National Functionalism
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| Ideology | Cultural nationalism Corporatism Militarism Syncretism Reactionary modernism Totalitarianism Chauvinism |
| Political position | Far-right |
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National Functionalism (Gaullican: Fonctionnalisme national) is a far-right, authoritarian, cultural nationalist political ideology.[1][2] It is loosely based on the sociological theory of functionalism,[3] characertised by beliefs in a strong centralised state, a rejection of individualism, a belief in superiority based on culture and cultural origins, and the concept of the state as a living organism of which individuals are constituent parts, commonly referred to as the communauté populaire.[2] The term neo-Functionalist emerged following the Great War to describe groups emulating the Functionalist ideology.[4]
National Functionalism arose in Gaullican militaristic political circles in the late 19th century, following the War of the Triple Alliance. Gaullican defeat in the war, the loss of traditional territories such as Kesselbourg and Hennehouwe and the fragmentation of traditional allies in Soravia and Valduvia left the nation diplomatically isolated and fueled revanchist sentiment.[5]
The tenets of the ideology can be traced to Gaëtan de Trintignant, a Gaullican Field Marshal who wrote numerous political treatises demanding a rejection of the modernity typified by the constitutional amendments that had whittled the power of the Gaullican monarchy following the Age of Revolutions.[6] In two political works, de Trintignant outlined his beliefs on the necessity of a strong central authority, a rejection of both laissez-faire capitalism and international socialism, a strong sense of social cohesion underpinned by a civic national identity and the establishment of the means to spread this identity.[1][7] Inspired by the growing field of sociology, de Trintignant viewed the state as a parallel to the human body, with a healthly state achieved when each part was working in concert.[8]
Functionalism is considered to have truly entered Gaullican politics in 1909, when Rafael Duclerque founded the Parti Populaire (PP).[9] In the tumultuous politics of the 1910s following the Great Collapse, the party grew rapidly.[10][11] This was in part due to the support of its paramilitary wings, the Chevaliers de l'Empereur and the Veuves de Sainte Chloé.[12] It became the largest party on the political right in the election of 1916 and after the bitterly-contested 1919 election came to power by forming an anti-communist coalition.[13][14][15] Duclerque consolidated his rule by outlawing opposition parties through the Comité de salut public and eventually replaced the constitutionalist Aurélien with the Functionalist Constantin.[16][17] In the 1920 election, the PP was elected unopposed, having established a one-party state which would last until the end of the Great War.[18]
There is some debate regarding whether National Functionalism is an ideology specific to Gaullican political development, or if it has had wider influence.[19][20][21] It has been argued that Shangean National Principlism was inspired by National Functionalism and in Euclea itself Functionalism and ideologies adjacent to it emerged in a number of primary southern Euclean countries such as Etruria (National Solarianism), Paretia (Palmeirism), Piraea (National Alignment) and Amathia (Amurgism), as well as in the northern Euclean nation of Ruttland (National Resurrection), in part due to the influence of pro-Gaullican elements of national militaries.[22][23][24][25]
In the modern day, National Functionalism has experienced a sharp decline. The ideology was officially outlawed in Gaullica as a threat to constitutional order following the Great War and its proponents were targeted by DENAT as part of the defunctionalisation of the country.[26][27] Modern neo-Functionalists are a fringe movement in Euclean politics.[28] Nevertheless, in the context of nationalist groups like the Etrurian Tribune Movement and Paretian O Povo, Functionalist has re-entered political discourse as a pejorative term for members of those parties.[29]
Etymology
The Gaullican term fonctionnalisme is a reference to the sociological term, derived from the works of René Dajuat and his student Hugues Subercaseaux, which itself stems from the medieval Solarian word functionalis.[3] Gaëtan de Trintignant aimed to present a political theory based in empirical science which was wholly independent from Revolutionary Rationalism. During his post-war years as a writer and fringe political figure, he became increasingly enamored with the developing field of sociology then in vogue within Gaullican academia.[6][8] In a public letter, he wrote, "if we were to understand society, we would understand everything! By understanding social structure, we can create a society that is, of course, greater than all others."[7]
His desire to formulate a political theory on the basis of this idea of "purpose" or "function" led him to write his manifesto, The Function of Man, in 1881. In it, he repeatedly calls for a form of functionalism to identify which parts of Gaullican society had, in his view, enabled it to become the pre-eminent world power, before asserting the moral obligation to spread Gaullican civilization to the world.[1]
The term fonctionnalisme national was coined by Gaullican sociologist Max Cuvillier to distinguish the political philosophy from its sociological counterpart, though structural functionalism has increasingly been referred to simply as "structuralism".[30] From the early 1900s, and especially after the 1910 election when Functionalism first appeared in the Imperial Senate, left-wing opposition referred to its practitioners as fon-fou, a portmanteau of fonctionnalisme du fou ("Fool's Functionalism").[5]
History
War of the Triple Alliance
The War of the Triple Alliance was an enormous conflict which saw over half a million military casualites in the space of three and a half years.[31] The catastrophic defeats suffered by the war turned Valduvia into the so-called Sick Man of Euclea and plunged Soravia into civil war.[32][33] Gaullica did not suffer a defeat as disastrous as these, but nevertheless the defeat left a lasting impact on the public and in the political consciousness. The loss of both traditional allies upended longstanding Gaullican foreign policy, and Soravia's change in government in particular culminated in an anti-Gaullican feeling in Samistopol.[34][35]
The main lasting legacy of the war in Gaullica was the independence of Hennehouwe and Kesselbourg under the Congress of Torrazza. The two countries were, in the view of the Gaullican intelligentsia, artificial constructs created to be buffer states by Estmere. The region thus came to be known as les frontières (literally: "the borders") to Gaullican nationalists. The loss of these territories and other grievances related to the war fueled a feeling of resentment against Estmere and Werania in Gaullican politics.[36] Throughout the next decade, many in the Imperial Senate clamoured for the continuation or resumption of war with the two powers.[35] Barthélémy Vidmantas, a member of the Senate and future Premier, outwardly called for a resumption of war with Werania over grievances relating to the Ruttish Question.[25]
Gaëtan de Trintignant was one of the most successful Gaullican commanders during the conflict, having successfully routed an enemy force which had laid siege to Matīspils in allied Valduvia.[8] This was followed by the Arvorne Offensive, in which de Trintignat orchestrated an attempt to inflict a major defeat onto Estmere that would force it to sue for a separate peace. The offensive saw initial successes, but began to stall as Soravian and Valduvian leaders called for peace and rising deaths led to the conflict growing increasingly unpopular at home.[31] This led to the idea first outlined by de Trintignant that the army could have won the war had it not been for Verlois stabbing them in the back. The feelings were popular attitudes among the military establishment and high command, who felt that the empire had been denied the chance to enter negotiations with some level of parity with the victorious powers.[37]
The stab in the back myth was fundamentally an anti-democratic, collectivist and authoritarian one. It was bourne by the belief that a democratic government of bureaucrats and legislators in Verlois beholden to individualistic interests had ruled over the "collective will" of the Gaullican people, in a betrayal of the war dead.[2] This anti-democratic feeling would form the basis of National Functionalism as it began to develop.[5]
The Function of Man
Gaëtan de Trintignant wrote Functionalism's seminal text, The Function of Man, in 1881.[1] The book is foundational to the ideology.[5] The Parti Populaire nominally venerated the book, although many of the book's more radical prescriptions were ignored as the party leadership found it necessary and, at times, preferable to work within the existing system.[38] Rafael Duclerque had a personal copy of the text which he read in times of uncertainty, and after his consolidation of power he made it required reading throughout students' academic careers.[39][16]
In the text, de Trintignant outlined the basic principles of Functionalism.[1] These principles were written as the culmination of years of political experimentation where the Marshal had attempted to consolidate his critical views of individualism and "perverse collectivism" with his concerns of moral and social decadence stemming from a common cause of the Weranian Revolution.[6] The Function of Man was written as an attempt to scientifically curate a political ideology on the basis of sociology distanced from rationalism. In this regard, it was nominally supported by sociological observations on communal and collective identity, economic prospects, human attitudes towards "social abnormalities" and what de Trintignant called "absolute order" and the need for "someone to tell you what to do".[1][2]
The majority of the book was written by de Trintignant between the years of 1870 and 1875, though it underwent numerous edits until it was published six years later.[6] To give credence to his book, Trintignant consulted many of practioners of the new social sciences, such as René Dajuat and Hugues Subercaseaux.[6][3] While both eagerly provided him with sociological theory and observations, neither endorsed the book.[40]
The book was finally published in 1881.[1] At the time, de Trintignant viewed the work as a failure as no political body within Gaullica had taken interest in it.[6][8] He also viewed the events of Sougoulie as a disappointing "rejection" of civilisation and wrote that he was unsure if he had overestimated the "capacity for civilisation" amongst Gaullica's colonial subjects. De Trintignant felt that his "political revolution" had failed as he wrote in his memoirs, Reflections On and Of War.[41] The final years of his life saw the foundation of the Socialist Workers' Party, the first Nemtsovite party in Gaullica and the herald of a rising social movement.[42]
Âge des Gens Heureux
The period which followed the end of the War of the Triple Alliance and preceded the Great Collapse has become retrospectively known in Gaullica as the Âge des Gens Heureux ("The Age of Happy People"), corresponding to the Estmerish Long Peace and the Weranian Prachtvolle Epoche.[43] It was marked by cultural, scientific and technological advancement, a general rise in living conditions and the expansion of Gaullican influence across Coius through colonisation.[44] The initial sense of betrayal from the conclusion of the war eventually retreated. Gaullica had lost to the increasingly prestigious Alte Bruderschaft, but it remained a prominent Great Power.[35][10]
This sense of cautious optimism eventually gave way to an acceptance of peace and prosperity among the upper classes, in part due to advancements in technology and standards of living. Verlois maintained its position as the leading city of culture, economics and science globally, while other cities in the empire such as Adunis, Montecara and Rayenne also grew in size and influence.[43] The rise in standards of living was not distributed evenly, however, which led to social conflict. The working class and colonised peoples remained subject to widespread deprivation, while military figures continued to criticise the civilian government for having failed the nation in the war.[11] These both provoked political radicalism, giving rise to socialist, republican and anti-clerical movements such as the Socialist Workers' Party (a predecessor to the SGIO) and to revanchist sentiment in an increasingly war-hungry general staff and officer corps which became partial to National Functionalism.[42][45] Radicalism never took hold of Gaullican government directly, but the spectre of it prompted moderate governments to institute gradually more expansive social security to combat social ills.[46][5] The rise of political radicalism also caused the growing middle class to express concern about the possibility of a socialist coup, and develop increasingly anti-communist opinions.[47]
The expansion of the Gaullican colonial empire throughout the period was also relevant to the development of Functionalism. Territories in Bahia and Rahelia were consolidated, existing possessions such as Montecara and Atudea were integrated further and government oversight was brought to Dezevau as the private Saint Bermude's Company was transformed into the Bureau for Southeast Coius.[48] These developments influenced the cultural nationalist outlook of the ideology.[2] Gaullican relations with Imperial Shangea also improved in this period, as treaties were renegotated and Gaullica supported the country's war war against Etruria. The Shangean victory in this conflict shocked much of Euclea, and created the myth among Functionalists that Shangea was the "imperial twin" to Gaullica, leading to the eventual alliance between the two.[35][22]
New cultural movements also arose during this period, many of which influenced and were influenced by Functionalism or proto-Functionalism. The most prominent among them were the Futurists, who were devoted to the rapid pace of modernity. In their view, modernity itself and its hallmarks such as machinery, speed, automation and invention were expressions of art. They developed this new school of thought in all of the arts, from architecture to theatre. The Functionalist idea of the Nostalgic Future drew many Futurists toward the ideology, and many quickly became enamoured by it, emerging as some of the movements' strongest supporters.[49]
The end of this period saw the emergence of the first party entirely dedicated to National Functionalism, when in 1909 the famous Verloian dentist Rafael Duclerque founded the Parti Populaire.[9] This was the end of his political journey from disillusion with social democracy to Functionalism.[39] The party aimed to capitalise on the rising resentment felt by the lower and middle classes, though the focus would eventually shift more prominently to the middle class, playing on their fear of a radical, socialist revolution.[47]
Great Collapse and rise to relevance
The Great Collapse in 1913 had an adverse impact the Gaullican economy and on Gaullican society. The economic shock led to widespread unemployment as companies defaulted on loans, followed by a sharp rise in the cost of living as inflation led to goods becoming prohibitively expensive.[10] These pressures fueled political polarisation, violence and growing extremism, which helped the SGIO and Parti Populaire emerge from the fringe as major parties.[11]
The crisis devastated the political establishment, and the country experienced extensive political instability between 1915 and 1919 as a result.[46] The conservative and monarchist Party of Order formed the government when the crisis began, and their response led to their defeat in the 1916 elections. They were replaced by the liberal Radical Action, and lost their position as the largest party of the political right to the Pari Populaire.[13] The new Radical government nevertheless also struggled to combat the crisis. Due to the system of proportional representation used at the time, the Radical government of Ernest Jacquinot was reliant on a coalition government with the Confessional Catholic Party and a litany of minor parties. They struggled to pass relations due to historically poor relations between the PCC and the traditionally anti-clerical Radicals.[50][51]
A major reason for the continuing effects of the Collapse was the policy of both major parties toward the gold standard. The PO and the Radicals were both fixated on maintaining the gold standard, which greatly overvalued the Gaullican denier and exacerbated the crisis.[52] The Radicals were only convinced to abandon the gold standard following the special election in 1918, in which they lost a significant percentage of their votes and were forced to enter a confidence and supply agreement with the SGIO. The end of convertibility and the abolition of the gold standard was the only meaningful achievement of this uneasy coupling, but it remained broadly unpopular in the country at large. The devaluation worsened inflation which was criticised by Rafael Duclerque for "weakening the enamel of fiscal stability, and the government subsequently collapsed in mid-1919.[13][52]
The 1919 election was a watershed moment in Gaullican politics, as it saw the culmination of the radicalisation of Gaullican politics.[14][18] The SGIO emerged as the largest party, with over a third of the vote, while the Parti Populaire was the second largest, with just under a third. The traditional parties of the left and right were both devastated.[14][13][53] SGIO leader Guillaume Rodier and PP leader Rafael Duclerque were widely seen as the only viable candidates for Premier.[54] The SGIO aimed to consolidate the left parties into a minority government with support from the Radicals and the PCC, while Duclerque aimed to unite the right into an anti-communist coalition.[15][18] Emperor Aurélien made it clear that he would appoint whichever candidate secured the support of the Senate, "whether or not they agreed with [his] existence".[17] The fear of a communist government reliant on separatists such as the MSMR spurred the centrist and right-wing parties into supporting Duclerque; most notably, Radical leader Jacquinot rejected an offer to work with the SGIO, and instead agreed to work with Duclerque.[51][15][18] Duclerque would be appointed Premier in November 1919 on the back of this coalition.[55]
A major factor in the politics of this time was political violence. It grew from a relatively rare occurrence into a widespread phenomenon.[12] Political violence between paramilitaries associated with the People's Party (the Chevaliers de l'Empereur and the Veuves de Sainte Chloé) and those associated with the SGIO (the Garde Rouge) became such a fact of political life that they became regularly satirised by domestic media such as the Héraut de Verlois, as well as foreign media such as The Pillory.[56][57] Street brawls, firefights, murders and sabotage escalated until the Functionalist consolidation.[12]
Consolidation of power
The Functionalists came to power in November of 1919, on the backs of a widespread panic amongst all non-socialist parties within the Imperial Senate that the SGIO would lead a minority government. The Functionalist government was maintained through coalition agreements with the two subsequently largest parties: the Parti catholique confessionnel and the Action radicale. Other agreements were held with the minor parties, such as the Parti de l'Ordre, the 'Paysans et la terre', the Conservateurs national and the 'Parti des citoyens'.
Almost immediately, the government concerned itself with the 'safety of the nation'. One of its first acts was setting up the Comité de salut public, an organisation who's legal responsibilities were the assessment of domestic threats to the Gaullican nation. In theory it was a bipartisan institution, though in practice was stacked with loyalists to Duclerque and members of the various paramilitaries which the AR and PCC had forced to be disbanded. Its first report, published by January of 1920, concluded that the "SGIO was inherently an anti-Gaullican institution" and a "threat to all Gaullican systems of government". The following day Duclerque held a session of the Imperial Senate that debated the 'Safety of the Nation Act', who's proposed legislation essentially disbanded the SGIO and declared it illegal. The Act passed with a comfortable majority, with only token disapproval expressed by the left of Action radicale and some elements of the PCC. The SGIO arrived to their final session of the Senate to unanimously reject the bill, though their show of rejection was met with contempt by the Parti Populaire - who's members chastised them from within the senate. On account of the current absence of seats, the Parti Populaire reapproiated the SGIO and their allies' seat shares along the rough percentages of the remaining parties, giving his own party an absolute majority.
The passing of the bill was met by more resistance outside the senate than from within; as union organisers rallied the public into a national strike across the metropolitan empire in a form of protest. These were violently suppressed by the government - and many union leaders were imprisoned, whilst SGIO leaders were either assassinated by 'rogue actors', though these were still operating cells of the Functionalist paramilitaries, or arrested and barred from office. The government utilised non-socialist, Catholic founded unions to act as strikebreakers to mitigate the effects by the strikes. In a policy aiming to hammer a wedge between workers and SGIO leaders, the government turned a blind eye to the 'offences' of the striking workers and painted themselves as solely targeting the 'officers of disruption'.
Within the first few months of Duclerque's premiership he consistently butted heads with Aurélien. The Emperor considered himself a monarchical safeguard of a democratic system and he stalled Functionalist legislation when he could. This perception as the safe guardian of a semi-democratic institution proved to be detrimental to Functionalist ambitions of a consolidation of power. On multiple occassions, Aurélien implemented and utilised constitutionally granted powers of bill rejection to delay their passing. He would stop short of dissolving the Senate on fears of popularising the Parti Populaire even further. Due to his failure to cooperate with Functionalist dogma, there were moves amongst the legislature and the royal household to replace the Emperor with his son Constantin; who was far more amenable to the political and artistic philosophy of Functionalism.
Though Duclerque entertained legislation to force an abdication, Functionalist sympathisers from within the royal household were quick to act on his behalf. On March 29th, forces from within the monarchy began their moves. Bureaucrats and palatial guards loyal to Constantin were quick to seize the press office, the entryway checkpoints and the guard armour. Units of police were invited to arrive to the Palais Gaullois. Aurélien was awoken from his bed by his son, who informed him that he was no longer Emperor of Gaullica. The two argued well into the hours of the morning, but with the arrival of more armed forces loyal to Constantin and Duclerque they forced an abdication from Aurélien by gunpoint. Aurélien would later state he was convinced on the threat of a civil war breaking out within the nation would he not abdicate. The official response released by the palace press office was an abdication on the grounds of 'ill health'. Following his abdication, Aurélien, his wife and some of his loyal staff entered a state of semi-imposed exile; leaving to Cassier by way of Caldia.
Constantin's first official action as Emperor of Gaullica was to address a session of the Imperial Senate, were he clarified the illness his father was facing and announced new elections in November of 1920. He outlined a need for the restoration of order within Gaullica and that the Committee of Public Safety had begun to deliver on this front. Functionalist reasoning behind the new election was a 'referendum' on electoral reform, extending the period of a senate's term from four to five years and limiting its own authority, arguing that "incessant bureaucracy" had weakened the foundations of the Gaullican state. Leading up to this period, the Parti Populaire utilised its extensive reach over much of the apparatus of state to implement far more draconian measures on the electoral and civil freedoms of the Gaullican people. It became common for voting booths to be patrolled by military units, non-Functionalist candidates intimidated into stepping down, and in several electoral districts completely removed from the ballot box. The outcome of the 1920 election - the fourth in five years - saw the Parti Populaire return to the Senate with practically every single vote.
The early 1920s saw the passing of almost all key components of Functionalist legislation. Their control of the government ministries saw them pass legislation that mandated union membership, increase social programmes in generosity and in scope, set up the 'Fédération du travail', neuter the power of the senate, increase the benefits of military service and continue an extensive public works programme to continue to combat the worst of the Great Collapse. They created new ministries, such as the Ministry of Popular Culture, to further their agenda, and invested heavily in the research and development of both civilian and military innovations. This period also saw a tightening of control over opposition and Functionalist confidence in their ability to eliminate all opposition with impunity. One of the most notable examples of this was the assassination of Gustave Fournier. Fournier was one of the sole members of the Action radicale to denounce his party's involvement with the Functionalist regime, alleging them of being "cheats, thieves, thugs, murderers and evil" on the floor of the senate, where he chastised his fellow liberals as "praising the aim of our own firing squad". His open anti-Functionalism and rejection of their control made him a target for Functionalist street thugs, who abducted him from his home on the morning of August 3rd, 1920, and killed him. The muted domestic reaction and the subsequent outrage abroad has been marked as the beginning of the unassailability of the regime.
Culturally, this period saw the greatest expanse of the Futurist movement under the directives and vision of Constantin. Their architecture, art, film, music and theatre became experimental new fields of art that were widely cultivated, taught and promoted. In contrast, the arts that did not fit into the parameters of their vision was censored and suppressed and the creators banned from performing.
During this time, the Parti Populaire signed new alliances. The most notable were several bilateral meetings with the Shangean Empire. The alliance between these two countries would form the bedrock of the Entente. Additionally, these years leading up to the Great War saw the Functionalist regime support like-minded and influenced movements across Euclea, notably in: Amathia, Paretia and Piraea.
In Amathia, the Functionalists provided financial and military support to the rising Amurgist faction. Duclerque's regime was the first to recognise the new government in Arciluco. Their involvement in the coup d'etat was indirect, though training and intelligence was shared with the plotters. In Paretia, similarly, the Parti Populaire enthusiastically supported Carlos Palmeira and his political movement. Verlois' provided intelligence and military support to Palmeira's effort, including cutting edge armour and aerial support. Following his success, members of the Parti Populaire's party apparatus - and Emperor Constantin - were invited to Precea as honoured guests of Roberta II.
The culmination of Functionalist rhetoric boiled over into action in September of 1926. After almost six years of constantly espousing revanchism Duclerque's war machine conquered Kesselbourg over a claim relating to the defence of ethnic Gaullican minorities. The annexation began and ended on the 17th of September, with early mechanised infantry divisions and airborne soldiers facing little resistance from Kesselbourg's army and police forces. Duclerque declared Kesselbourg's annexation a "success" from Kesselbourg City on the 18th, listing it as one of "many wrongs to be righted".
The lack of response from the signatories of the Tripartite Agreement, eastern Euclea's other pre-eminent powers of Etruria, Estmere and Werania, emboldened the Functionalist regime in pressing its claims onto the Petois regions of Hennehouwe. Over the 1st and 2nd of December of 1926, Gaullican forces quickly overran the Hennish defenders in the southern portions of the country. Gaullican forces did not pursue the retreating Hennish armies into northern Hennehouwe, nor did they aim to cut off the government, and aimed to placate the signatories of the Congress of Torazza on this distinction. Gaullica's foreign minister, Pierre-Antoine Baudet, assured his Tripartite counterparts that "no more of Hennehouwe is Gaullican to take". To not violate the terms of the treaty of Torazza, the Functionalists set up a local government in the Petois regions that were Functionalist aligned or adjacent, and in practice the regions were an autonomous region of the empire.
The Great War
Due to the revanchist and militaristic tenets key to Functionalism, many within Duclerque's inner circle not only viewed war as an inevitability - but it was the preferred outcome. Many of the members of the cabinet openly discussed the "desire" for war. Much of the economic build up of the 1920s had been concerned not only with economic recovery but military advancement and reform. Functionalism views war as a necessary facet of the human condition and as a realist political ideology harbours on the belief that power is the most precious commodity in the international system.
Following the re-annexation of both Kesselbourg and the Petois regions of Hennehouwe, Duclerque declared in a meeting of the cabinet that "war was on the horizon, all of Euclea will be at war within a year, and we will be the instigators". The Second Sakata Incident provided the Functionalists with the opening they had wished for, ostensibly rejecting Senrian and Estmerish calls for peace as "unacceptable" so long as Gaullican territory had been declared revoked by the Senrians. The breakdown of the peace negotiations, with carefully crafted instructions to Gaullican Ambassador to Senria - Émeric Chauveau - to purposefully stall any progress, gave the Functionalists the war they desired.
The regime continued to mobilise its military forces throughout the rest of December and January; with forces that had conquered Hennehouwe never demobilised. Following this month of preparation, on the 2nd of February Gaullica had declared war on Senria alongside its ally Shangea. In response, Senria's ally of Estmere entered the conflict. Both Euclean powers brought in their webs of alliances into the conflict.
The early years of the war saw Functionalism secure a string of victories on continental Euclea; with Estmere having been conquered by early 1927. Throughout occupied territories in Hennehouwe and Estmere, the Functionalist regime began a series of brutal repressions against all it deemed unfit. Suspected Hennish partisans were executed by firing squad, Estmerish prisoners of war were sent to work camps in Gaullica, and "elements of degeneracy" such as the Centre for Sexual Research in Morwall were completely repurposed. Collaborator governments were set up to oversee the transition to governments aligned to Verlois.
The entry of Etruria and Soravia into the war broadened the scope of the conflict, with the southern Euclean country encircled by countries aligned to Gaullica. Fighting in central and western Euclea was some of the harshest, as Gaullican and later Soravian offensives captured sweeping amounts of territory with huge losses of civilian casualties. Functionalism proved to be highly pragmatic during this course of the conflict, aligning with anti-Soravian partisans and independence movements when possible. In spite of these allegiances, countless civilians and captured prisoners of war of every Euclean ethnic group were imprisoned, sent to force labour camps or sent as conscripted soldiery to fight in the colonies. The Functionalist regime operated some 800 prisoner of war and work camps, with over three million prisoners housed at its peak during the war.
Throughout the conflict it became common for Functionalist ideological principles to be discarded for economic pragmatisim as the regime entered 'total war', with civilian conscription, forced labour and a complete rejection of civilian industry seeing the entire society mobilised en masse for the war effort. Functionalism's domestic popularity took a large dip during the course of the conflict, but only continued to decline as the war grew further against Gaullica's favour during the periods of 1931 onwards.
As the war neared its end the Functionalist regime began to collapse in on itself. Non-Functionalist conservatives and military figures moved to surrender to Werania, fearing fiercer reprisals from the Soravians, a continuous insurgency from left-wing agitators saw industrial output decline and Duclerque himself began to become increasingly melancholic. As Weranian troops breached the Zilverzee Line in Hennehouwe and Gaullican soldiers retreated further south to hold the Sylvagne Line, there were fears of mutiny amongst the military. Minor successful defensives and counterattacks against the advancing Weranians did not alleviate enough forces to comfortably hold the Sylvagne line. When it was breached in March of 1934, Emperor Constantin, a symbol of Functionalism in and of itself, killed himself. Duclerque issued a call for surrender two months later in May.
Though the war would continue as Shangean forces and remnants of the Gaullican military continued to fight, the victorious Grand Alliance sought to dismantle the institutions of the Functionalist regime in Gaullica. A process of 'deradicalisation' and 'demilitarisation' was the goal of all members of the Alliance, though the methods on which to achieve it were points of contention. As a result, Gaullica was occupied by a combined effort of military and civilian administrators from the Alliance, who, along with members of the Gaullican political establishment who were anti-Functionalist, created a Republican Constitution that was implemented by 1940. The most severe form of dismantling of the regime occurred at the Rayenne Trials, where members of the regime were put on trial. Whilst most were either acquitted or given prison sentences that were later commutted, the Alliance was successful in convicting Rafael Duclerque on numerous war-crimes: for which he was hanged.
Post Great War
Gaullica
Functionalism, having lost the Great War, was almost immediately discredited as a system of government. The Grand Alliance went to extraordinary measures to deradicalise Gaullica's military and civilian population. Segments of the country were carved away as almost autonomous statelets, large swathes of continental and colonial territory was granted independence or transferred in ownership, the Gaullican empire was dismantled, stringent restrictions controlled the size of the military and Gaullica's existing democratic institutions were empowered as per allied directives. Competing influence between Soravian authoritarianism, Estmerish and Weranian democracy and Valduvian socialism morphed Gaullica's constitution into a "model", whereby it was explicitly equipped with means and measures to ensure a strong democratic state. Even the election of former Emperor, Aurélien, to the seat of the Presidency did not see a return to older systems of government.
Within Gaullica, Functionalist sympathisers were ostracised. Many important Functionalists were tried and imprisoned, or in some cases killed. The most famed measure came from the establishment of the Département national pour la transition démocratique (National Department for the Transition to Democracy), a secret police that initially reported to the Weranian Strategic Intelligence Service and Weranian Ministry of Defence. DENAT was concerned with 'political extremism' from both the left and right wings of the political spectrum and fought these ideologies through espionage, infiltration and - in extreme cases - assassination.
Functionalist parties were outlawed under the perview of being threats to the integrity of Gaullican democracy.
In spite of the measures instituted to see the ideology stripped of supporters, there were many in the immediate post-war period who felt a sense of embitteredness. The popularity of the 'Final Soldiers', Gaullican military servicemen and generals who refused to surrender and continued to fight well past the end of the Great War, was unquestionable in domestic Gaullica.
Due to the concern of Functionalist resurgence of reintegration, right-wing parties and those that had aligned themselves to the Functionalists were treated with immense suspsicion by the political establishment of the Catholic Labour Union. The CLU presented itself as the vanguard of Gaullican democracy, working to implement a new stage in the history of the nation, and aggressively dominated politics for the first thirty years of the republic's existence.
Federal education systems focused increasingly on the teaching of not only politics but on civil engagement and duty. The CLU passed laws penalising failure to participate in the democratic process, eventually making voting compulsory, on a platform known as démocratie non négociable (Non-negotiable democracy).
Etruria
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Following the end of the Great War, sentiment in Etruria was surmised with general apathy and confusion. The popular newspaper Voce Popolare (People's Voice) ran a headline following the negotiations that led to the signing of the Treaty of s'Holle that read "Abbiamo vinto?" ("We won?") in reference to the nation's failings at the diplomatic table to secure almost any of its war objectives. The "great betrayal" and "national embarrassment" of hundreds of thousands of Etrurian dead for, as Ettore Caviglia put it: "a piece of paper", embittered both the left and right to the democratic government of Etruria.
Etruria's military hierarchy had entered the war against an enemy many of them personally favoured. Sentiment amongst the officers of Etruria was generally negative, viewing the Great War as a rejection of the military camraderie between Gaullica and Etruria's general staff. Many of these openly pro-Gaullican military men were softly-exiled during the war by the civilian government to the colonies. Their return at the end of the war heralded a resurgence in right-wing sentiment, that was fuelled by the growing unpopularity of Marco Antonio Ercolani's government. By 1936, two years after the war had ended, Ettore Caviglia and his ally Aldo Aurelio Tassinari had formalised a political ideology of functionalism catered for Etruria: National Solarianism. Their aims were largely imperialistic and revanchist, seeking to correct "wrongs" inflicted on Etruria by their very allies some years prior.
Functionalism spread into Etruria's government through the establishment of an emergency government that was formed in response of growing left-wing agitation, strike action and fears of revolution. This military government eventually practiced a coup d'etat on the elements of the emergency government not controlled by them, in what became known as the Legionary Reaction of 1937. Caviglia and Tassinari declared themselves Co-Leaders of a Solarian Republic of Etruria and began to implement their Solarianist policies.
National Solarian Etruria, widely criticised as a resurgent Functionalist regime in Southern Euclea, would drag much of the world to war in 1943 following its declaration of war on Piraea, subsequent attacks on Euclean mandates in Coius it viewed as its own, and an invasion of Paretia. The Solarian War quickly brought in the Community of Nations, who led the response to Etrurian aggression, and by 1946 had defeated Etruria. From 1946 - 1948, Etruria was governed under a Community of Nations mandate that sought to deradicalise the nation; using many of the same techniques employed in Gaullica a decade prior.
As put by Wilhelm Hahn in his book The Functionalist Mark on Euclea, "for the second time in ten years, Functionalism had been destroyed by democracy - but many of the mistakes of the first time remained". Etruria's Third Republic was established in 1948, though many of the conditions that exacerbated the rise of Functionalism in the country, like ethnic tensions and poverty, persisted.
Satucin
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The end of the Great War saw conditions placed on Satucin, with several Grand-Alliance aligned political parties either being formed or refounded in the years following the surrender of the Gaullican dominion. The Republican Movement was the most politically dominant force from the years of 1935 - 1940. Premier Marquette was faced with the task of implementing the Grand Alliance drafted constitution, which outlined complete independence and separation from Gaullica, sought to outlaw National Functionalist political parties, and brought about universal suffrage to both male and female voters over the age of 18. In order to maintain power in the legislature, the Republican Movement was aligned to various left-wing groups, including the newly formed socialist Workers Party.
However, growing economic troubles fueled by an extreme expenditure of resources during the Great War, a loss to existing imperial markets for Satucine exports, and the turbulence of existing right-wing agitation across the Satucine states handicapped the effectiveness of the Republican Movement. Historian Rébecca Voclain described the Republican Movement as "having the unfortunate situation of fighting every single unpopular issue at once; from rejecting a monarchy, fighting rising inflation and unemployment, and dealing with the 'enemies' of the nation".
Following the deployment of the military to Bonhavre in an attempt to break up remnants of right-wing insurgents in the province, Marquette's popularity took a sharp nose dive as the Republican Movement was seen as 'eager to fight Satucines'. Marquette faced increasing calls to resign, from an increasingly popular and bold Henri Masson. Masson and his rebranded Parti d'action saw a surge in popularity as he publicly vowed to "tear down the foreign constitution" and "fix the economic crises". He portrayed himself as a reformed democrat, a champion of the ideals of the system of democracy and played up the fears of a red scare within Satucin. In the legislative election of 1940, Masson saw himself return to government for the first time since the Great War, and he immediately set about trying to reverse the actions of the Republican Movement.
Internationally regarded at the time as being the beginnings of a "resurgence of Functionalism in Asteria Inferior", it was soon relegated to the far more dismissive "last gasp of a dying ideology", as although Masson was able to secure several of his policies, his attempts to consolidate the position of President and Premier into a single authority ended up destroying his popularity as Satucine media and opposition drew stark parallels to the situation before the war. The legislative election of 1944 saw the PA be thoroughly bested by the newly formed Independent Democratic Party.
Piraea
The Kingdom of Piraea had fought alongside Gaullica during the Great War, and in the immediate aftermath found itself occupied by Grand Alliance soldiers. The onus of occupation fell to the Etrurian Republic. They oversaw the implementation of a new constitution under Stephanos Vitapoulos, who had led a democratic Piraean government in exile in Etruria. Despite Vitapoulos' popularity as an anti-functionalist liberal, the first elections of the Piraean Republic saw Themistoklis Ioannopoulos of the PSEE come to power. His government immediately began to rectify the mistakes that had led to a Functionalist rising in the state. Ioannopoulos' government granted women suffrage, expanded agricultural reforms and continued secularisation policies by nationalising hospitals and cemeteries ran by the church.
From July to November of 1943, Etruria waged a war of total occupation against the First Piraean Republic, which forced Piraea's surrender in November of 1943. Both left and right wing insurgents roamed the countryside from secluded bases in the Piraean coast and rugged interior and under General Konstantinos Athanopoulos, Piraean resistance was organised beyond party affiliation in what became known as the Prostasía. This 'alliance of black and red' would ultimately help liberate Piraea as Community of Nations forces brought the fight to Etruria by 1946.
Athanapoulos utilised his popularity as the most senior member of the Piraean military to fight beyond surrender to launch a political career and was viewed as the only legitimate representative of government. In the 1948 elections, his National Alignment became the largest in the senate. In spite of the Functionalist aligned doctrine of the National Alignment, Athanapoulos ignored several PSEE reforms in favour of aiming to instil conservative values in the newly nationalised education sector. Echoing early Gaullican functionalsit propaganda, the NA claimed to be "fighting a war on degeneracy". With the support of several right-wing parties and even nationalist dissent from left-wing parties, Athanapoulos was able to consolidate the Piraean state around himself - and declared the Second Piraean Republic several months into his term, largely on drummed up fears of a red scare and by drawing on emotive, angry responses to the horrors of the Piraean genocide.
Functionalism would continue to dominate the Piraean political scene for over thirty years, with an heritage that bears inmense controversy until today. In spite of these aspects of state terror, killings, disappearances and immense authoritarianism, Athanapoulos' remained personally popular. His government ushered in countless infrastructure projects, improved literacy rates and aimed to solidify the nation against further Etrurian threat. However, a second invasion of the Etrurian Third Republic in the region of Tarpeia, discredited the regime and opened voices of against the junta; the military government was forced to adopt significant modifications, which were enclosed in a pragmatic economic liberalism led by technocrats
However, the Etrurian annexation of Tarpeia and Athanapoulos' death accelerated the Piraean rejection of Functionalism, and by 1979 the junta he ran was toppling from within. In 1980, the remnants of the junta were forced to open elections, where it was electorally annihilated.
Amathia
The initial collapse of the Amurgist regime in Amathia was followed by a strong popular feeling of retribution, which was materialized in many partisan activities and summary executions directed at the leaders and members of the movement, including the execution of former leader Ghenadie Isărescu in Arciluco. The rapid collapse of central authority in the country and the continued resistance by some Amurgist military and paramilitary units however prevented any sort of official, nation-wide policy in regards to the former National Rebirth Movement. With the general surrender of the Royal Amathian Army, the country was roughly divided in two - with a Soravian occupation zone to the west, and the Etrurian military authorities to the east. In parallel to the occupation, two separate governments were formed in opposition to the exiled royal government - a Council Republic in the west, and a National Government in the east.
The eastern occupation zone was notable for its lack of any deradicalization policies. Etruria's rising functionalist movement, and the right-wing sentiment that was prevalent in many of its military units prevented any sort of organized anti-Amurgist program on the same scale as what was happening in Gaullica, as Etrurian military commanders, once the initial phase of revenge had passed, started to collaborate with former Amurgist figures against the leftist groups that were the most hostile to the Etrurian presence. The National Government had the support and membership of much of the former Amurgist elite, which saw in Legionary Etruria the possibility for a return to power and for victory against the councilists. Etruria's imperialist regime however only cooperated with the nationalists so as to better secure their position in the territories they administered. By late 1936, Etrurian plans to annex its occupation zone in Amathia, and the refusal of the other great powers to grant them recognition ended the legitimacy of the nationalists.
By contrast, in the west, the councilists strongly pursued deradicalization policies. The National Rebirth Movement was banned, and its higher ranking members were arrested and given to the Soravian occupation forces or tried by people's tribunals and executed. Other members and sympathizers of the movement were ostracised, banned from joining the councils or from holding important positions. The removal of all traces of Amurgism was considered to be greatly important for the transformation of Amathia into a socialist society. Political forces with right-wing sympathies were not allowed to join the Republican Democratic Front - the political alliance between the Amathian Section of the Workers' International and other historical democratic parties like the National Peasants' Party and the Constitutional-Democrats.
The situation radically changed with the beginning of the Solarian War however. The discrediting of the National Government, the Etrurian annexation in the east, and the Etrurian invasion served to unify the various political factions of the country in opposition to their new enemy. The failure of the Amathian Liberation Army and of the Soravian units to resist the Etrurian invasion changed the Council Republic's policies in regards to former Amurgist sympathizers, particularly in the military where high ranking officers were needed. This general amnesty allowed many to escape scrutiny, and led to the general failure of the deradicalization in Amathia, as service in the war against Etruria guaranteed a reprieve from accusations. Subsequently, many former Amurgists, particularly with military affiliations, joined the Amathian Section, and played a role in the development and rise of the Equalist faction.
Ardesia
Ardesia had entered the Great War as Gaullica's ally and had been one of the preeminent spots of Functionalism within the Asterias. For twenty years Dinis Montecara had led the Ardesian State with an economically populist, socially conservative rhetoric that aligned itself to Functionalism. Yet with their loss at the end of the Great War, Ardesia was subject to deradicalisation efforts led by the Asterian Federative Republic and Rizealand. Much like other Functionalist powers, their post-war political development was guided by the victorious powers.
Julio Avila, who had led the Ardesian government in exile in Rizealand, was elected as the first president of the Ardesian Third Republic. Avila had a hand in the creation of the new constitution for the Third Republic and he was the forefront of a regime that was dedicated to the ideals of liberal democracy. Avila oversaw legislation that barred any former Functionalist statesmen from being elected or appointed to public office. Most famously he instituted the policy of 'Normalização' (Normalisation), a mass public deconstruction campaign that destroyed monuments, art displays and symbols of the Montecara regime whilst also reverting censorship laws on non-functionalist works. Avila's largest opponent was the Ardesian military, whom he battled across all elements of the public sphere in a demilitarisation campaign.
Avila resigned in 1944 and was succeeded by a series of presidents who were neither as effective or as committed to the ideals of democracy as he was. Issues with the military continued and grew far more dire, especially as the nation found itself embattled against criminal syndicates and cartels in a rising pan-Asterian drug trade. Neighbouring Chistovodia prompted a severe panic against socialist and communist sympathisers and agents. Political instability plagued Ardesia, especially after the ascension of Omero Povel to the presidency. His reign ended in a bloodless coup on the 13th of August, 1960.
Within a year, the military who had been praised from ending the political and social crises, created the Estado Novo as political power consolidated in Dante Carmino, a former commander of the Ardesian Army. Though never aligning itself to the regime of Montecara, it was ostensibly inspired by his policies and neo-Functionalist in nature. Pedrinho Dispenza, a member of the Ardesian Section of the Workers' International and lifelong critique of Carmino, described his regime as "a rebirth of the Ardesian State". Functionalism's influence within Ardesia came to an end alongside the fall of the Estado Novo, when the Ardesian Fourth Republic was proclaimed.
Arbolada
During the Great War Arbolada was officially neutral in the conflict, though was economically connected to the Entente due to similarities in ideological foundation. Caudilho Maximiliano Silveira was aligned to Functionalism out of international convenience and similarity, though he maintained that his own ideological theory was distinct from the varieties found throughout the world.
Following the end of the Great War, Arbolada maintained its policy of neutrality but found itself increasingly isolated in an anti-Functionalist world. In response to international pressure and threat of economic sanction and isolation, Silveira oversaw the re-implementation of elections in 1936, with the Democratic Party of Arbolada both securing a majority in the legislature and electing a "collateral president", Gabriel Nachtigall.
Following this, in 1937 Silveira had his emergency powers voluntarily revoked by the House of Deputies and restored his position to its pre-1916 levels. Arbolada's functionalism suffered a quiet defeat and decline throughout the remainder of the post-war years, though it was never outlawed by the government. Remnants of Silveira's government continued to advocate for Functionalism as far into the 1960s, though their vote share consistently fell until they failed to return a deputy in 1974.
Paretia
After the defeat of functionalist Paretia in the Great War, Paretia would be Etruria and Grand Alliance forces helped Xulio Sousa form a government which abolished the monarchy and turned Paretia into a republic. Sousa and the Paretian Democratic Party became the first President of the Republic after an election was held in 1935. The Senate of Paretia was also reformed to be more similar to that of Etruria. Functionalist elements still remained in the country, Sousa however did not want to go the way of Gaullica in repressing functionalists that remained in the country, he pleaded to allow them to run in elections, however, Etrurian authorities forced him to ban them in 1935. Xulio Sousa died in early 1936, this lead to his deputy, Martinho Carreira, to take over as President.
The country began to lean leftward after the death of Sousa as functionalism still existed and was allowed to exist outside of elections, many leftists wanted to further punish functionalism in the country. Carreira's government collapsed in 1936 and int he following Paretian election the left-wing Republican Workers' Alliance, which included numerous leftist and social democratic parties, took over. This government was lead by Ramiro Felipes, he would harshly treat functionalists and would ban their parties from existed, as well as banned functionalist literature in libraries in the country. He would greatly decrease military power in the government, which many on the left claim was partly responsible for the rise of Palmeira. However, scandals surrounding his government and trade unions, as well as the Legionary Reaction in Etruria lead to the end of his government in 1939. General Enzo Queiroz Miranda of the Civic Patriotic Republican Pole promised to rebuild the military to defend against functionalist Etruria, as well as promised to "strongly enforce democracy in Paretia".
Queiroz Miranda would combat what he perceived as threats to Paretian democracy at the time, he claimed nations like far-right Etruria and far-left Amathia were both enemies and would target both the far-left and far-right in Paretia. The government would ban numerous left-wing parties in the country as well as right-wing. He would rebuild the military in order to protect against Etruria which was also rebuilding their military and pushing revanchist sentiment. When Etruria conquered Paretia in the Solarian War in 1944, some functionalists that remained in Paretia became either sympathizers and collaborationist with the occupiers or were enemies of them.
Contemporary Functionalism
Almost no political party around the world actively describes itself as Functionalist. Numerous political parties have been alleged to be neo-Functionalist, however. In Gaullica the Front National, a far-right nationalist party, has been criticised by political opponents of being "neo-Functionalist" and a party that is "Functional apologist". Leaders of the party, including current leader Alfred Boulanger, have caused controversy through political statements downplaying the atrocities of the Parti Populaire. Boulanger once said that "Duclerque was the greatest Premier that Gaullica has ever had", and has tweeted celebrations on important days to the regime.
The Tribune Movement in Etruria has drawn strong criticism from both domestic opposition and international critics for espousing similar talking points and policies to both the National Functionalist regime and the Etrurian National Solarianism. The party's open embrace of right-wing populist rhetoric and policies, its erasing of Etrurian democratic institutions, its use of police and thugs to disrupt opposition and clamp down on protests and its reverence to the ideals of the National Solarian movement have resulted in numerous political commentators and writers branding it as the "only openly Functionalist party in the world". Similarly, the party of Acima in Paretia has taken much inspiration from the Tribune Movement and has garnered similar criticism from others. Paretia's O Povo government makes it the sole far-right government in the Euclean Community, however disagreements between thr Tribunes and Acima occur over events during the Great War and Solarian War.
According to Rizealander political philosopher Gabriel Rhodes "Functionalism as an ideology may have been overtly discredited, but this just meant its supporters resorted to subversion." In his work The Appeal of Order, Rhodes highlights that "Functionalism exists in every society, no matter its political culture, as an apex of what it means to be conservative." Controversially, Rhodes examines the tenets of major right-wing parties around the world - and draws parallels to their stances on political positions and their adaptations and interpretations of the functionalist dogma to a "modern political climate".
Tenets
Functionalism is characterised as being a particularly non-traditional form of conservativism. A highly statist ideology, Functionalism's main aims and concerns as outlined by the theories of Trintignant and their adaptations into the framework of the Parti Populaire by Rafael Duclerque were to "bring about and maintain the ideal society". This often led to a largely pragmatic approach to economic policies depending on the situation and a fairly overall socially conservative policy focused on traditional gender roles, deference to authority and the idealisation of traditional institutions in society. However, according to Olivia Édouard's assessment of the ideology, "Functionalism, at times, practiced pragmatic social policy - as was the case with women being encouraged to enter the workforce during the war."
Civic nationalism
Unlike most other Euclean political entities which developed nationalism as an ethnic identity, Gaullican political theorists were often critical of that concept. Traditionally, nationalism has been held to have been born by the Weranian Revolution of 1785, with Weranian radicals associating their ideas of radical republicanism with that of a unified Weranian ethnic identity.
In Gaullica, by contrast, the idea of ethnic nationalism was in principle rejected. Instead, some scholars have argued that a separate strain of nationalism grew there. Porthos Asselineau, writing in the early 1900s, compared the 'identities of the peoples of Euclea' and described of the Gaullican thought process that: "ethnic nationalism makes no sense, Gaullican identity is achievable. It is a civic identity, beyond the constraints of blood and ancestry." According to Porthos, the 'nationalism' present within Gaullica was a "nationalism of culture; one not set in on racial or ethnic lines, but on values and a way of life that others can be educated into."
In his seminal work, The Function of Man, Gaëtan de Trintignant wrote on the topic of race extensively. In the opening of his chapter: "The Peoples of Gaullica" de Trintignant states that "race is not real". Functionalist doctrine and ideology on race was largely dismissive of race as a factor of identity. Trintignant surmised his belief on what it meant to be 'Gaullican' as not being attached to the 'fabrication of the Gaullican ethnic group', but a set of cultural, linguistic, moral and value-based institutions and practices. He compared it extensively to what he called 'Weranic Nationalism', which he argued was exclusively concerned with "linguistic brotherhood".
To Trintignant the Gaullican identity was a civic and cultural identity that one could join into by assimilation; it was an inclusive identity that individuals from around the globe could and should aspire to be apart of. He described the primary goal of Gaullican imperialism to be a great "mission to spread civilisation". In this regard, many contemporary thinkers describe Gaullican nationalism to have evolved into that of 'civilisational identity', with Estmerish historian Paige Moss referring to it as a "a mimicry of Solarian identity".
The way in which this approach to nationalism was adopted has been brought into question by theorists from within and without Gaullica. In spite of what the Functionalist belief may have outlined, many policies within the empire were implemented strictly on a racial basis. Blanchiment was a Gaullican colonial policy adopted by the empire and maintained and expanded by the Functionalist regime that encouraged white men in the colonies to marry indigenous women in the hopes of 'whitening' their progeny.
Additionally many critics of the theory including Gaullican socialist thinker Éliane Bruguière argue that the functionalist idea of the 'civic-cultural identity' was an exportable form of 'ethnic nationalism'.
Authority
At its core, Functionalism is an authoritian political system because it views any form of differing from the opinion of the sovereign to be detrimental to the 'good' of society Functionalism espouses the belief that the state exists beyond the structures and institutions of society and is actually a physical representation of collective cultural consciousness. In this regard, it is an extremely statist ideology. In the eyes of the ideology the states' apparatuses exist to serve cohesive functions for the betterment of society and its inhabitants. Rafael Duclerque famously compared the state to the intricacies of machine: "each part is unique, individual and special; but a gear has no purpose unless it is within a grander concert."
Opposed to democracy, liberalism and socialism, Functionalism mandates the investiture of power in a strongly centralised authority. Whilst Trintignant exclusively referred to this entity as an absolute monarch, ostensibly the Gaullican Emperor, when implemented in Gaullica the investiture of power was focused in the position of Premier; Rafael Duclerque.
Basile Vaugrenard, a Functionalist jurist, wrote several treatise in which he supported the Parti Populaire's measures of negating the influence of the Senate: "Democracy, the idea of voting in governments, does nothing but foster divisions within society. People become affiliated with political parties, and their identity to a greater collective is superseded by party-membership."
Throughout its existence in dominating politics in Gaullica following the end of the Great Collapse, the Parti Populaire aimed to curtail the influence of the democratic systems of government by numerous means. Initially, numerous political associations were branded as 'enemies of the state' including the SGIO - at the time the second largest party. Following this the party granted the position of premier numerous executive powers over the course of late 1919 all the way through 1921. These ranged from the ability to dismiss members of the senate, to dissolving the senate at will, the ability to supersede the senate on its duties of appointments unilaterally as well as complete subvert the institution in regards to assessing the budget. At the conclusion of his term's limit, Rafael Duclerque declared a motion in which his term limits were suspended.
Communauté populaire
Trintignant surmised that "if a state has an institution within it; it serves a purpose. If it served no purpose, it would have no use to the state." Whilst he did argue that you could divide the constituent parts of the nation into as many arbitrary pieces as you wanted, Trintignant settled on four distinct social groups that encompassed all others: the government, the family (or women, depending on publication), the armed forces and the church.
These four social groups are at the forefront of Functionalist belief in the Communauté populaire, (People's Community), the mechanisms used to keep people - and therefore society - united, prosperous and happy. Each of the four social groups had a specific duty in the theories of de Trintignant.
- Women/The Family: In functionalist thought, the family was seen as the primary unit of socialisation. Family units had to instil in young people the norms and values of the Gaullican culture at its most basic stage; and needed to continue to repopulate the Gaullican nation. To enforce this in practice, the Parti Populaire offered great incentives for families to continue having children, instituted a far stronger and robust model of welfare for those children, and provided tax rebates to families with many children (as from three or more.) Women were permitted to enter 'non-traditional' areas of employment through a policy known as 'National Necesssity', especially during the time of total war.
- The Church: de Trintignant remarked that "faith builds community and provides direction". In the view of the functionalists, religion, even if not factual, provided a strong sense of communal bond and was the base of all forms of identity that superseded it. As far as they were concerned moral direction, subservience to authority, and these strong communal bonds were best exemplified by Gaullica's largest religion: Solarian Catholicism. Because of its established authority within Gaullica, the Parti Populaire was forced to compromise on issues with the Church. In this regard, whilst the functionalists may have wanted to centralise authority within the secular government, they were forced to maintain clerical involvement in all sectors of society.
- The Military: Viewed both as an honourable institution and an exemplification of human duty as well as a necessity in a view of the way states function, Trintignant viewed the military highly positively. This largely stemmed from his own service. He viewed the military as a defence of the communal body of the nation by itself, and that increasing it's strength would achieve success for the nation. As a realistic ideology, it viewed the strength of a nation to be the predicate to its success. The Parti Populaire adhered to the existing empire's reliance on the military, yet continued its expansion, prestige and dedication to innovation within the military - such as allocating enormous resources to research and development in the field of armoured warfare, aircraft, rocketry and the like.
- The Government: The government, being viewed as an organic entity, and often compared by analogy to the body, found itself as the primary facilitator for all facets of life. Trintignant viewed the government as a 'mother for all society' and instilled in it the responsibilities of rearing up the collective children; but also providing work, security, safety, good health and education for all of society. Because of this, he viewed elements of non-compliance as in democratic and liberal societies as weakening this message. To consolidate this vision of a 'paternal' state, functionalism in Gaullica worked at eroding away at the elements of democracy within its governing system and sought to entrench itself within power.
These four sections were often compared, via analogy, to the human body. They were argued to work best together for a unified goal, and both Trintignant and Duclerque simplified the explanation by comparing them to the organs of the human body.
Action and conflict
Functionalism is predicated on the necessity of political violence, as an integral part of the mechanism to both create and defend the environment for the 'perfect state'. This view on violence is one that glorifies it as a direct aspect of humanity. Trintignant often referred to it as a "natural" state of the human condition; and that violence had served as a legitimate means for settling disagreements, disputes, territorial issues and breaches of the law. In this sense, it was rooted in some of the elements of the applications of Mersenne's biological discoveries to politics.
This predication on legitimate political violence led to the creation of numerous paramilitaries, most famed were those of the Parti Populaire during their rise to power in the 1910s. These were the Chevaliers de l'Empereur and the Veuves de Sainte Chloé, led by Gwenaëlle Cazal, one of Duclerque's most trusted associates. In practice, these organisations were used to intimidate political opponents, beat opposition on the street, instigate violence and carry out terrorist attacks. Once the Parti Populaire took power, both paramilitaries were organised under a new name, the Maréchaussée (Marshalcy). Led by Gwenaëlle Cazal, this new police force and party apparatus had the authority and blank cheque to investigate 'enemies of the movement', 'enemies of the state', and 'degenerates', and deal with them with impunity. One of their first acts was a purging of labour union leadership, the killing of high-profile SGIO members, and even assassinations of prominent anti-war liberals within Kesselbourg and Hennehouwe.
These principles glorifying violence also translated onto how Functionalism views inter-state relations. A realistic political position in the topics of international relations, Duclerque emphasised the necessity for the projection of power - and that the only "currency respected in the international order is monopolised violence". This view of military action, conflict and violence led to Functionalism preoccupying itself in an ever-increasing armament for an eventual global conflict.
The institution of the military itself was praised, adored and almost venerated by Functionalists. Trintignant, a serviceman himself, viewed the military as a structure to imitate. He praised the meritocratic yet hierarchical nature of the Gaullican military, and exemplified its use as a model for some levels of bureaucratic government. Functionalist attitudes towards the military are universally positive, in both propaganda and legislation. The Parti Populaire increased the funding of the military substantially, including to its pension funds to widows and children.
Economic policies
Functionalism described itself as being anti-capitalist and anti-socialist. Trintignant's writings explicitly reference the ideology as a "syncretic solution to the question of economics", and he himself maintained that capitalism was a system that was inherently unconcerned with the state and socialism was too preoccupied with achieving a stateless society. Trintignant wrote within his works that the efficacy of capitalism must be controlled by the state to ensure complete subservience to the Communauté populaire, and that the profits turned for social good and state success rather than economic gain. Socialism, on the other hand, he disparaged as being too "societally destructive" and viewed their ideas of a stateless society to be naïve. One of his proposed purposes of the duties of the state was to deal with the economic concerns of the working class.
Duclerque, he himself originally holding left-wing economic views in his youth, was far more vocally critical of capitalism in his remarks and positioned his party as an "alternative to economic determinism". Officially, Duclerque made corporatism the economic policy of the Functionalist movement. He believed in an irrevocable "moral evil" within capitalism, decrying it as an individualistic, materialistic and liberal quest for "infinite profit on a finite world". Duclerque was strongly influenced by Catholic positions on economic justice and tried to reconcile the economic elements of socialism whilst detaching them from their internationalist positions. His corporatism aimed to reconcile the "best of both systems" by placing the state as an arbiter between corporate workers and labourers. Duclerque eventually denounced the socialist idea of class conflict and instead championed the cause of class collaboration.
The extent to which Functionalism operated as pro-worker or pro-business fluctuated. Żyścin "Justin" Żowanu, three time Minister of Finance for the Functionalist Regime, was replaced over his opposition to implement "pragmatic policies". Duclerque privately held that "economic ideology isn't important, what the nation requires is". The Parti Populaire backtracked on several of their public positions of the nationalisation of the businesses that many had viewed as being responsible for the Great Collapse, though the threat of nationalisation was utilised to ensure businesses kept aligned to the regime and its "economic realities".
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Functionalism passed many pro-worker pieces of legislation in its initial period of control, though would often juggle this with the demands of the business sector. Within six months of coming to power the Parti Populaire mandated compulsory union membership across Gaullica under the 'Fédération du travail', a Functionalist trade-union organisation. Despite this, corporate interest was maintained in Functionalist economic poilicy and the regime later reneged the right to strike on the basis that as the negotiator between workers and business it would ensure equity through the Ministry of Corporations and Labour. Industrial action and worker 'agitation' was a crime punishable by death.
Rates of unionisation, 1918, prior to consolidation under the 'Fédération du travail'
The Parti Populaire brought about a series of progressive economic reforms as part of its renegotiation including increases to disability and unemployment benefits and the guaranteeing of paid vacations and sick leave, among other policies. Functionalist social programmes were described as "robust and generous", rivalling or eclipsing all Euclean societies.
One of the most notable elements of the Functionalist economic agenda were numerous immense public works and infrastracture projects to revitalise the economy following the Great Collapse. These included the building of important civilian and military infrastructure in both the metropole and the colonies, including the completion of the highly prestious Trans-Bahian Railway. The Ministry of Public Works oversaw the creation of hundreds of new schools and hospitals as part of this programme. Additionally, Gaullica's hydroelectric power output increased eightfold during the 1920s through the creation of numerous dams across the Aventines.
The desire for economic self sufficency was also a driving force behind the pragmatic approach Functionalists took to the economy, but their belief in 'self-sufficiency' extended to all aspects of the empire as a single entity.
Modern commentators have tried to concisely describe Functionalist economic policy. According to Magnus Fleischmann the economy displayed "clear elements of dirigiste thinking, though that style of economic thinking was first used to describe Gaullican economic policy post-Great War. Most modern scholars agree that Functionalism is strictly corporatist in economic terms, though "highly pragmatic".
The “Nostalgic Future”
Functionalism maintains a view on society that has been described as a synthesis of palingenesis and modernism. This synthesis is best exemplified in a declaration from Duclerque, who during his first speech as Premier in 1919 declared that to prepare Gaullica for the future it needed to "born anew". The Functionalist view of modernism was fixated on scientific and industrial advances, praising the modern world for the great leaps of human ingenuity and intelligence in the creation of new fields such as aviation, cinema and industrial management. In this way, Functionalism selectively chose what elements of modernism it deemed as ideal for a national rebirth whilst rejecting those it did not deem suitable. For instance, Functionalism rejected the sceptical nature of the modernist movement's uncertainty in science and dismissal of religion.
Ultimately, Functionalism viewed societies developing on a path towards an idealised goal of perfection. The developments of the modern era were espoused as necessary and to be celebrated if they could be controlled by a 'benevolent state' and utilised for righteous purposes, as opposed to contribute to a "culture of decadence". Functionalists were highly critical of the individualistic aspects of modernism as an affront for the human collective, and aimed to purge these elements from their movement. Instead they aimed to bring about the concepts of modernism they found agreeable in the 'national reawakening' of Gaullica, whereby the nation would finally "purge itself" free of the corruptions of liberalism, socialism and individualism and recreate new classes of "dedicated warriors to civilise the world".
Such a synthesis of ideas was named the "Nostalgic Future" by Functionalists, indicating that there would be elements of a traditional past in a better tomorrow. Much of this was related to the Gaullican idea of the "la Perpétuation" and the need to continue it, harkening back to a proposed continuous existence of knowledge that had been disrupted by the Age of Revolutions.
Aesthetics and culture
Trintignant described Functionalism as a "manner of being" as opposed to a mere political ideology. Duclerque, in the charter of the Parti Populaire, stated: "Functionalism is more than a political ideology; it is a movement of the human being to achieve perfection. Perfection in the arts, physical, political and spiritual." Following its arrival on Gaullica's political landscape by 1890, cultural movements arose within academia to try to apply Functionalist principles to the arts and sciences. The most forefront of these movements was the Futurism movement, which became the cultural wing of the Functionalist political machine.
The Parti Populaire set up a Ministry of Culture to direct and encourage artists to develop the ideas of the "Nostalgic Future", the state-as-organism, and the development of all aspects of life through technology.
Architecture
Architecture experienced a major upheaval in Gaullica around 1910. Three styles competed for influence at the start of the decade: Beaux-Arts, Art Nouveau, and Art Deco. The Beaux-Arts style was a traditionalist school that extolled Gaullican opulence; it was deeply associated with Evelin and her legacy. Emperor Aurélien was associated with the Art Nouveau movement, as he endorsed its project to blur line between the fine and applied arts. Official advocacy for Art Nouveau ended with his forced abdication, as his son Constantin became a major benefactor of the nascent futurist schools, particularly Art Deco. Duclerque, too, was a devotee of Art Deco and commissioned many of his personal projects in that style.
Despite their support from Gaullican engineers, builders and artists—particularly those from Verlois and Rayenne—these three major styles were not without challengers. Taking inspiration from trends in Southern Euclea, Functionalism adopted the principles of rationalism and stripped classicism in most architectural designs that required monumental scale. Stripped classicism aimed to evoke an Imperial and Solarian heritage of monumentality at a fraction of the cost of earlier styles, while at the same time alluding to the vigor of modern industry by using the visual language of the factory. Rationalist and stripped classical buildings became common for public housing, schools, and hospitals. Notable examples of the style include the Hall of the Future in Lavelle, a series of apartments in Verlois known as 'Le Bosquet' and expansions to the Rayenne Institute of Technology, particularly its nuclear research facilities.
Despite the popularity of these three styles among leading Functionalists, the regime had no official policy on architecture beyond one of convenience, and competing Functionalists lobbied for their favorite architects and styles. The legacy of the era is that portions of Verlois are mosaics of architectural taste.
Art
Art under Functionalism was instrumentalized to promote physical fitnness, communal identity, the worship of national heroes, Gaullican unity, and the Communauté populaire.
The most prominent Futurists were Florentin Delsarte, Victoria Legaullois, and Gérôme Matthieu. Each was a committed Functionalist and exemplified Functionalist principles through their art. Futurism promoted the incorporation of technology into the wider culture, lauding new developments like the automobile, airplane, and mass industry as both key technologies for advancing society and tools for the creation of new art.
Delsarte, famed for his work emphasizing Functionalism as a social movement, used broadly interpretive styles to convey his messages. Work like his led art critics like Sophie Brown to describe Functionalism as having themes of "submission, duty and glorification of violence".
Perhaps the most famous of the Functionalist Futurists was Matthieu, who was one of the first Euclean artists to travel the world in search of reference material for his works. His paintings depict an idealised, racially harmonious Gaullican Empire.
Cuisine and food science
The Functionalist emphasis on health, beauty, and strength also found an expression in Gaullican cuisine. Health minister Nicolas Saunier believed in a "restructuring of diet" to in accordance with the latest in nutrition science. Under his direction, the Ministry of Health became concerned with diet and fitness.
The Ministry of Health embarked on a propaganda campaign to improve the Gaullican diet. Saunier collaborated with the Ministry of Agriculture to develop a pyramid of food consumption that instructed consumers on the proper balance of food groups and adequate portion sizes. The Great Collapse had brought malnutrition to the forefront of the national dialogue, and it was a running concern of the 1910s. Fruit and vegetables were pushed to the forefront of the national diet as a response. Within hospitals, schools and workplaces posters called on the public to "eat their greens" and to "restore the health of the nation". Restaurateurs and cookbook authors created vegetarian versions of popular dishes, though the public was not always receptive to abandoning pot-au-feu and coq au vin in favour of cutlets made from beans and chickpeas.
In 1921, Duclerque appointed Georges Gaston to lead the Ministry of Health. Gaston had an unorthodox view of food and consumption and was of the belief that Gaullicans ate too much cheese, which he believed made them pessimistic and lethargic. He lobbied the government, unsuccessfully, to replace much of the public's dairy consumption with eggs due to his belief they were a "miracle food", making adults grow stronger and children grow faster. The unsuccessful policy, which was not adopted, was known as the "Neuf œufs" campaign.
The government emphasised the appetite-suppressant properties of cigarette smoking and promoted the "healthy" use of tobacco, though this was a relatively small campaign aimed for individuals who were overweight.
Movements within Functionalism became concerned with the experience of eating and the aesthetics of the dining experience. These movements were fringe and did not influence the national consciousness, though did infiltrate some elements of higher society. Several Gaullican restaurants became famed for 'randomising' the order of cuisine delivered to the table. Others experimented with light, temperature, music and discourse when eating, with varied results. The Bucentaure, a famed restaurant in Verlois, experimented with stimulating all senses during the dining experience: complimentary fragrances were sprayed during courses, 'tactile food' to be touched was provided whilst ate, running water was used stimulate hearing and dishes were purposefully made to be bright, extravagent and appealing to the eye.
During the war, Functionalist food scientists worked on developing food bars for general soldier consumption and rationing, whilst others experimented with making alternative products that could no longer be made due to embargos and global shipping difficulties.
Fashion
According to fashion historian Valerie Laver, Functionalist fashion was concerned with "sleekness and speed", rejecting the fashion of the preceding decades as "burdened with excessive ornament, cumbersome, and heavy". Functionalist thinkers and designers emphasized clothing that was lightweight, practical, and elegant but inexpensive. In contrast to the billowy clothing of the past, new fashions had the clean, aerodynamic shapes of the industrial era. Designers emphasised that fashion should be practical as well as attractive and should encourage the body to move as naturally as possible, allowing the skin to breathe. They readily embraced mass production of clothing, experimenting with synthetic dyes and fabrics and challenging conventional attitudes about materials. Functionalists prized leather, which Duclerque described as "miraculous" in conversation with Jacquard, because it was sleek, water-resistant, easy to clean, durable, and strong. Leather jackets, boots, and accessories became highly popular and closely associated with the aesthetic of the era.
Major designers and fashion houses worked with the Funcitonalist movement. These included Santeràn, Casavant, C-de-B and Leroux Moulin. Marc-Antoine Jacquard, who was the first member of Verlois's fashion scene to publicly declare his support for Duclerque, designed the uniforms of the Parti Populaire's paramilitaries. Jacquard and his collaborators adopted the idea of women wearing trousers, which had previously been associated with the Feminist movement, describing the concept as "empowering and bold" as befit a movement that prized strength and determination.
Film
At the dawn of the twentieth century, film was a thrilling new medium. Cinemas were opening across Euclea by the hundreds, and filmmakers produced artistic and commercial works at a frantic pace. Verlois was at the center of the nascent film industry, with four major firms—Frères Fétique, Vaugrenard & Delaunay, Studio Chapuis and Société E.P.—competing for the tastes of the lucrative middle classes. Studios tempted the new bourgeousie with dance productions, historic epics, romantic melodramas, and slapstick comedies.
This freewheeling period came to an abrupt end as the Great Collapse dried up capital overnight, forcing filmmakers to work on shoestring budgets and theaters to abandon their previously lavish decor. Despite the hardship, cinema clung to life commercially as the masses looked for cheap entertainment and an escape from the drudgery of hard times.
The Functionalists took advantage of the economic downturn by offering struggling actors and directors a financial lifeline, commissioning films that sold Functionalism to the masses. Directors such as Napoléon Fétique, Émeric Pélissier, Cédric Vaugrenard and Arsène Emmanuelli took the Functionalists up on their offer and formed the group Les cinéastes du futur (Cinematographers for the Future). Duclerque ensured that the group's films were widely shown, often free of charge, to a public hungry for entertainment, redemption, and revenge.
Duclerque's generous funding allowed directors to make great leaps in film technology. Functionalist cinema saw triumphs in art direction, special effects, character makeup, lighting, and sound. Some of the most iconic scenes in cinematic history are from Functionalist productions: a rolling shot of the Verloian skyline taken from a biplane from the film Voler!, the superimposed images of the titular characters in Léa & Mélodie, and the final sequence of Dîner à l'Utopie, where the stark contrast of black and white geometric patterns communicates the protagonist's suicidal spiral. Fétique and Vaugrenard in particular were masters of cinematography and were instrumental in developing new techniques, like aerial shots and early experiments in color photography.
In contrast to the free hand they were given technically, filmmakers were far more circumscribed in their works' themes and subject matter. Functionalist film was, according to Minister of Popular Culture Simon Vandame, to be "evocative, inspiring, and hopeful". Films often dealt with duty, honor, the need for authority, and the dangers of individualism. Frères en guerre, the historical epic Claudius and the forerunner of science fiction Pour Dieu each tackled a Functionalist 'theme' in depth. Claudius, for instance, a film detailing the Solarian general and later Emperor's consolidation of power in the Gallia province, highlights the necessity of a strong authority to unite disparate groups for common purpose.
By the 1920s, the Parti Populaire's role in Gaullican cinema had gone from benefactor to dictator. Duclerque granted Vandame and the Ministry of Popular Culture censorship power over the entire industry, precipitating a flight of socialist and liberal directors and actors to Werania, Caldia and Rizealand. Vandame tried to salvage the industry's prestige by establishing a series of awards in 1926 that he bestowed on films that best exemplified Functionalist ideology, emphasizing morality, commitment to communal values, and "functionality", which was defined as serving an external purpose beyond that of art.
The onset of war killed the last vestiges of artistic value in Functionalist cinema as the industry was directed entirely toward producing wartime propaganda.
Leisure and sport
Given their foundational concept of the state as a living organism and constant references to the body politic, the Functionalists were concerned with the health and physicality of the population on a deep ideological level. Functionalism regarded physical strength as an innately desirable trait for the individual and for the collective. In The Function of Man, de Trintignant asserts that a physically fit individual is a morally superior individual, and that sport, which he praises as one of humanity's greatest creations, "channels human ambition, strengthens the mind, and reveals the latent glory of the body".
The Parti Populaire promoted a physical lifestyle by making sport and exercise as widely available as possible, both in school for children and after work for adults and families. Minister of Education Alceste Bescond made physical education compulsory for students of all ages. He placed an emphasis on physical development and fitness through both individual exercise and team sports. During his tenure, schools across the metropole had to administer regular fitness tests, judging students' strength, endurance, speed, and teamwork. Students who failed these tests would be punished, usually with more extreme exercises.
Schools had to offer at least two sports from a list given by the government. Typical sports included football, fencing, boxing, wrestling and athletics. Bescond made it mandatory for schools to affiliate with the Fédération du travail, where students would do manual labor, nominally to foster a strong work ethic but in practical terms to provide free labor for the regime.
For adults, the government set up the Corps Récréatif Ouvrier (CRO, Workers' Recreation Corps) which organised after-work leisure activities for the working men and families of the nation. Membership was free, and it was easily the largest Functionalist organisation in terms of raw numbers, with well over 60% of the workforce participating by 1927. The CRO organised the creation of sports facilities and created clubs for people to practice sports, leisure and recreational activities at affordable prices. Additionally, by utilising the nation's vast rail network, the CRO provided holidays for workers and their families.
This emphasis on leisure was an attempt to evoke not only a sense of communal identity with fellow workers but also to foster an acceptance of societal conditions and the idea that work was a place of enjoyment as well as duty.
Literature
Functionalism's relationship to literature in general, however, was hostile. During the 1920s, Duclerque ordered that liberal, feminist, and socialist texts be censored and oversaw the burning of works which were considered particularly threatening. These included Du corps humain, a work on homosexuality and transsexuality; Honnêteté et équité by revolutionary socialist Anatole Brasseur; and most famously Eine Tragödie, which Duclerque condemned as "the vanguard of individualistic thought" for its tragic retelling of the story of Weranian republicanism. The Parti Populaire made a show of burning Eine Tragödie at rallies across the nation, particularly at universities. Book burning intensified during the annexation of Flamia as the government wiped away any sign of liberalism and flooded the territory with pro-Functionalist literature. It continued during the Great War, though it became rarer as most objectionable texts had long since been destroyed. The largest single instance of book burning occurred in 1928 during the occupation of Estmere, when Gaullican authorities and collaborators sacked the Centre for Sexual Research in Morwall and set the entire collection of books ablaze. The Centre was later converted into a notorious "shock mill," where psychiatrists used electroconvulsive therapy to "cure" homosexuals.
Book publishing fell under the purview of the Ministry of Popular Culture, which dramatically curtailed the scope of what could be published. Books critical of the state, Duclerque, or Functionalist ideology were banned in 1923. Imported books were heavily censored or banned outright.
A concern for what the Functionalists called the "correction of history" pervaded nonfiction. It became an official policy of the Ministry of Education to produce a "correct" history for school and popular consumption. These works portrayed history as a narrative of great men and conquest, highlighting Gaullican military strength and cultural superiority, crediting the successes of the nation to superior values, and providing justifiction—often based on external, immovable forces—for Gaullican losses. The War of the Triple Alliance was a topic of frequent discussion and the setting for perhaps the most famous Functionalist novel, Sur le sang de nos pères (On the Blood of Our Fathers). The book harshly criticises the moral deficiency of Gaullica's Soravian and Valduvian allies, who are depicted respectively as barbarous rabble led by incompetent generals and cowards commanded by duplicitious schemers.
Music
Functionalist leadership had reactionary views on music. Music, as far as the Functionalists were concerned, should promote national identity and social cohesion. Like the other arts, it fell under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Popular Culture, specifically its sub-section, the Department of Harmonious Symphonies, and was often the subject of rigorous censorship.
The Parti Populaire promoted classical music as an edifying high art to be bestowed upon the masses, favoring the works of traditional Gaullican composers such as Gabriel Saint-Saëns, Dorothée Tourneur and Alexis-Louis Bonis. Functionalists selectively promoted certain genres of classical music, notably impressionism due to its focus on orchestration and liberal usage of harmonics. In addition to classical music, Functionalists held folk and religious music in high regard.
To ensure the availability of music for all, the Ministry of Technological Advancement developed an affordable radio, which was produced in 1925 under the name L'Oreille (The Ear). The Functionalist government also created parcs d'écoute (listening parks), acoustically designed outdoor spaces with loudspeakers where music was played for the public.
One of the most musically reactionary Functionalist policies was a rejection of jazz, which had a vibrant scene in early-1900s Verlois. Functionalists viewed jazz as unsavoury, even disgusting, because of its origins in the Black communities of Satucin. It was particularly threatening because it inverted civic nationalism—Gaullican sensibilities were being absorbed into a foreign cultural entity. As a result, jazz clubs were shut down, jazz music was taken off of the airwaves, and jazz musicians were banned from performing. Many jazz artists fled to other Euclean capitals, only to return at the end of the war once the ban on jazz was lifted.
In spite of leading Functionalists' conservative view of music, some Functionalist musicians still experimented with new ideas in music technology and composition. Futurists, in particular, were interested in pushing the medium forward, and Aleksy Theremin, a Miersan Functionalist, created the theremin, one of the first pieces of electronic musical equipment.
Theatre
The Functionalist establishment revered classic plays. Prosper Feydeau's works, such as Le Comte de Dinesie (1588) and Rien, rien! (1601), and Thècle Honorine Geiger's adaptation of Jacques Prévost's Usbek de Yeruham, cornerstones of Gaullican cultural identity, were held in the highest regard. Functionalists rediscovered the works of classical Piraean and Solarian playwrights and staged new productions of ancient dramas, often altering their themes and messages to align with Functionalist ideology. Schools made these traditional plays an integral part of their curriculum and put on their own productions.
Yet, as with literature, there were schools of thought within Functionalism that sought to break convention. Alceste Bescond, Minister of Education, encouraged avant-garde artists who were interested in subverting expectations, incorporating technology into the theatrical experience, and using source material from lowbrow forms like parody and vaudeville. Functionalist playwrights were tasked with the creation of "modern classics" that aimed to ensconce the ideal of the "Nostalgic Future". Some applied cinematographic tools and techniques, such as advances in effects and set design. There were two competing visions of theatre: glamorising the past and promoting the future. These two schools of thought occupied two distinct sub-ministries within the Ministry of Popular Culture: the Department of the History of Theatricality and the Department of Theatricality to Be. The regime left these two departments to their own devices and had the overarching ministry collect data on their respective fiscal performances.
Due to this dichotomy of theatre, there were two distinct 'genres' of theatre within Gaullica at throughout the Functionalist era. On the one hand were the 'traditionalists', who honoured the Functionalist agenda through its portrayal of retold 'classics' and devised new stories within these traditional narratives. These were popular amongst all groups and were usually heroic epics, thrilling dramas and harrowing tragedies with recognisable archetypes of the 'hero' and the 'villain'.
The other school, associated with the Department of Theatricality to Be, was viewed to be more 'innovative'. It devised its own cadre of stock characters: the 'everyman', the 'fighting-woman', the 'science-averse', the 'ideal colonial', and others. These theatre productions were often more experimental, featuring: comedies, tragi-comedies, musicals and silent dance routines. One of the most famous pieces of Functionalist theatre derived from this school of thought was the comedic Histoires d'histoires, a light-hearted satirical story of a man from the future obsessed with the methods of the past. The main character was a staple of Functionalist mockery: the "science-averse" boor, characterised by his slow speech, portly figure, and dim-wittedness.
Gender and sexuality
Trintignant wrote at length about the roles of "both sexes" in his work. He identified men as warriors and earners and women as carers and socialisers, and argued that the most natural responsibilities for the respective sexes were action and love. This dichotomy, which was rigidly upheld by most Functionalists, established two distinct groups of individuals. While this concept was not revolutionary or even unusual for its time, Trintignant also made the more radical argument that in cases of great distress and emergency—the "National Necessity"—these roles were to be ignored. He drew on the philosophy of ancient Piraeans such as Theocritus and came to the conclusion that in dire circumstances, such as a war for survival, women trained to an excellent standard could be "almost equal" to their male counterparts, and thus could contribute to the success of the nation.
Rafael Duclerque viewed this analysis of the family structure as sacrosanct. He believed in the separation of duties between man and woman on the basis of a biological interpretation of physicality and nurturing that translated into social duties. Due to this belief, the Functionalists increasingly implemented legislation and orders that limited the fields in which women could be employed in by numerous metrics. First, women were withdrawn from the workforce to lower unemployment rates among men; then, married women with children were prevented from working as anything other than teachers or nurses. This prohibition was extended to all married women by 1926. Duclerque felt that it was "a tragedy that women work, when their true calling is the most important in any nation: the rearing of the next generation". To encourage their status as the "honoured producers of the next generation", women were given awards based on the number of children they bore under a scheme called L'Honneur des ancêtres (The Honour of the Ancestors). Men were expected to adhere to the traditional concept of masculinity encompassed by typically Southern Euclean machisme. They were to be physically strong, decisive, and headstrong, and to be providers. Failing to fit this prescription often led to social ostracization and medical examination by the regime. Young men were required to perform a year of military service between the ages of 17 and 19, both to contribute to the national defense and to socialize them to be aggressive, strong, and focused on the collective instead of the individual.
The Functionalists were interested in youth, which was viewed as a time of action. They saw young people as embodying potential but also danger, thus requiring strong influences in order to produce the next generation of committed Functionalists. This obsession with youth was both a physical one, as young bodies were admired for being at the peak of human fitness and energy, and a spiritual one, as the young are filled with energy and drive. Duclerque praised the "generations of the future" and Functionalist educational policy was geared toward producing ideal citizens.
Functionalism was preoccupied with a terror of decadence and moral decay. The Ministry of the Interior campaigned aggressively against contraception, homosexuality, pornography, and prostitution under a policy called the Guerre contre la décadence (War on Decadence). Each was viewed as a "spiritual ill" that weakened the nation's moral character and physical health. Contraception was viewed as antithetical to the function of the family and a "perverted" science of Estmerish design. Contraceptive devices were banned from general sale, though the regime found it difficult to prevent access to condoms (which were provided at state-run brothels) and the rhythm method. Homosexuality was seen as a disease that feminized men and masculinized women and directly threatened the regime by robbing it of children, a position the Catholic church enthusiastically supported. Homosexuals were "treated" with various pseudoscientific forms of conversion therapy, including electroshock treatment, surgical and chemical castration, and aversive treatments. Functionalists viewed pornography as a psychological contaminant that prevented the growth of mental faculties in young men and distracted them from their duties. Content deemed pornographic was altered or banned outright, with works of art, film, literature and theatre forced to adhere to the new standards. Duclerque had built his political reputation by opening shelters for women engaged in prostitution, a system that started as a form of voluntary "charity" but which then became the core of the government's new scheme of state-run brothels. The Functionalists outlawed sex work outside of these institutions, though illegal prostitution was widespread in all major cities of the empire.
Functionalist Ideologies
Amurgism
Amurgism is an Amathian far-right revolutionary movement that developed following the Great Collapse, culminating in the establishment of the royal dictatorship and of the Holy Amathian State. It evolved in parallel to the development of functionalism in Gaullica, and its tenets directly contradict some elements of functionalist doctrine, which is why scholars still debate whether Amurgism was a functionalist ideology, or just a different far-right ideology that developed alongside it.
The origins of Amurgism lie in the stark urban-rural division of Amathian life and the perceived isolation of the royal elites in Arciluco, which initially led to a rejection of Eastern ideals and influences, particularly in the rural areas of the country through a combined form of nationalism and Episemialist mysticism which was most often spread by priests. These teachings were further developed after coming into contact with the intellgentsia of the Amathian cities, most of which were at the time part of the Gaullicophile orientation that controlled most of the country's universities. Such intellectuals were familiar with the functionalist ideology developing in Gaullica, and took inspiration from it, particularly in its rejection of democracy. Alexandru Vorovan, an Amathian lawyer, is most often credited for developing the core ideology of Amurgism, with a strong belief in ethnic nationalism, tied to Episemialist mysticism, a rejection of Eastern modern ideals and a return to the Amathian civilization as it was during the time of Arciluco, before its corruption by Catholic ideals. It called, much like functionalism, for a rebirth of the nation, but the Amurgist notion of it was more spiritual, strongly tied to Sotirian eschatology, and similar in some ways to the views of millenarianist cults, especially in regards to martyrdom and sacrifice. Scientific progress was to be tolerated only insofar as it did not contradict the scriptures, and the nation's progression to a classless society was to be achieved through the spiritual development of the new man and a return to the ideals of the Bible. Amurgist ideals were also deeply rooted in already existing concepts of Amathian irredentism, particularly in regards to its eastern border with Etruria, and with continuing to regard the partition of Bistravia as a national tragedy.
The National Rebirth Movement was initially perceived with a lot of apprehension by the political elite and by other right-wing forces, but its popularity quickly spread among the peasantry and the intellectuals. The royal regime's suppression of leftist forces and the inability of the historical democratic parties to deal with the effects of the Great Collapse allowed the Amurgists to gain power during the 1923 elections. The death of King Alexander III and the beginning of the Regency allowed the Movement under Ghenadie Isărescu to solidify their power with the proclamation of the Holy Amathian State. The Amurgist regime led Amathia during the Great War as it aligned itself with Gaullica, and collapsed during the final year of the war as the Soravian offensive convinced the military high command to organize a coup d'etat, beginning the Amathian Civil War.
National Alignment
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National Functionalism was introduced to Piraea during the Kingdom of Piraea by King Nikolaos II and Premier Theodoros Strakidis. It was advocated by Piraean intellectuals and aristocrats who had been educated in Verlois, but it rapidly acquired the sympathy of the working classes. Nikolaos II, who was a self-declared admirer of the Empire, took large influence from National Functionalism to, as he used to say, "rebuild the honour and prestige of Piraea" in contrast to "society's destruction", which he say was in the core of the GSEP and PSEE that used to divide the society.
However, with the loss of Piraea during the Great War, the association between Functionalism and a past regime grew, forcing the abdication of Nikolaos II. During the initial years of the First Piraean Republic, socialist and anarchist elements acquired special importance, but also mobilised sectors that were previously closer to National Functionalism, conceiving National Alignment as a coalition of conservative, reactionary and right wing groups. The military leadership of Konstantinos Athanopoulos became decisive during 1948 in drafting the limits of National Alignment as an ideological line that drew enormous inspiration from the National Functionalist lecture of Nikolaos II and Theodoros Strakidis. Following a short civil war, the conservative government introduced the Second Piraean Republic which used National Alignment as a vehicle of power, control and, in rare cases, mobilisation of the population. Athanopoulos saw in this new stage of Functionalism in Piraea, a radically different political panorama, which forced him to adopt ideological differences with the previous Piraean and Gaullican currents; some of these new elements were settled in the exaltation of Athanopoulos and other military figures and the transformation of National Alignment into a "movement" rather than a "party" or "coalition", this exacerbated National Alignment's merge with the Piraean State, most particularly in the control and repression.
Following the creation of the Amathian Council Republic, the military junta received the exiled authorities of the Episemialist Church. The event put religion in the core of the new movement, which combined nationalism and Piraean irredentism with the idea of an Episemialist heritage and homeland. Towards the end stages of the Second Republic, National Alignment found itself weakened and socially isolated; while it kept exercising violence and influence in the state —the military junta made systematic use of state terrorism and torture—, the movement grew around the military elite, a characteristic that later evolved into a technocratic government.
National Solarianism
National Solarianism is an Etrurian off-shoot of National Functionalism that emerged out of the holistic cultural “Neo-Solarian movement” in the 1900s and early 1910s. Originally devised by Etrurian socialites as a means of “embracing Solarian traditions into the modern world for the expansion of mind, soul and heart”, it was widely decried as a “justification for Bacchanalian excess” common among the elite of the Etrurian Second Republic. It evolved to take a distinctly political form in wake of the Great Collapse, as a means of re-energising the Republic. This evolution birthed what would become National Solarianism, its first form calling for a more centralised, militaristic and expansionist Republic, rooted in nationalistic myths such as Prima Civiltà.
During the 1920s, prominent supporters of the National Solarian theory soon rallied around figures such as Leonardo Furio Gennari, Ettore Caviglia and Aldo Tassanari, three sitting senators and active members of the Etrurian Army, who for their part took great inspiration from National Functionalism and the Parti Populaire. Between 1921 and 1923, Gennari, a popular and established poet, writer and nationalist thinker, articulated National Solarianism around key functionalist tenets, while rejecting others and adopting a distinct Etrurian character.
National Solarianism as it emerged in the 1920s, placed great emphasis on Etrurian nationalism, centred around the “Three Divinities” (Tre Divinità); articulated by Gennari as Etruria being the creation of “Sol Invictus, Neptune and Jesus Sotirias – as Solaria, Povelia and the First Republic.” He claimed that these three ‘stages of the Etrurian birth’ gifted the country a unique position in relation to all others and a heavenly-mandated mission to “serve as the world-leader.” It further called for a return to Solarian virtue, or Etrurianitas, mixed with the “industriousness of Povelia” and the “righteous morality and fortitude of the First Republic”, in essence it was a reaction to the decadence of both the Second Republic and of its original roots and authors. It romanticised Etruria as a land of “poets, artists, soldiers and righteous men”, placing great emphasis on masculinity, martial prowess, industry, creativity and faith. Much like Functionalism, National Solarianism rejected racialism and racism as "Northern Folly" and embraced cultural chauvinism, claiming Etruria's subjects in Rahelia and Satria were Etrurian by virtue of citizenship. They would approach governance of the colonies differently to the Etrurian Second Republic, granting Coian subjects equal rights to Etrurian citizens, appoint Coians to prominent positions in both the metropole and within their homelands.
Unlike their Gaullican counterparts, the National Solarian movement did not seek to eradicate class, but rather sought to supplant the traditional class system with a new hierarchical system as a means of “mobilising every Etrurian and subject toward the renewal of the nation.” This new class system would be based structured around the “Quadrilateral of the Etrurian Condition” (Quadrilatero della condizione etruriana): the Citizens (including Colonial Subjects), Soldiers, the Industrious (business owners and industrialists) and the Esteemed (political leaders, poets, writers and the Catholic clergy), all classes would be afforded the same rights, including colonial subjects. Through this re-organisation of society, the state would be in a better position to mass mobilise society toward public works, solidarity and ostensibly, war.
The idealised state according to the National Solarians was a return to the “Senatorial Splendour of Solaria and the Revolution”, a highly centralised system, with overwhelming power afforded to a one-party dominated legislature, subject to the executive rule of two Co-Leaders. The National Solarians rejected personalist and personality-based politics and sought to deny top-heavy strongman rule. This senate would be comprised of representatives from the four stratum of the Quadrilateral, in part following the syndicalist model.
The National Solarian movement found popularity among nationalist circles, the Republican Right and the military. Though prior to 1938, it would not find an organised political party to guide it to power, rather relying upon secret societies, owing to the Second Republic’s struggles to suppress “extremist parties” on both left and right. These societies would boast key figures from across Etrurian society, leading to the 1926 Etrurian Military Crisis, in which hundreds of officers were exiled to posts in the colonies, in the lead up to the Great War. Etruria’s entry into the war in 1928 on side of the Alliance against Gaullica and her allies would result in victory, though Weranian and Estmerish efforts in the post-war treaty negotiations denied Etruria many of its hoped territorial gains, this coupled with the poor efforts of the Etrurian government to avert this unleashed a wave of nationalistic fury across the country, with thousands of war veterans rioting alongside workers, culminating in the 1938 Legionary Reaction. This coup, led by Ettore Caviglia and his Revolutionary Legion of Etruria overthrew the Second Republic and established the Greater Solarian Republic.
Once established, the GSR regime under Co-Leaders Caviglia and Tassanari abolished the Second Republic’s institutions and constructed their “Senatorial State.” Finding Etrurian society radicalised by the Great War and subsequent Great Betrayal, the GSR moved to prepare for renewed conflict while simultaneously distancing itself ideologically from the disgraced Functionalism of Gaullica. In 1943, the Solarian War erupted with the Etrurian invasion of Piraea, the newly established Community of Nations rallied to its defence and after three years of conflict, which resulted in the collapse of Etruria’s colonial empire and the GSR regime itself, and over 3 million dead brought an end to National Solarianism.
Facing the impending threat of Soravian forces reaching central Etruria, the GSR regime imploded in face of a popular uprising. Co-Leader Ettore Caviglia was captured fleeing Solaria and lynched by a furious mob, while Aldo Tassanari fled, never to be seen again. Etruria was placed under a CN-Administration until 1948, giving way to the Etrurian Third Republic.
Palmeirism
National Functionalism spread to Paretia fairly quickly, but it did not take power until 1925. Before 1919 there were numerous functionalist parties, but the New Nation of Paretia Party took control of the functionalist movement with it's charismatic leader, Carlos Palmeira. His form of national functionalism became known as Palmeirist National Functionalism, or simply Palmeirism. After the functionalists took over in 1925, the government formed the 7th of November Movement, they would ally with other groups such as traditionalists, monarchists, and catholics nationalists, under what was called the Coalition Decree. Palmeira would rule the country and ally with Gaullica in the Great War, fighting against Etruria until their surrender once Etruria had captured Precea in 1934.
Palmeirism is similar to Gaullican National Functionalism in most of it's tenets, but other part it differs. A part of Palmeirism is an inclusion of syndicalist elements, the ideology wants to destroy class conflict and unite them into collaboration. Palmeira stated "Class conflict is purely the way the socialists and capitalists wish to destroy our nation by ripping the limbs of the nation apart". In Paretia he would create the Sindicato Unido da Paretia , the sole legal trade union of the functionalist government, it would be made to "harmonise" relations between the workers, employers, and the state. Palmeira also would support traditionalism and the monarchy, Palmeira would claim that the traditions of the nation are "the actions of the body of the people, without these mechanisms the body of the nation does not survive. The state must also promote traditional ideas in a way that can grow with the country into the future, not get rid of them." He would support the monarchy as well, stating that the monarch, stating "the portrait of the monarch is the portrait of the nation" they are the image of what the country is to strive to be. It is divine right from God that decides who that person will be."
Another part of Palmeirist National Functionalism is the lack of nationalist revanchism, Paretia did not participate in the War of the Triple Alliance, and did not suffer national defeats in the late 19th century. It did however have the urge for expansionism, this including making Paretia a colonial power in Coius, Palmeira sought to rule over places like Emessa, Bahia, and Rahelia. He stated that "Paretia yerns for it's strength, the rest of the great powers have conquered the south, we must build our nation to become a colonial power once more like it was under the great Marta." The ideology further promotes the functionalism's idea of the nation as an organism, commonly using biological terminology to refer to the state, nation, and it's parts. Palmeira often referred to the nation as "the body", the different aspects of the nation's society were the "limbs" or "organs", percieved political enemies of his government were often called "viruses", "ailments", diseases", and "ticks". Palmeira stated he was fascinated with the human body and science's advancements in medicine, he believed whole-heartedly in the idea of the nation as an organism. Palmeira heavily supported the role of the youth in his regime, his National Youth Organization was one of the largest in the world at the time and played a role in running rallies and educational camps during the functionalist rule. Militarism was also important to Palmeirism, Palmeira promoted the idea of "national defense at all times, at all costs" he would construct defensive lines in southwest Paretia and build new naval ports during the his rule, his government was heavily supported by the military and they would play a major role in his government. Palmeira also supported idea called the carisma nacional, which takes from ideas such as machismo and civic nationalism, his idea is that the nation must have near constant patriotic rallies and celebrations, and that these rallies much be enjoyable and reinvigorate the populace constantly. He would use many things to do this, public rallies, sporting events, films, radio, concerts, and other forms of leisure.
Notable Functionalists
- Dinis Montecara1928.png
Ardesian State
Dinis Montecara
Caudilho of Ardesia, 1914 - 1934 
Asterian Federative Republic
Pedro Motta
Leader of the Asterian Functionalist Party, 1915 - 1924- Karl Åberg.png
Greater Blostland
Karl Åberg
Anförare of Greater Blostland, 1923–1934 
Capria
Autit Farooqui
President of Capria, 1927–1932
Delland
Mario Alver
President of Delland 1928–1931
Template:Country data Estmere
A. J. Arundel
Leader of Estmerish Popular Action 1921–1933
Gaullica
Édouard d'Aubusson
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1919 - 1925
Minister of the Dominions, 1925 - 1931
Gaullica
Pierre-Antoine Baudet
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1925 - 1934- Bescond.jpg Gaullica
Alceste Bescond
Minister of Education, 1919 - 1934 
Gaullica
Gwenaëlle Cazal
Directeur-Général of the Maréchaussée, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Abélard Cochet
Minister of the Interior, 1923 - 1934
Gaullica
Constantin III
Emperor of Gaullica, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Champania
Florian Dieudonné
Senator from Bas-Dauphiné 1919-1934
Gaullica
Serge Desmarais
Minister of Justice, 1922 - 1934
Gaullica
Rafael Duclerque
Premier of Gaullica, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Georges Gaston
Minister of Health, 1921 - 1924, Minister of Agriculture, 1924 - 1930
Gaullica
Pierre-Louis Gavreau General
Gaullica Champania
Aymeric Guilloux
Senator from Dauphiné 1920-1934, Minister of Agriculture 1936-1941
Gaullica
Léonard Bouvier
Minister of the Colonies, 1919 - 1934
Gaullica
Bruno Lavigne
Admiral of the Fleet, Minister of the Navy 1919 - 1927
Gaullica
Tristan Pueyrredón
Minister of Public Works 1919 - 1922, Chairman of the Compagnie du Chemin de fer Impérial, 1922 - 1930
Gaullica
Nicolas Saunier
Minister of Health, 1919 - 1921, 1924 - 1934
Gaullica
File:BLFlag.png Baséland
Julien Sontonga
Senator from Sainte-Germaine, 1928 - 1934
Gaullica
Gaëtan de Trintignant
Marshal of Gaullica, author of The Function of Man- LeonDegrelleYelling.png Gaullica
Simon Vandame
Minister of Popular Culture, 1920 - 1930, Minister of Communications, 1930 - 1934 
Gaullica
Alexandre Verninac
Chief of Staff of the Imperial Armed Forces
Gaullica Champania
Jean-Luc Vertefeuille
General, Army Chief of Staff 1935-1943
Gaullica
Żyścin "Justin" Żowanu
Minister of Finance, 1919 - 1921, 1922 - 1923, 1927 - 1933- ThiranaiRatana2.jpg
Kuthina
Thiranai Ratana
Deputy Viceroy of Kuthina, 1923 - 1935 
Paretia
Carlos Palmeira
Premier of Paretia, 1925–1934- Roberta.jpeg Paretia
Roberta II
Queen of Paretia, 1921–1934 
Paretia
Rafael Azevedo
Minister of the Interior, 1927–1934
Paretia
Joaquim Fidalgo
Minister of War, 1926–1934
Paretia
André Morais
Minister of Justice, 1925-1933
Paretia
Justí Retuerta
Chief of General Staff, 1925-1934
Paretia
Hèctor Clar
Minister of Propaganda, 1925-1933
Paretia
Diogo Rangel Faria
Chief of the Reservistas, 1919-1932
Paretia
Alfonso Clemente
Minister of Government Affairs, 1925-1927
Paretia
Filipe Noronha
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1926-1934
Paretia
Fidel Colón
Minister of Culture, 1925-1934
Paretia
Ângelo Serra
Minister of Science, 1925-1934
Piraea
Nikolaos II of Piraea
King of Piraea, 1924–1938
Piraea
Theodoros Strakidis
Premier of Piraea, 1925–1938
Piraea
Konstantinos Athanopoulos
President de facto of Piraea, 1948–1978, and Leader and founder of National Alignment
Ruttland
Zydrunas Biržiška
Tautos Vadas of the Liplisqués Government 1929–1933
Dominion of Satucin
Henri Masson,
Premier of Satucin, 1922 – 1931, 1940 – 1947
Gaullica
Viceroyalty of the New Aurean
Louis Barnave,
President of the Red Hibiscus Society
1923 – 1932
Gaullica
Viceroyalty of the New Aurean
Claude Jarrets,
Founder of Holistique National
1919 – 1935
Senria
Yosito Otuzi
Chief Minister of the Reformed Government 1927–1932
Senria
Yosimoto Hideaki
Minister of Foreign Affairs & Propaganda of the Reformed Government 1927–1934- Cao Ghuozhang.jpg
Shangea
Cao Ghuozhang
Leader of the Political Wing of the Nanqing Clique 1924-1934 
Greater Solarian Republic
Leonardo Furio Gennari
Prefect-General of Rahelia Etruriana 1921-1945, author of The Solarian Solution
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Criticism
Anti-democratic and authoritarian
Universal criticism against Functionalism arises in the form that the ideology is anti-democratic. Contemporary criticism against the ideology from outside of Gaullica chastised the movement for "undoing Gaullica's democratic institutions". Duclerque's rapid suppression of his closest competitors was seen as the "final proof" of Functionalism not holding any respect for democracy. As stated by Albrecht Küchenthal, who would go on to be the first Premier from OSAI: "When future citizens of Euclea look to this point in history, they will say: "democracy dies in the darkness of government, and with the thunderous applause of a cabal of elites"." Functionalism's complete rejection of any democratic norm has resulted in all forms of its interpretions rejecting democracy as a founding principle of how a state should operate.
Criticism from the left
Functionalism has routinely been criticised by leftist thinkers for "pretending to defend the working man". The forefront critic of Functionalism in its early existence was the leader of the SGIO, Guillaume Rodier. He scathingly criticised Functionalism as being "the working man's voice coming out of the puppet of big business". Such criticism has continued into the modern day, whereby Functionalism's syncretic economic principles are rejected by left-wing thinkers for failing to address the root cause of capitalism and by aiming to plaster over the inequities of the system with "worker bribes": such as after-work activities, subsidised holidays and aesthetic changes without offering meaningful wage increases all the while chipping away at collective power.
Furthermore, many leftist political thinkers point to Functionalism's views on ethnic and cultural identity as forms of cultural genocide, decrying the policies of the Functionalist regime as "imperialism in a fresh coat of paint". Kholeka Sisulu, a Garamburan socialist, wrote extensively on the effects of the Functionalist ideology on her home: "Functionalism tried to supplant everything about any Bahian identity with this claim that 'we could be greater', greater for who? The white-man? The corporate interests?"
Criticism from the right
Gaullican president Sotirien Roche described Functionalism as "revolutionary conservativism", noting that while it is rooted in conservative principles, many of its policies brought it into conflict with the conservative establishment. Functionalism challenged the traditional position of women and was willing to go against social convention for the sake of war and the economy; it fought the church over the role of the state and emphasized an imagined future rather than glorious history. Roche's assessment was that "Functionalism merged the carefully drawn lines of public and private as it aimed to consume all facets of life". He called the movement "a conservative socialism" or a "socialist conservatism", a position that drew much criticism. Another similar position, made by President of Sainte-Chloé Camille Pètain, argued that "Functionalism was not conservative, but a truly futurist and revolutionary movement which seeks to transform all aspects of society under the totalitarian control of the state. The very idea of a 'nostalgic future' is a progressive statement in the belief of the one who holds it."
A strong element of criticism of Functionalism, both historically and contemporarily, that arises from more traditional strands of conservative thought focuses on its relationship with nationalism and national identity. Conservatives in Euclea at the time viewed Functionalism as being "revolutionary" to the idea of the Euclean nation-state. They rejected its idea of cultural assimilation and the reaching of an 'apex culture', arguing that the demarcated lines of Euclea's states broadly represented a universal application of ethnicity, nationality and sovereignty. Within Gaullica, it was a strong point of contention from emerging Champanian, Miersan and other thinkers in the metropole and of all peoples in the colonies, arguing that the idea of cultural assimilation was "imperialism against identity". Though it originally arose as a conservative criticism, it has increasingly become a common argument from postcolonial schools of thought.
Self-contradiction
One of the oldest and most consistent criticisms of Functionalism is that it is self-contradictory. This criticism was lobbed at Functionalism by all of its opponents during its meteoric rise in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Pierre-Louis Pichard, a republican writing after the end of the Great War, described Functionalism as the "ideology of anything and everything" as it did not have a clear position on the main issues of Imperial Gaullican society, instead changing its positions as it saw expedient.
Pichard listed three points of contradiction in Functionalist ideology in his work Parler avec deux bouches (Talking with Two Mouths). First, Functionalism espouses pro-worker, semi-socialistic economic populism but colludes with business interests; second, it promotes a policy of cultural nationalism while maintaining racist policies; third, it exalts the position of women while eroding their rights. Functionalism, Pichard holds, is more a "machine to get elected" than a coherent ideology.
Some Functionalists have criticised this interpretation of the ideology, alleging that while the critique accurately assesses Duclerque's "corruption" of the theory, it fails to recognise historic Functionalism as only one instance of the ideology applied in action. Consequently, true Functionalism cannot be critiqued in this way because it has never been tried. Almost all political scholars reject this as a form of the appeal to purity fallacy.
Religious Criticism
The Chloéois theologian and Archbishop Augustin Thomas is sometimes thought to have indirectly criticised National Functionalism through a formal condemnation of Claude Jarrets' functionalist Holistique National movement in 1920, which saw to completely overturn the Holsitique movement. Thomas condemned the Jarret's educational model as theologically modernist because its goal to transform thought towards a "humanistic set of beliefs devoid of Faith and built upon an atrophied reason, confident that humans could reach a perfect state without Divine Providence". Thomas claimed that this was not only a rejection of truth, but also vain trust in human power alone to rectify all problems without the aide of grace. In addition, the desire of Jarrets to "make the Church and all other institutions subservient to the State" was irreconcilable with Catholic belief "because it seeks to make the Church and the Faith a mere tool of the State". Thomas held that while the common good of a human society is a good thing, it is fundamentally temporal and that man's true and primary end lies in something eternal, namely God, and thus the subversion of the Church to the state is directly harmful for the eternal welfare of souls.
Although at the time of the condemnation Thomas was careful to not explicitly call out National Functionalism but rather only Jarrets and his movement, many in Sainte-Chloé believed the ideas in the condemnation implicitly extended to cover Functionalism. Thomas himself expounded more on functionalism in his writings following the end of the Great War, and claimed in his 1938 book Modernism that functionalism was itself an ideology deeply intertwined with the heresy of modernism, but like most modernist heresies was inadmissible even according solely to human reason. In the book, he claimed that "Functionalism is an ideology which first rejects right reason and true philosophy, and according to that modernist understanding there can be no room for true faith. Truth is the 'ideal society', and not a Person, Jesus Sotirias, and so religion at best must merely be a hollow means to attain that end or elsewise completely rejected." Thomas' rejection was not universally accepted by Catholic clergy, especially before the end of the Great War, where many clerics supported the functionalist regime. However it was influential in shaping the thought of certain clerics and laity, mostly after the War and most particularly in Sainte-Chloé, where it influenced both Camille Pètain and Raymond Rivière.
In popular culture
See also: The Great War in popular culture
In the years following his rise to power, Rafael Duclerque became an incredibly popular figure to satirise in publications and newly released pieces of cinema. Initially, it was thought of impossible to satirise Functionalism without poking fun at its unorthodox leader. Before and during the Great War, several Estmerish and Weranian cartoonists and satirists depicted Duclerque as a mild mannered, meek man - with a strong emphasis on his dentistry background.
Works from The Pillory often commented on Gaullican political developments for the Estmerish audience. The Pillory portrayed the Functionalists as bumbling blowhards. Duclerque was often portrayed performing dental surgery on some aspect of Gaullican society. Other pieces of art criticised or highlighted elements of his policies. One of the most famous came from the affiliated paper to the SGIO; A La Mort which poignantly highlighted the issue of the gold standard thrust upon Duclerque's position when he ascended to power.
As the Functionalists grew in notoriety, much of their appearance came across as villainous and evil. Much of the work of the Weranian expressionists characterised elements of Functionalism as 'evil', or used its themes to discuss political and social ills. During the Great War, the propaganda of the Grand Alliance balanced a carefully drawn parallel between Functionalist incompetence and irrevocable evil.
At the end of the Great War, a surge of books, films and pieces of theatre arose in both Gaullica and around the world to satirise the regime. In Gaullica, ridiculing the regime became a form of protest against Functionalism and as a rejection of its authoritarian identity. Radio, television, film and literature became awash with critiques of Functionalism. The tv-comedy Les Ministères (The Ministries) which ran from 1960 - 1964 focused on a fictional 'Department for Departmental Organisation' and satirised the bureaucratic morass of the Functionalist state.
Functionalism and Functionalists, most often depicted as faceless soldiers in typical Gaullican war-time attire, have become a sort of stock villain within global cinema and television. Functionalists espouse a form of evil within public consciousness that many find acceptable to turn into irredeemable villains and many famous films are set in the era of Functionalist Gaullica for this reason. They represent a morally evil enemy whom audiences find it easy to cheer against.
Several of these villains include the ruthless Lieutenant Trouvé from the spy-thriller À la veille de demain and the comedic Colonel Dupont from the Estmerish Summer's Sun. However, Functionalist-stock characters have greatly influenced the development of emerging cinema genres, like science fiction and fantasy. Samuel Hérisson's Citoyens du ciel, a space opera saga, introduced a nefarious inter-galactic government that dominated the galaxy. As a political analogy it strongly criticised Functionalism and its rise in politics, namely through the character of High Officer Xipéhuz.
In terms of literature, the oppressive totalitarianism and statist nature of Functionalism is often the main point of political criticism. The regimes within various dystopian, fantasy and sci-fi novels often espouse elements associated with Functionalism. Javier Declan's Marteau des Dieux presents a quasi-Functionalist regime in that of the Empire de l'éternité, known for its oppressive policing of thought, collaborative propaganda and commitment to erosion of 'decadent cultures'. Riposa sotto l'ulivo, a novel by Etrurian socialist Lavoratore Vaccarelli, presents a dystopian society whereby every individual is assigned a 'function', which they serve from birth to death, and failure to adhere to those norms results in societal ostracisation. The Functionalists also serve as textbook villains in comic books; most notably the Gallant Comics supervillain Général Curedent, a figure based on Duclerque who serves as the primary antagonist to Capitan Liberty.
Since the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Functionalism has entered popculture through the medium of video-games. In various first-person shooters, game companies find 'morally unambiguous' enemies in Functionalists. They are a popular 'enemy' to face within campaigns because of this. Various real-time strategy games feature Functionalists or Functionalist Gaullica as playable nations/people. Civitas I and Civitas II both featured Rafael Duclerque as alternative leaders for Gaullica. Crowns and Conquest: The Great War, developed by Enigma, a real-time strategy set during the Great War, focuses heavily on Functionalist Gaullica as a playable nation.
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 de Trintignant, Gaëtan (1881). The Function of Man.
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 Richards, David (1995). The Nature of Functionalism.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Subercaseaux, Hugues (1895). The Rules of Objective Social Science.
- ↑ Wenzel, Klemens (1956). Neo-Functionalism: A New Beast?.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 Smithers, W. J. (1969). National Functionalism: A Comprehensive History.
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 LaRue, Noémie (1999). Gaëtan de Trintignant: The Hidden Villain.
- ↑ 7.0 7.1 "Lettre au Peuple Gaulloise". Héraut de Verlois. 15 March 1861.
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Grosskopf, Tilmann (1962). Grandfather of Evil - De Trintignant.
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 D'Abernon, George (1941). History of the Parti Populaire.
- ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 Elise, Jahn (2017). The Great Collapse and its consequences.
- ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 Clarke, Alan (1989). Political extremism: then and now.
- ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Neri, Jean-Marie (2013). Barricades and Bootstomping: Political Violence through Time.
- ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 Hanson, Shirley (2001). Data in Review: 20th Century Elections.
- ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 Lindenbaum, Aayden (1958). Gaullica 1919: The wings spread.
- ↑ 15.0 15.1 15.2 Deloffre, Lou (1979). Betrayal: the liberals who balked at the left and empowered the far right.
- ↑ 16.0 16.1 Bonnel, Christopher (1987). The Functionalist Consolidation.
- ↑ 17.0 17.1 Souchon, Fabien (1983). Aurélien Montecarde: Hero, Villain or Opportunist?.
- ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 18.3 Charbonneau, Jean (1979). Duclerque and the Death of Democracy.
- ↑ Smething, James (1937). Functionalism: A Gaullican Evil.
- ↑ Hoesenthol, Paul (1953). Could It Happen Here?.
- ↑ Attengard, Hiram (1970). Obedience, Authority, Control: Shocking Revelations.
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 Fukumoto, Haru (1992). National Principlism: Functionalism for the South Coian?.
- ↑ Ianniello, Evangelina (2006). National Solarianism: The Last Gasp of Functionalism.
- ↑ Brecher, Gunnar (1988). Other Duclerques: Functionalism Outside Gaullica.
- ↑ 25.0 25.1 Martuseviciute, Vaida (2019). Ruttish Gaullicanism and the National Resurrection.
- ↑ "Article 12, Section 1 of the Constitution of Gaullica". constitution.gov.ga. 1936. Retrieved 14 June 2023.
- ↑ Dubos, Patricia (2001). DENAT: Building a New Gaullica.
- ↑ van Jaarsveld, Wijnanda (2011). Neo-Functionalist sects in modern Euclea.
- ↑ Zampini, Deanna (2017). Functionalist: The New Old Insult.
- ↑ Cuvillier, Max (1892). Structural functionalism and national functionalism.
- ↑ 31.0 31.1 Karlssun, Siimun (1955). War of the Triple Alliance: The Last Pre-Modern War?.
- ↑ Kornfeld, Max (2011). Valduvia in the 20th Century: Sick Man to Socialist Juggernaut.
- ↑ Klochurak, Bohdan (1987). Causes of the Soravian Republican War.
- ↑ Cook, Emerson (1992). The Shadow of War Over the Long Peace.
- ↑ 35.0 35.1 35.2 35.3 Vaugrenard, Marie-Ange (2007). Gaullican foreign policy after the War of the Triple Alliance.
- ↑ Banks, Joseph (1963). Les frontières: A history of Gaullican irredentism.
- ↑ Hall, John (1959). The Stab in the Back: Gaullica's Greatest Myth.
- ↑ D'Abernon, George (1943). History of the Parti Populaire: Volume II, the Parti in Practice.
- ↑ 39.0 39.1 Grosskopf, Tilmann (1959). Father of Evil - Duclerque.
- ↑ Boutroux, Murielle (1999). Sociology and Functionalism: A Fraught History.
- ↑ de Trintignant, Gaëtan (1889). Reflections On and Of War.
- ↑ 42.0 42.1 Uhlmann, Eileen (2015). Socialist Movements in Euclea, 1800 to 1900.
- ↑ 43.0 43.1 Butler, Zain (1999). Concurrent Comfort and Simultaneous Sadness: The Turn of the 19th Century in Euclea.
- ↑ Escoffier, Barthélemy (2015). The Shadow of an Empire: Gaullica from the War of the Triple Alliance to the Great Collapse.
- ↑ Joubert, Claudette (2011). A comprehensive history of republicanism and anti-clericalism in Gaullica.
- ↑ 46.0 46.1 Beauregard, Jean-Jacques (1998). Gaullican government, 1855-1919.
- ↑ 47.0 47.1 Quintegard, Jacques (1966). The Bedrock of Functionalism? The Gaullican Middle Class.
- ↑ Harcourt, Alfred (1991). New Colonialism.
- ↑ Pflüger, Georg (1967). Annals of Art History: Futurism.
- ↑ Sinclair, James (2003). Proportional or Poor tone? A history of proportional representation.
- ↑ 51.0 51.1 Rodin, Xavier (1994). Jacquinot: Last bastion of liberalism.
- ↑ 52.0 52.1 Plessis, Vivien (1971). A history of the gold standard.
- ↑ "Radical socialists and National Functionalists beat liberals in Gaullican election". The Standard. 15 September 1919.
- ↑ "Kommunist oder Diktator – der galösische Senat muss entscheiden". Der Staatsmann. 15 September 1919.
- ↑ "Duclerque est Premier". Le Monde. 13 November 1919.
- ↑ "Un nouveau stand de tir ouvre dans le centre de Verlois!". Héraut de Verlois. 2 September 1919.
- ↑ "Filles in frills fire on fairer filles!". The Pillory. 2 September 1919.
- ↑ "Fournier is dead: we need a popular front to defeat Functionalism". The Red Pages. 5 August 1920.
- ↑ Ochsner, Jürg (1920). Functionalism is the Greatest Evil of Our Time.
- ↑ Ochsner, Jürg (1922). The Cultural Dominance of the Ruling Elites.
- ↑ Ochsner, Jürg (1959). A Collection of the Many Essays of Jürg Ochsner.