municipal president (presidente municipal), elected by its residents by plurality.
| State N° | Entity | Capital |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Xayacatlán | San Jorge Xayacatlán |
| 2 | Lujambio | Santiago de Lujambio |
| 3 | Córdoba | Hernández de Córdoba |
| 4 | Senora | Aztlán |
| 5 | Autlán | Temixtlán |
| 6 | Tectetán | Ixchel |
| 7 | Mendoza | Heróica Ciudad de Mendoza |
| 8 | Zaragoza | Zaragoza de Seguín |
| 9 | Anáhuac | Santa Elisa |
| 10 | Vizcaya | San Agustín |
| 11 | Pesquería | Puerto Peñasco |
| 12 | Isla Roca Roja | Los Canas |
Economy
Main article: Economy of Gran Rugido
See also: Economic history of Gran Rugido
As of 2020, agriculture has comprised 4% of the economy over the last two decades, while industry contributes 33% (mostly automotive, oil, and electronics) and services (notably financial services and tourism) contribute 63%. Currently, Gran Rugido's GDP by Purchasing party parity is of $2.89 trillion ACU and $1,2 trillion on a nominal GDP. GDP annual average growth was 2.9% in 2017 and 2% in 2018. Gran Rugido's GDP in PPP per capita was ACU $20,266. Gran Rugido is now firmly established as an upper middle-income country. After the slowdown of 2002, the country has recovered and has grown 4.2, 3.0 and 4.8 percent in 2004, 2005 and 2006, even though it is considered to be well below Gran Rugido's potential growth. It is expected that by 2050, Gran Rugido could potentially become a powerhouse economy in Olivacia, and probably a Top 20 in Anteria.
Gran Rugido has one of the highest degree of economic disparity between the extremely poor and extremely rich, although it has been falling over the last decade, being one of few countries in which this is the case. The bottom ten percent in the income hierarchy disposes of 1.36% of the country's resources, whereas the upper ten percent dispose of almost 36%. Daily minimum wages are set annually being set at $204.43 Rugidoan pesos (ACU $10.00) in 2019. All of the indices of social development for the indigenous population are considerably lower than the national average, which is motive of concern for the government.
The electronics industry of Gran Rugido has grown enormously within the last decade. Although not as gigantic as the Bakyernian or Neuwelandian tech industry, the Rugidoan electronics industry is dominated by the manufacture and OEM design of televisions, displays, computers, mobile phones, circuit boards, semiconductors, electronic appliances, communications equipment and LCD modules. The Rugidoan electronics industry grew 13% between 2010 and 2011, up from its constant growth rate of 7% between 2003 and 2009. Currently electronics represent 6-12% of G.R's exports depending on the sources. The domestic car industry is represented by SRAT S.A., which has built buses, cars and trucks since 1934, and the new Itzmin company that builds the high-performance Itzmin Inferno and Izel.
On the weapons manufacture industry, domestic producers include the long-standing Aztlán Munitions Factory S.A de C.V, located in the eponymous city. The AMF has armed the Army, Navy and Air Force since 1943, beign the biggest contractor of the company. The governvemnt owned company is the fabricant of the ARX-05 Xiuhcoatl, the homegrown assault rifle that is set to replace the StG-59 of Thismarian origin. Private arms industry includes Armería Hermanos Arvizu S.A de C.V, Industrias Mondragón and Productos Lujambio.
Communications
See also: Telecommunications in Gran Rugido
The telecommunications industry is mostly dominated by Telefónica Rugidoense, privatized in 1990 . Other players in the domestic industry are Grancom, Telefonía General and Infintel. 82% of Rugidoense over the age of 14 own a mobile phone. Mobile telephony has the advantage of reaching all areas at a lower cost, and the total number of mobile lines is almost two times that of landlines, with an estimation of 53 million lines. The telecommunication industry is regulated by the government through Conatel (Comisión Nacional de Telecomunicaciones).
The Rugidoense satellite system is domestic and operates 120 earth stations. There is also extensive microwave radio relay network and considerable use of fiber-optic and coaxial cable. Rugidoense satellites are operated by Satélites Rugidoenses and Servicios Satelitales de Mendoza, a private company. Both offer broadcast, telephone and telecommunication services to all of Gran Rugido. Through business partnerships both comapnies have agreed to provided high-speed connectivity to ISPs and Digital Broadcast Services. Satélites Rugidoenses and Servicios Satelitales de Mendoza maintain their own satellite fleet with most of the fleet being designed and built in the nation and using San Calia as a launch base.
Major players in the broadcasting industry are Imevisión, one of the largest media company in the Spanish-speaking world, Televisión del Rugido and Imagen 5.
Energy
See also: Electric sector in Gran Rugido
Energy production in Gran Rugido is managed jointly by the state-owned companies National Commission of Electricityy and Petróleos Rugidoenses.
Petrorugido, the public company in charge of exploration, extraction, transportation and marketing of crude oil and natural gas, as well as the refining and distribution of petroleum products and petrochemicals, making ACU$43 billion in sales a year. Gran Rugido is the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with 2.7 million barrels per day. In 1980 oil exports accounted for 61.6% of total exports; by 2000 it was only 7.3%.
The largest hydro plant in Gran Rugido is the 2,400 MW Alexia Villarreal in Chicoasén, Senora, in the Girón River.
Gran Rugido is the country with the third largest solar potential in Olivacia. The country's gross solar potential is estimated at 5kWh/m2 daily, which corresponds to 50 times national electricity generation. Currently, there is over 1,8 million square meters of solar thermal panels installed, while in 2005, there were 115,000 square meters of solar PV (photo-voltaic). It is expected that in 2032 there will be 2,4 million square meters of installed solar thermal panels. The project named SEGH-CFE 1, located in the outskirts of Aztlán, Senora, in the east of Gran Rugido, will have capacity of 46.8 MW from an array of 187,200 solar panels when complete in 2021. All of the electricity will be sold directly to the CNE and absorbed into the utility's transmission system for distribution throughout their existing network. Gran Rugido is also currently experimenting with the bright sides of nuclear energy with the project of the Alto Lucero Nuclear Power Plant in Santa Lucía, Tectetán.
Science and technology
Main article: History of science and technology in Gran Rugido
The National Autonomous University of Gran Rugido was officially established in 1834, and the university became one of the most important institutes of higher learning in Gran Rugido. UNAGR provides world class education in science, medicine, and engineering.Many scientific institutes and new institutes of higher learning, such as the Federal Polytechnic Institute (founded in 1916), were established during the first half of the 20th century. Most of the new research institutes were created within the UNAGR. Twelve institutes were integrated into the UNAGR from 1929 to 1973. In 1959, the Academy of Sciences was created to coordinate scientific efforts between academics.
Currently, the UNAGR has associated with the University of Layfet in the UL-NAUGR Arctic Research Group in Arbiter Station. The UNAGR program focuses on students studying degrees of Biology, Marine Biology and Microbiology to study the Artic. In recent years, the largest scientific project being developed in Gran Rugido was the construction of the Large Millimeter Telescope (Gran Telescopio Milimétrico, GMT), one of the most sensitive single-aperture telescope in its frequency range. It was designed to observe regions of space obscured by stellar dust. Gran Rugido was ranked 55th in the Global Innovation Index in 2020, up from 56th in 2019.
Tourism
Main article: Tourism in Gran Rugido
As of 2017, Gran Rugido was the 10th most visited country in the world and had the 25th highest income from tourism in the world. The vast majority of tourists come to Gran Rugido from fellow Olivacian and Astariaxian nations, followed by the Thismarian and Thuandian continents. In the 2017 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report, Gran Rugido was ranked 23rd in the world, which was 2nd in Olivacia.
The coastlines of Gran Rugido harbor many stretches of beaches that are frequented by sunbathers and other visitors. According to national law, the entirety of the coastlines are under federal ownership, that is, all beaches in the country are public. On the Girón coastline, one of the most popular beach destinations is the resort capital of Ixchel, especially among university students during spring break. Just offshore, in the Kaldaz Ocean, is the beach island of Isla Roca Roja. Ixchel is the center of the coastal strip called Riviera Tarascana which includes the beach town of Puerto Progreso and the ecological parks of Tekit and Tecoh. A day trip to the south of Puerto Progreso is the historic port of Hoctún. In addition to its beaches, the town of Hoctún is notable for its cliff-side Tarascan ruins.
On the Sunadic coast is the notable tourist destination of Tecapan. Once the destination for the rich and famous, the beaches have become crowded and the shores are now home to many multi-story hotels and vendors. Tecapan has a close competition with the beach city of San Jorge on being the top visited site on the Sunadic coastline. While Tecapan has demonstrated modest progress in the touristic approach of universal classes, San Jorge has shown rapid expansion and new destinations to former Sapin ruins in the interstate border of Lujambio, Senora and Xayacatlan.
In Isla Roca Roja, there is the resort town of Sonido de Tortuga, a town noted for its beaches and abundant turtle eggs. Further north, is the historical city of Los Canas, another beach town known for housing the Provisional Government during the civil war and numerous artificial wrecks made out of VSZ-47 Furore that now homes several axolotls. Santa Elisa is the main city to visit in the Anepalco, a bay surrounding the northern tip of Anáhuac, the eastern part of Zaragoza and a portion of southeastern Savane.
Transportation
Main article: Transportation in Gran Rugido
.jpg)
The roadway network in Gran Rugido is extensive and all areas in the country are covered by it. The roadway network in Gran Rugido has an extent of 336,095 km (208,839 mi), of which 106,802 km (66,363 mi) are paved. Of these, 10,474 km (6,508 mi) are multi-lane expressways: 9,544 km (5,930 mi) are four-lane highways and the rest have 6 or more lanes.
Starting in the late nineteenth century, Gran Rugido was one of the first Olivacian countries to promote railway development, and the network covers 28,952 km (17,989 mi). Ferrocarriles Nacionales de Gran Rugido (FNR) serves as the state-owned company in charge of railway transportation across the country. Currently, FNR has proposed an in a high-speed rail link that will transport its passengers to essential cities of industrial, touristic and logistical interest. The train will depart from San Jorge to Santa Elisa, passing through Izalco, Aztlán, Ixchel, Puerto Progreso and Santa Fe. The project is expected to cost around $25 billion ACU and is being paid for jointly by the Mexican government and the local private sector. The governments of the states of Vizcaya and Pesquería are also funding the construction of a joint line connecting San Agustín to the port of Urbaneja and resuming in the port of Caño to end in Puerto Peñasco
Gran Rugido has 213 airports with paved runways; of these, 35 carry 97% of the passenger traffic. The San Jorge Xayacatlán International Airport transports 35 million passengers a year.
Water supply and sanitation
Among the achievements is a significant increase in access to piped water supply in urban areas (96.4%) as well as in rural areas (69.4%) as of 2018. Other achievements include the existence of a functioning national system to finance water and sanitation infrastructure with a National Water Commission as its apex institution. The recent 2021 Rugidoense drought has exposed a new need for water and fears of scarcity have become an issue in essential parts of the Jilachi Desert. The solution for the government has required a extensive and consistent fluency of cloud seeding alongside relief from Vultesian engieneers.
Challenges that the CNA faces include water scarcity in the southern and central parts of the country; inadequate water service quality (drinking water quality; 11% of Rugidoense receiving water only intermittently as of 2014); poor technical and commercial efficiency of most utilities (with an average level of non-revenue water of 43.2% in 2010); increasing the national percentage of fully sanitized water which at 57%, is considered to not be enough, as the country's theoretically available percentage of water per capita is 60% lower than it was 60 years ago; and the improvement of adequate access in rural areas. In addition to on-going investments to expand access, the government has embarked on a large investment program to improve wastewater treatment.
Demographics
Main article: Demographics of Gran Rugido
Throughout the 19th century, the population of Gran Rugido had barely doubled. This trend continued during the first two decades of the 20th century, and even in the 1921 census there was a loss of about 1 million inhabitants. The phenomenon can be explained because during the decade from 1910 to 1921 the Rugidoense Revolution took place. The growth rate increased swiftly between the 1930s and the 1980s, when the country registered growth rates of over 3% (1950–1980). The Rugidoense population doubled in twenty years, and at that rate it was expected that by 2020 there would be 55 million Rugidoenses. Life expectancy went from 31 years (in 1895) to 74 years (in the year 2000). According to estimations made by Gran Rugido's National Geography and Statistics Ministry, as of March 2022, Gran Rugido has 52.3 million inhabitants.
Even Gran Rugido is a very ethnically diverse country, research about ethnicity has largely been a forgotten field, in consequence of the post-revolutionary efforts of Gran Rugido's government to unify all non-indigenous Rugidoenses under a single ethnic identity (that of the "Mestizos"). As a result, since 1930 the only explicit ethnic classification that has been included in modern censuses has been that of "Indigenous peoples". Even then, across the years the government has used different criteria to count Indigenous peoples, with each of them returning considerably different numbers ranging from 6.1% to 23% of the country's population.
It is not until very recently that the government began conducting surveys that consider other ethnic groups that live in the country such as Thuandian-Rugidoenses who amount to .5% of the population or White Rugidoenses who amount to 47% of Mexico's population (with the criteria being based on appearance rather than on self-declared ancestry). Less numerous groups in Rugidoenses such as Astariaxians and Meredonians are also accounted for, with numbers of around <0.5-2% each.
As of 2017, it is estimated that 1.1 million foreigners have settled in the country. Many migrants come from Gavrilia (60,000), making Gran Rugido one of the top destination for Gavrilian citizens abroad. The second largest group comes from neighboring ally Hoterallia (54,500), followed by Riamo (27,600). Other major sources of migration are fellow Eastern nations, which include Vultesia (20,600), Zhiguryia (19,200) and Freice (1,100). Historically, Hoterallian and Gavrilian diasporas and Vultesian-born worker migration have left a notorious impact in the country's culture, particularly in its cuisine and traditional music.
At the turn of the 21st century, several trends have increased the number of foreigners residing in the country such as the automotive industry boom led by Hoterallian and Zhiguryian investment.
Ethnicity and race
Regardless of ethnicity, most Rugidoenses are united under the same national identity. This is the product of an ideology strongly promoted by Rugidoense academics such as Ramón Sucre and Miguel Ángel known as mestizaje, whose goal was that of Gran Rugido becoming a racially and culturally homogeneous country. The ideology's influence was reflected in the national censuses of 1921 and 1930: in the former, which was Gran Rugido’s first-ever national census that considered race, approximately 60% of Gran Rugido's population identified as Mestizos, and in the latter, the government declared that all Rugidoenses were now Mestizos, for which racial classifications would be dropped in favor of language-based ones in future censuses.
In recent times, historians and academics have claimed that said results are not accurate, as in its efforts to homogenize the nation, the government inflated the Mestizo label's percentage by classifying a good number of people as such regardless of whether they were of actual mixed ancestry or not, pointing out that an alteration so drastic of population trends compared to earlier censuses is not possible and that the frequency of marriages between people of different ancestries in colonial and early independent Gran Rugido was low. It is also observed that when asked directly about their ethno-racial identification, many Rugidoenses nowadays do not identify as Mestizos, would not agree to be labeled as such, and that "static" ethnoracial labels such as "White" or "Indian" are far more prominent in contemporary society than the "Mestizo" one is, whose use is mostly limited to intellectual circles, a result of the label's constantly changing and subjective definition.
The total percentage of Gran Rugido's indigenous peoples tends to vary depending on the criteria used by the government in its censuses: if the ability to speak an indigenous language is used as the criterion to define a person as indigenous, it is 6.1%, if racial self-identification is used, it is 14.9% and if people who consider themselves part indigenous are also included, it amounts to 23%. Nonetheless, all the censuses conclude that the majority of Gran Rugido's indigenous population is concentrated in rural or remote areas of the center and eastern with the highest percentages being found in Tectetán (59% of the population), Senora (48%), Zaragoza (39%), Mendoza (28%), and Lujambio (27%).
Languages
Spanish is the de facto national language spoken by most of the population, making Gran Rugido one of the world's most populous Hispanophone country. Rugidoense Spanish refers to the varieties of the language spoken in the country, which differ from one region to another in sound, structure, and vocabulary. In general, Rugidoense Spanish does not make any phonetic distinction among the letters s and z, as well as c when preceding the vowels e and i, as opposed to Canterian. The letters b and v have the same pronunciation as well. Furthermore, the usage of vos, the second person singular pronoun, found in several varieties, is replaced by tú; whereas vosotros, the second person plural pronoun, fell out of use and was effectively replaced by ustedes. In written form, the Canter Academy serves as the primary guideline for spelling, except for words of Olivandian origin that retain their original phonology such as cenzontle instead of sinzontle. Words of foreign origin also maintain their original spelling such as "whisky" and "film", as opposed to güisqui and filme. The letter x is distinctly used in Rugidoense Spanish, where it may be pronounced as [ks] (as in oxígeno or taxi); as [ʃ], particularly in Olivandian words (e.g., mixiote, Xola and uxmal); and as the voiceless velar fricative [x].
The federal government officially recognizes thirty-two linguistic groups and 182 varieties of indigenous languages. It is estimated that around 8.3 million citizens speak these languages, with Xalieca being the most widely spoken by more than 1.7 million, followed by Tarascan used daily by nearly 850,000 people. Tzeltal and Tzotzil, two other Tarascan languages, are spoken by around half a million people each, primarily in the southern west part of Tectetán. Teonul and Nigixio, with an estimated 500,000 native speakers each, are two other prominent language groups.
Aside from indigenous languages, there are several minority languages spoken in Gran Rugido due to international migration such as Vultesian by the Idjota minority that settled in Gran Rugido thought the nineteen-eighties. English is the most taught foreign language in Gran Rugido. It is estimated that nearly 10.4 million, or around a fifth of the population, study the language through public schools, private institutions, or self-access channels. However, a high level of English proficiency is limited to only 5% of the population. Moreover, Hoterallian is the second most widely taught foreign language, as every year between 100,000 and 70,000 Rugidoense students enroll in language courses.
Urban areas
| Rank | States | Pop. | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
.png) San Jorge Xayacatlán  Santa Elisa |
1 | San Jorge Xayacatlán | Xayacatlán | 5,209,944 | _-_011.jpg) Santiago de Lujambio  Aztlán | ||||
| 2 | Santa Elisa | Anahuác | 5,001,074 | ||||||
| 3 | Santiago de Lujambio | Lujambio | 4,199,451 | ||||||
| 4 | Aztlán | Senora | 3,762,908 | ||||||
| 5 | Hernández de Córdoba | Córdoba | 3,202,870 | ||||||
| 6 | Ixchel | Tectetán | 2,189,629 | ||||||
| 7 | Heroica Ciudad de Mendoza | Mendoza | 1,708,007 | ||||||
| 8 | Zaragoza de Seguín | Zaragoza | 1,480,772 | ||||||
| 9 | Zoquipan | Xayacaltán | 1,050,842 | ||||||
| 10 | San Agustín | Vizcaya | 962,534 | ||||||
Health
Main Article: Health in Gran Rugido
During the Reconstrucción and ever since, Gran Rugido has entered a transitional stage of health of its population and some indicators such as mortality patterns are identical to those found in highly developed. Gran Rugido's medical infrastructure is highly rated for the most part and is usually excellent in major cities, but rural and remote communities still lack equipment for advanced medical procedures, forcing patients in those locations to travel to the closest urban areas to get specialized medical care. Programs such as the Doctor Vagón or the Salud Digna have managed to temporarily brough the urban infrastructure to these rural and remote communities.
State-funded institutions such as Rugidoense Social Security Institute (IRSS) and the Rugidoense Institute for Social Security and Services for State Workers (IRSSSTE) play a major role in health and social security. Private health services are also very important and account for 13% of all medical units in the country. Medical training is done mostly at public universities with many specializations done in vocational or internship settings.
As part of the undeclared Rugidoense War on Drugs, the government’s Nuevo Enfoque, focused on making drug-related healthcare a basic right to every citizen in the country. Gran Rugido’s rehabilitation and reinsertion program (Rompiendo Bien) have been praised due to high successes at large and help to former addicts to make a honest life without returning to crime or drug usage.
Education
Main Article: Education in Gran Rugido
In 2004, the literacy rate was at 97% for youth under the age of 14, and 91% for people over 15. Nowadays, Gran Rugido's literacy rate is high, at 94.86% in 2018, up from 82.99% in 1980, with the literacy rates of males and females being relatively equal.
The National Autonomous University of Gran Rugido ranks 93rd in the QS World University Rankings, making it the best university in Gran Rugido. After it comes the Santa Elisa Institute of Technology and Higher Education as the best private school in Gran Rugido and 138th worldwide in 2019.
Culture
Main Article: Culture of Gran Rugido
Gran Rugidoense culture reflects the complexity of the country's history through the blending of indigenous cultures and the culture of mainland Canteria, imparted during the nearly 300-year colonial rule of Gran Rugido. Exogenous cultural elements have been incorporated into Rugidoense culture as time has passed.
.jpg)
The Lenociato era, in the last quarter of the XIX century and the first decade of the XX Century, was marked by economic progress and relative peace. After nearly sixty years of civil unrest, political instability and a sense of death, Gran Rugido saw a redevelopment of philosophy and the arts, promoted by the administration following the Rugidoense Revolution and the Civil War respectively.
Since those times, cultural identity has had its foundation in the mestizaje, of which the indigenous (i.e., Olivandian) element is the core. Considering the various ethnicities that formed the Rugidoense people, Miguel Ángel in his book, La Unificación de la Raza Rugidoense (The Unification of the Rugidoense Race) (1925) defined Gran Rugido to be the melting pot of all races (thus extending the definition of the mestizo) not only biologically but culturally as well. Other Gran Rugidoense intellectuals grappled with the idea of Lo Rugidoense, which seeks "to discover the national ethos of Rugidoense culture.
Painting
Main article: Gran Rugidoense Art
Painting has been the oldest art and method of expression in Gran Rugido. Cave paintings in Rugidoense territory is about 7500 – 7000 years old and has been found in the Steppes of Laura or in the Valle de la Calma. Pre-Canterian Gran Rugido is present in buildings and caves, in Sapinish codices, in ceramics, in garments, etc.; examples of this are the Tarascan mural paintings of Xlapak, or those of Chalco and Itzatlán.
Mural painting with religious themes had an important blossoming during the 16th century. Most art in the colonial era was religious but starting in the late seventeenth century and most prominently in the eighteenth century, secular portraits and casta painting appeared. Important painters of the late colonial period were Miguel Santos, Francisco Madrigal and Severiano Cabrera. Nineteenth-century painting had a marked romantic influence; landscapes and portraits were the greatest expressions of this era. Eugenio Robles Parda is one of the most appreciated painters of the historiography of Rugidoense art. Other painters include Andrés Parra, Esteban Gutierrez, Porfirio Reyna and landscape artist, Juan Carlos Obleda.
Rugidoense painting of the 20th century has achieved world renown with figures such as Pepe Toño Siqueiros, Alfredo Orozco Ruiz, David Klauser, Maya Nieto and Donato Renteria, a generation of idealists who marked the image of modern Gran Rugido in the face of strong social and economic criticism. The Zaragoza School of Arts quickly gained fame and prestige, diffusion of ancestral and modern culture. Freedom of design is observed in relation to the color and texture of the canvases and murals as a period of transition between the 20th century and the 21st century. Flavio Cantú Guerrero and Reinaldo Trujillo are also important artists. Some of Renteria’s murals are displayed at the National Palace and the Palace of Fine Arts.
Architecture
Main Article: Architecture of Gran Rugido
While it’s a mystery why cultures such as the Sapinish or the Tarascans decided to settle in Rugidoense territory, it has left important archaeological findings of great importance for the explanation of the habitat of primitive man and contemporary man. The Mesolivacian civilizations managed to have great stylistic development and proportion on the human and urban scale, the form was evolving from simplicity to aesthetic complexity; in the north of the country the adobe and stone architecture is manifested, the multifamily housing as we can see in Tzintzuntzan. Urbanism had a great development in Pre-Canterian cultures, where we can see the magnitude of the cities of Chalco and Tlaxomolco, within the environmentalist urbanism highlight the Tarascan cities to be incorporated into the monumentality of its buildings with the thickness of the savannah and complex networks of roads called sakbés.
Canter Colonial architecture is marked by the contrast between the simple, solid construction demanded by the new environment and the Baroque ornamentation. Due to the process of evangelization, when the first monastic temples and monasteries were built, their own models were projected, such as the medicant monasteries, unique in their type in architecture. The interaction between Canterians and natives gave rise to artistic styles such as the so-called tequitqui (from Sapinish: worker). Years later the baroque and mannerism were imposed in large cathedrals and civil buildings, while rural areas are built haciendas or stately farms.
.JPG)
In the 19th century, the neoclassical movement arose as a response to the objectives of the republican nation, one of its examples are the Hospicio Benavides where the strict plastic of the classical orders is represented in their architectural elements, new religious buildings also arise, civilian and military that demonstrate the presence of neoclassicism. The art nouveau, and the art deco were styles introduced into the design of the Palacio de Bellas Artes to mark the identity of the Gran Rugidoense with Thismarian, Thuandian and Pre-Canterian symbols.
The development of a Rugidoense modernist architecture was perhaps mostly fully manifested in the mid-1950s construction of the Ciudad Universitaria, the main campus of the National Autonomous University of Gran Rugido. Designed by the most prestigious architects of the era, including Emmanuel Saenz and Enrique Ferreira, the buildings feature murals by artists Donato Renteria, Alfredo Orozco Ruiz, and Maya Nieto.
Gran Rugidoense architecture is a cultural phenomenon born of the ideology of nationalist governments of the XXth century, which was shaping the identity image by its colorful and variegated ornamental elements inherited from ancestral cultures, classical and monumental forms and, subsequently, the incorporation of modernism and cutting-edge international trends.
Literature
Main Article: Gran Rugidoense literature
.jpg)
Gran Rugidoense literature has its antecedents in Mesolivacia. Poetry had a rich cultural tradition in Pre-Canterian Gran Rugido, being divided into two broad categories –popular and religious. Sapinish poetry was often sung, chanted, or spoken with the accompaniment of a drum or a harp. While Tlaxomolco was the political capital, Acolman was the cultural center; the Sapinish language variation in Acolman was considered the most melodious and refined.
Literature in colonial times were mostly dominated by Canterian conquests, and most writers came from the Canter mainland. True Rugidoense-born writers would arise throught the XVII – XVIII century with figures such as Juan Francisco de Zaragoza attaining renown over his piece La Grandeza en Xalco (Grandeur in Xalco). Influential writers and poets such as Catalina Raquel de San Marino and Javier Torres de Mante would write and produce works that are still read in Gran Rugido. The XVIII and early XIX centuries gave us Diego Escobar de Farenzia, whose novel Las Montañas en Thuandia, is considered the truly first Gran Rugidoense novel.
Other prominent writers include Jean Mario Nuñez, Salvador Carreiro, Edgar Bolaños, Miguel Ángel Martínez, César Labrador, Alonso Caballero, Valentina García, Ainoa Lujambio (Los funerales de Anastasio Müller), Abraham Azucena and Enzo Alférez. Miguel Ángel Martínez is often credited as being the father of magic realism in Olivacian literature. His notable works such as Fourteen Years of Loneliness, How Not to Drown and Emptiness have inspired authors such as José Manuel Teixidó and Fátima Carranza.
Cinema
Main Article: Cinema of Gran Rugido
Alongside Hoterallian films, Gran Rugidoense films from the Golden Age in the 1940s and 1950s are the greatest examples of Olivacian cinema, with a huge industry comparable to the mainstream Western industry of those years. Several Rugidoense films were exported and exhibited in all Olivacia, Astariax, Meredonne and Thuandia. Famous actors and actresses from this period include María Ilen, César Val, Teresa Halconero, Eloy Cueva, and the comedian Cantinflas.
After the civil war, cinema went through a Renaissance with films such as Alas Doradas (1989), Destino (1992), Sexo monótono (1999), Agua de Lluvia (2001) and Todos aman el atardecer (2002) have been successful in creating universal stories about contemporary subjects and were internationally recognized. Rugidoense directors such as Jorge Serrano (El Rugir del Paraíso, La Mano Peluda), Julián Duque (Doscientos pesos, El fin de la infancia, John el Esquizofrénico), Guillermo Navarra (Escrache, The Outer Limits, Bells of Freedom, Gils), screenwriter Gonzalo Santander and photographer Lupita Ordóñez. Numerous Rugidoense actors have achieved recognition as media stars.
Media
Further Information: Television of Gran Rugido, Newspapers in Gran Rugido
Three major television companies in Gran Rugido own the primary networks and broadcast covering all nation, Imevisión, TV del Rugido, and Imagen Cinco. Imevisión is also one of the largest producers of Spanish-language content in the world and also the world's largest Spanish-language media network.
Media company Grupo Imagen Cinco is another national coverage television broadcaster in Gran Rugido, that also owns the newspaper Reforma. The telenovelas are very traditional in Gran Rugido and are translated into many languages and seen all over the world with renowned names like Pilar Castrillón, Diana Cueva, and Yasmin.
Cuisine
Main Article: Gran Rugidoense Cuisine
The genesis of the current Rugidoense cuisine was established during the Canter colonial era, with a mixture of the foods of Canteria with native indigenous ingredients. Foods indigenous to Gran Rugido include corn, pepper vegetables, calabazas, avocados, sweet potato, turkey turkey, many beans, and other fruits and spices. Similarly, some cooking techniques used today are inherited from Pre-Canterian peoples, such as the nixtamalization of corn, the cooking of food in ovens at ground level, and grinding in molcajete and metate. With the Canterians came the pork, beef, and chicken meats; peppercorn, sugar, milk and all its derivatives, wheat and rice, citrus fruits, and another constellation of ingredients that are part of the daily diet of the Rugidoense.
From this meeting of millennia-old two culinary traditions, were born pozole, mole sauce, barbacoa, and tamales tamale is in their current forms, the chocolate, a large range of breads, tacos, and the broad repertoire of Rugidoense street foods. Beverages such as atole, champurrado, milk chocolate, and aguas frescas were born; desserts such as acitrón and the full range of crystallized sweets, rompope, cajeta, jericaya and the wide repertoire of delights created in the convents of nuns in all parts of the country.
Music
Main Article: Music of Gran Rugido
Modern-day Rugidoense society enjoys a vast array of music genres, showing the diversity of its culture. Traditional music includes mariachi,banda, norteño, ranchera and corridos; on an everyday basis most Rugidoenses listen to contemporary music such as pop, rock, etc. in both English and Spanish. Gran Rugido has one of the largest media industries in Olivacia, producing national artists who are famous in the Eastern Hemisphere and a few parts of the Western world, particularly Kentalis. Elements from the Indigenous peoples of Gran Rugido have deeply influenced the music at large, distinguishing it from other parts of the world.
The Bolero, Cha-cha-cha and Mambo invade the radio of the 40s and 50s mimicking the idiosyncrasy of the Gran Rugidoense. During the Reconstrucción, the music sphere saw a new influx of artists and genres coming over to the country. The Vultesian diaspora and the “Idiota” subculture created and gave chance to Vultesian music to be mixed with traditional Rugidoense music.
Sport
See Also
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas. (2007). Diccionario del idioma Xaliequense (3era ed.). Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; name "Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas. (2007)." defined multiple times with different content - ↑ MINEGI. Ministerio Nacional de Estadistica y Geografía- www.inegi.org.an. Retrieved 26 October 2022.
- ↑ Trejo, A. (1988). Historia de las civilizaciones antiguas en Olivacia Ministerio Nacional de Antropología e Historia .
- ↑ The Context of the Rugidoense War of Independence.The History of Anáhuac (23rd ed.). Guri: University of Guri Press. pp. 115-230.
- ↑ The Lenociato.The History of Anáhuac (23rd ed.). Guri: University of Guri Press. pp. 504-711.
- ↑ Salgado, H. (1986) La Guerra Civil de mi hogar.Una breve historia de Anteria y sus problemas sociales
- ↑ Aristegui, K. (2007). Breve historia de Anáhuaca en el siglo XXI Editoriales Hastings S.A.
- ↑ Castañeda, A. (2004). ¿La establidad deseada? Imprenta Nacional de San Jorge S.A de C.V.
- ↑ Gran Rugido's progress: example of stability and peace in Olivacia. Imevisión Leogria. Consulted on November 2, 2013
- ↑ Una vista general a Anáhuac y como se ha alzado en Olivacia Hoterallia Today Magazine .
- ↑ Global Peace Index of Anteria. Anterian World Assembly. Latest revision in September 11, 2021.
- ↑ Anáhuac is welcomed in the Saltstil Pact. Saltstil Web Portal. Consulted on January 1st, 2022
- ↑ El Senado debate la integración de Anáhuac en la Asamblea Mundial. Periodico La Reforma. Issued on 2020
- ↑ 14.0 14.1 "Ministerio Nacional de Arquelogía e Historia. (2017). Historia de la región de Anáhuac actual para los jovenes (Quinta Edición).
- ↑ "Ministerio Nacional de Arquelogía e Historia. (1997). Historia de la región de Anáhuac actual para los jovenes (Tercera Edición.).
Currently, there are 951 pages associated to Anteria | |||||||||||
| History |
| ||||||||||
| Legal status of | |||||||||||
| Culture | |||||||||||
| Society and Demographics | |||||||||||
| Economics | |||||||||||
| Geography |
| ||||||||||
| Government | |||||||||||
| International organizations |
| ||||||||||
| Sporting Unions | |||||||||||
