Foreign relations of Yisrael

Royal Foreign Minister Ariel Goldblatt gesturing as he addresses the press.

The foreign relations of the Kingdom of Yisrael are the responsibility of His Majesty's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (known alternatively as His Majesty's Foreign Ministry), which is currently headed by Foreign Minister Ariel Goldblatt.

Introduction

Yisrael is a major global economic and financial hub informally known as the "Banker of Scipia" that is situated at the nexus of the Periclean and Thalassan worlds in West Scipia. In addition to its economic strength, Yisrael possesses an advanced regional military presence.

The Royal Government in Yerushalayim has traditionally pursued a strategy of principled stability and shared prosperity by promoting self government and free market capitalism. This has pitted it against most leftist powers left in the globe, who oppose the Jewish kingdom's anti-communism. Yisrael has advocated morally-guided free markets and social conservatism, and these ideological aims have usually been the key determinants of its relationships with other world nations.

However, in the aftermath of the Hezekian Reaction and election of Yitzchok Katz as president in early 2020, domestic and foreign observers of Yisrael have noticed that Yisraeli foreign policy has shifted in both clear and subtle ways. While continually opposed to anti-capitalist and other left-wing philosophies as state ideologies, the Royalist Counterrevolution has put a new emphasis on a royalist foreign policy, with high importance attached to continuing or cultivating new diplomatic relationships based on the other state's position on monarchism, and putting less weight onto "principled stability" and the status quo. This stance has contributed to the rapid decline of some relationships, such as Yisrael's ties with Talahara and the GA (Oct. 2019-Nov. 2020), and heightened relations with other powers, such as Latium and Lihnidos.

Overview of foreign bilateral relations

Country		Status of Relations				Visa requirements?	Embassy?	Interests section Only?	Foreign policy dispute?
		Direct	Indirect	None
Alanahr			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Ankat		N/A		N/A			N/A		N/A
Aretias			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Arthurista			N/A	N/A		1		N/A	N/A
Ascalzar		2	N/A	N/A			2	N/A	N/A
North Ayeli			N/A	N/A				N/A
South Ayeli		N/A	N/A	3				N/A	3
Belfras			N/A	N/A		1		N/A	N/A
Charnea			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Drevstran			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Elatia		N/A		N/A				N/A	N/A
Enyama (former state)		N/A	4	N/A			4	N/A	4
Enyama, East		N/A	N/A	5				N/A	5
Enyama, West			N/A	N/A				N/A
Erishlands		N/A		N/A				N/A	N/A
Fahran			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Garima			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Garza			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Ghant			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Gelonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Gran Aligonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Gristol-Serkonos			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Holy See		N/A	6	N/A			6	N/A	N/A
Latium			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Lihnidos			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Lion's Rock			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Mesogeia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Mocapaha			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Mysia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Mutul		N/A		N/A			N/A	7	7
Norinnia			N/A	N/A				N/A	8
Onekawa-Nukanoa			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Ostrozava		N/A	N/A					N/A	N/A
Perateia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
South Ottonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
North Ottonia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Sante Reze			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Schaumberg		N/A		N/A				N/A	N/A
Sydalon			N/A	N/A				N/A	9
Talahara			N/A	N/A				N/A	10
Talakh			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Tikal		N/A		N/A			N/A	11	N/A
Tsurushima			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Tyreseia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Unzangazar			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Vannois			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Vardana			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Velikoslavia			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A
Wazheganon			N/A	N/A				N/A	N/A

Footnotes
1. Arthurista, along with Belfras, is among a narrow class of nations of whom Yisrael created bilateral visa-free reciprocal travel policies.
2. As the King of Garza is the ruling Prince of Ascalzar, all Ascalene affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Garza and the Yisraeli Embassy in Ciudad Garza, Garza.
3. Yisrael supports the claim of North Ayeli to be the sole legitimate authority over the whole island of Ayeli, and does not recognize the legitimacy of South Ayeli, widely viewed as a puppet state of Mutul, a hostile state.
4. See Disputed Status below.
5. Yisrael supports the claim of West Enyama to be the sole legitimate authority over its claims in the former country of Enyama, and does not recognize the legitimacy of East Enyama,
6. As the Holy See holds no territory, but the Papacy is based out of Fabria, Castellum, Latium, all Holy See affairs are accredited to the Yisraeli Ambassador to Latium and the Yisraeli Embassy in Castellum ab Alba, Latium.
7. Yisrael and Mutul maintain indirect relations despite the international sanctions regime by designating the neutral power Sante Reze as the protecting power, with Yisrael having an interests section in the Sante Reze Embassy in Kalak'Muul, Mutul. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.
8. Yisrael supports the claim of Norinnia over its claims in the former country of Enyama.
9. Sydalon and Yisrael are currently engaged in the 2022 Sydalon diplomatic crisis over the Yarden Accords and ties have dimmed from warm to very cold. Yisrael expelled the Sydalene ambassador and recalled its own ambassador from Sydalon, a very serious sign of diplomatic breach between the two states.
10. Talahara has objected to the Hezekian Reaction in early 2020. In October 2020, it closed the border and instituted a full trade embargo and other sanctions against Yisrael due to the Onekawan Affair. The trade embargo and sanctions were lifted in early December 2020 with a Latium-brokered agreement to end the Onekawan Affair. While the border was reopened, both states view each other warily.
11. Yisrael maintains an interests section in the Arthuristan Embassy in Tikal City, Tikal. The chief of the section is the Consul-General.

Special relationships

Arthurista

Main article: Arthurista-Yisrael relations

Friendly

Fahran

Main articles: Fahrani Civil War and Fahran-Yisrael relations

Gran Aligonia

The GA and Yisrael have a had long-running ties as closely-linked Periclean trade partners for centuries. Formal diplomatic recognition was exchanged in the 18th century, and both an ancient Jewish community as well as a more recent expatriate Yisraeli community existed on the islands since that point.

Relations were cordial from the mid-1700s until the late 19th century, when Yisraeli imperialists started eying the island-state as a possible geo-strategic colonial possession amid growing tensions with Sydalon and its Latinic allies in the western Periclean and southern Belisarian basin. Although the idea percolated in right-wing Yisraeli circles between the 1870s and 1910s, war hawks remained focused on the West Scipian Contention with Sydalon, especially in the build-up to the 2nd West Scipian War (1915-1918).

In the late 1920s, a right-wing hawkish government came to power, eager to expand its holdings from the Protectorate of Tarshish (in modern-day NW Messidor Union) to escape the near-enclosure by Sydalon and its allies in a future conflict. With the GA's increasing isolation and cut ties with major powers such as Latium and Lihnidos, Royalist Conservative Prime Minister Reuven Levy orchestrated the 1932 2-16 Incident, which saw Yisraeli-backed Aligonian nativists attack a visiting Yisraeli warship in the Villa Romera harbor, killing several sailors and moderately damaging the ship in a brazen daytime attack.

The Levy administration declared war and the GA fell to Yisraeli occupation in less than a week. A colonial regime, the Protectorate of Gran Aligonia, was proclaimed over the island chain, and it was strongly fortified in anticipation for the next war. Thousands of Yisraelis moved to the island seeking business opportunities, an exotic locale, or to fill military and colonial administration posts.

The GA remained under Yisraeli rule for another eighteen years until a Latium-backed uprising and expeditious landing by Latinic-trained expat GA troops in December 1950 amid the three-way civil war among Yisraelis both in Yisrael and its colonies. In January 1960, outgoing President Asher Berkowitz, an avowed liberal, signed a diplomatic treaty reopening relations between the island-group and Yisrael. Over the course of the 1960s and 1970s, a slow trickle of Yisraelis started returning to Gran Aligonia for business or tourist opportunities.

Under President Noah Feldman, Yisrael actively started cultivating allies in the moderate royalist bloc under Artús Montecalvo under absolute monarch Prince Veremundo. However, with the outbreak of the 2019-2020 Gran Aligonian crisis and Veremundo's abdication and support of the republican bloc, ties frayed. Veremundo attempted to expel all foreign state and private armed forces from the isles in 48 hours, a move all foreign parties rejected. Veremundo ally and Interim GA Grand Minister and republican protest leader Leuter Sion later upped the rhetoric slamming the leaders of Yisrael, Latium, and the Roth Group (whose PMC division had numerous contractors working in the GA).

Diplomatic relations had continued to plummet, with cold-cum-hostile ties between Yisrael and the GA. Under Sion, a "war of words" broke out between the GA leadership and Yisraeli leadership, and to some extent against leaders from other Western Monarchies like Latium and Lihnidos. These tensions flaired for most of 2020.

However, in November 2020, center-right reformist candidate Artús Montecalvo won the Chancellory of Gran Aligonia over Sion. Widely perceived to be pro-WM and pro-Yisrael, he quickly reversed a number of hostile or unfavorable policies against Yisrael and its interests, including the Roth Group PMCs. In early winter 2020, the three main WM powers - Latium, Lihnidos, and Yisrael - met in a summit with the GA and normalized ties and shared interests.

Under the current administration in each country, diplomatic ties have grown strong and robust, and Yisraeli-GA relations have reached what many analysts believe is their apex.

Gristol-Serkonos

Relations between Yisrael and Gristol-Serkonos date back centuries. The various disparate Kahnawà꞉ke nations was unified under the League of Serkonos under Grand Chief Karonghyontye in the 1160's while the Kingdom of Gristol was formed in the 1340s when several Nordic and Skagish-Aureumterran colonies were unified under King Griswald Eist. Formal relations between the three countries were formed in 1716 after the founding of the Kingdom of Yisrael.

Formal diplomatic relations under the unified United Kingdom and Constitutional Union of the Kingdom of Gristol and the League of Serkonos began in 1869 following the formation of the federal government. Since 1869, Gristo-Serkonan and Yisraeli governments have signed various bilateral trade and foreign relations treaties. Following the XR-704 incident, it was revealed that Gristo-Serkonan and Yisraeli intelligence and foreign relations agencies to share diplomatic and foreign intelligence reports.

Both heavily trading nations, trade between Gristol-Serkonos and Yisrael accounts to 10% of Gristol-Serkonos' annual exports. Both countries export computer technology, manufactured goods, industrial machinery, and raw materials.

Analysts note both countries maintain friendly ties, dating back to at least the 1970s. Due to Yisraeli interest in the ideological conflict in former Enyama as well as the Belfras-Mutul Kayamucan contention, Gristol-Serkonos has been an important geopolitical partner.

Onekawa-Nukanoa

Main article: Onekawa-Yisrael relations

Cordial and neutral

North Ottonia

Main articles: North Ottonia-Yisrael relations, Ottonia, and Operation Bamidbar

Ottonian-Yisraeli relations, both formally and informally, date back centuries. However, with the Partition of Ottonia in 1950, both countries had severed ties due to the Autocracy government's (1941-1951) overwhelming support to the Kaarlus Klaussunn-led royal Ottonian government which was driven out of much of the country during the Ottonian Revolution (1943-1950) by North Ottonia's predecessor republican, left-wing, and anti-royalist movements.

President Asher Berkowitz traveled to the Ottonian Federal Republic in June 1955, six years almost exactly to the day the last Yisraeli trainers and troops left Ottonia, and gave a public apology for the Kingdom's actions during Operation Bamidbar and the Revolution. He was politely embraced by his fellow liberal, Premier Harald Baaltrsunn, and both governments formally established diplomatic ties.

Over the next few years, both economies experienced growing business networks and import/exports. Baaltrsunn's successor, Junna Braandur, more warmly befriended Berkowitz and Yisraeli society, and visited Yisrael in 1957. This was followed by a cultural exchange program in 1958. This exchange program led to a particular subculture of Ottonian-accented Anglic speakers in Yisrael compared to the then-typical Arthuristan-taught Anglic language and grammar, imprinting a generational divide among Yisraeli Anglic-speakers between those with Ottonian accents and Arthuristan accents and the subsequent Anglic cultural influence between each.

Ties broadened continually between the late '50s and early 1960s, with a stronger Ottonian-Yisraeli bond forming during the Fourth West Scipian War (1963-1966), when Sydalon under a irredentist fascist government invaded Yisrael to annex it completely under the Sydalene banner. The long Ottonian Premiership of Eleonur Hendrsunn (1959-1980) and a series of Constitutional Liberal presidents starting with Berkowitz and going, almost uninterrupted until Boaz Benayoun (1968-1974) and his Vice-President Tal Habbad (1974-1976), created a generation-long liberal synergy between both powers.

Relations cooled and turned chilly with the election of Binyamin Schwartz in 1976 and the Yarden backlash, and throughout the late '70s and early-mid 1980s, Yisrael reoriented geopolitically towards the royalist and conservative Western Monarchies. Following this, Schwartz realigned Yisraeli support towards South Ottonia, further angering politicians in the North. Despite this, economic ties actually grew as Yisraeli investors poured tens of millions of shekels into both Ottonias. This dichotomy - worsening political relations but growing economic intertwining - occurred from the 1980s through the 1990s and early 2000s.

The election of Con-Lib Eitan Herzog (2004-2012) reset relations, with both countries hosting more bilateral meetings and sharing public rhetoric towards international events. Herzog's successor, Conservative Noah Feldman (2012-2020), while a hawk and more firmly in the western monarchy camp, straddled his policy towards both Ottonias, retaining improved ties with NO while also upgrading relationships with South Ottonia. On the Ottonian side, Herzog and Feldman found a willing partner in Sofya Rudulf, who was Premier from 2007-2019. Rudulf emphasized growing openness and improved ties with "the South", including both western Belisario-Scipia as well as South Ottonia, specifically.

However, relations dipped slowly over the Feldman years, as by the second term of his administration, Feldman more aggressively spoke out against global republicanism and socialism, irritating the North. Since Junn Andrsunn (2019-) became Premier, relations became strained as the Gran Aligonian crisis broke out, the sudden Hezekian Reaction and election of firmly right-wing Yitzchok Katz (2020-) occurred in Yisrael, and the Periclean basin became a battleground between the capitalist-monarchist bloc and their opponents, of whom North Ottonia was directly aligned with.

Since January 2020, many foreign policy analysts have characterized bilateral ties as "restrained neutrality," having lost the luster of its previous cordiality.

Sante Reze

Main articles: September Crisis (Ajax) and Sante Reze-Yisrael relations

Unfriendly

Talahara

Main articles: Talahara-Yisrael relations, Hezekian Reaction, and Onekawan Affair

Formerly hostile, now cordial (post-1973)

Sydalon

Main articles: Sydalon-Yisrael relations and Yarden Accords

Sydalon and Yisrael had been at odds for centuries, dating back to the first third of the 13th century when the First Crusade landed in modern-day Sydalon and created several crusader states that ruled various parts of the early medieval Jewish realm located in modern-day Yisrael.

In the early modern era, Sydalon and Yisrael clashed in the first of the West Scipian Wars, from which emerged a centralized, unified Jewish state. Relations ebbed and flowed in the next two centuries, but geopolitical rancor re-emerged during the Era of Great Nationalism in the mid-to-late 19th century, when both Sydalene and Yisraeli societies were gripped by new pan-nationalist and imperialist ideologies. In the last years of that century, a cold war became the bilateral reality for both kingdoms.

Pan-nationalist regimes in both countries would lead to the Second (1910s), Third (1941; 1949), and Fourth (1960s) West Scipian Wars. A major objective of these national visions was control over the Yarden River Valley and attempts by one nation to annex the other. After the Fourth War, guided by pro-peace governments and the major Great Powers such as Arthurista and Latium, a five-year peace process emerged that culminated in the signing of the 1973 Yarden Accords.

The 1970s and 1980s remained fraught with subtle tension and paranoia about a betrayal of the pact, but by the late '80s, a cold peace turned warmer as generational changes and strong institutional and governmental backing of the Accords in both nations built trust. By the year 2000, a generation of peace and building trust led to a cordial relationship and deepening commitment to the "Yarden status quo."

By the time of the 2017-18 Sydalene Revolution, relations had settled warmly to such the extent that the fears of an Yisraeli military intervention was perceived among the revolutionary Sydalene leadership not as a way to invade and annex Sydalon, but to support the Monarchy of Sydalon and the continuation of an independent Sydalene state.

Bilateral relations are warm and cordial, and as the two states enter the 2020s, foreign policy analysts expect closer ties to continue to flourish. However, by 2022, that pattern broke as the 2022 Sydalon diplomatic crisis broke out, chilling ties between the two states as both governments traded public tit-for-tat criticism over the other's conduct and allegations of malice regarding the Yarden Accords. Yisrael expelled the Sydalene ambassador and recall its own from Sydalon, symbolizing the severe break in ties. Both royal families have maintained robust relationships to avoid armed conflict, but the normal levels of cooperation of pre-2022 have receded in many cases.

Latium

Main articles: Latium-Yisrael relations and Latin-Yisrael Higher Education School Credit Reciprocity Agreement

Latium and the Jews of West Scipia have a long and storied history, dating back to the 1st century BCE. A civil war in Judea between two claimants under the Chasmonian dynasty led to the invitation of the Latins to mediate, leading to the Chasmoneans' overthrown and installation of a Latin puppet king Herod and his heirs before the Latin Empire seized direct control of Judean governance in the 1st century CE. Latinic pagan rule was severe and hard towards traditional Jews, but a sign of new progress, ideas, and technology for others.

The Latins ruled for several centuries before they withdrew from most of their Scipian holdings in the early Middle Ages, when the Mesfin Empire overran their northern Scipian territories. Relations were re-established c. 1100 CE when the collapse of the Almurid Caliphate led to the Jews of occupied Judea to declare themselves the Medina Yehuda; Medina Yehuda and Latium maintained ties until 1237, when the former was overrun by the First Crusade's Sydalene Crusader States.

The 15th and 16th century saw an explosion in cross-strait trade, with a high volume of Latin and Yisraeli traders frequenting the other's country. In the 17th century, a formal embassy was revived by both states, and in 1715 the Latin Emperor was one of many who sent congratulatory messages to the new Yisraeli king upon his country's ascension as a fellow kingdom.

Relations were cordial and static between the early 18th and late 19th century; in reaction to rise of pan-nationalist sentiments in Sydalon and Yisrael in the 1860s onward, Latium started strongly favoring Sydalon in the event of a future conflict. In turn, the Yisraelis leaned heavily on Arthuristan diplomatic and military assistance, with both powers backing their respective West Scipian states in the West Scipian Contention.

Between 1890s and late 1960s, Latin-Yisraeli relations were practically non-existent and hostile due to the intermittent West Scipian Wars. Latium backed the Yarden peace process and the subsequent 1973 Yarden Accords. Latin opinion towards Yisrael usually tracked Sydalon's; as Sydalon-Yisrael relations improved in the late 1980s - early 2000s, so did Latin-Yisrael ties.

Geopolitical analysts note that at the cusp of the 2020s, Latin-Yisraeli ties suddenly grew much closer: the messy 2019-2020 Gran Aligonian crisis, the sudden royalist Hezekian Reaction, and the election of Yitzchok Katz, whose Cabinet is noticeably pro-Latium. With intertwine interests in Gran Aligonia, and a Yisraeli government much more favorably disposed towards Latium's conservative-royalist geopolitical orientation, the two countries have begun to engage in high-level diplomatic talks and, alleged by their critics, joint anti-republican actions in the GA and elsewhere. Latium quickly fast-tracked Yisrael's joining of the royalist-leaning military Periclean Pact as an Associate member in December 2019, with the Katz administration pursuing the full membership track ever since.

The biggest surprise in international politics at the start of the 2020s may be the fast-growing diplomatic, geopolitical, military, and security ties of Latium and Yisrael.

Disputed status

Enyama

Enyaman Civil War

Before the Enyaman Civil War (2019-2022), the former state of Enyama and Yisrael enjoyed friendly relations. However, the breakup of the Norumbian country into several warlord factions caused diplomatic and geopolitical turbulence. The former government of President Muratagi Eijiro fell into one such category as the so-called "Enyaman National State," which has degenerated into a dictatorial regime over which Muratagi and his loyalists have absolute control, and which in the view of the Government of Yisrael rejects the customary international norms of legitimate governments.

Subsequently, Yisrael cut ties and evacuated its embassy staff and nationals residing or visiting Enyama. Muratagi's regime reciprocated with its embassy staff in Yisrael, though some Enyaman diplomats defected to Yisrael or otherwise fled outside the Enyaman embassy grounds in Yerushalayim and were permitted by Yisrael to freely travel to other countries of their choosing.

President Noah Feldman and his administration, along with many fellow Western Monarchies such as Latium and Belfras, backed the Three Colors Army faction. Yisrael and others viewed the military faction as the most competent and pro-capitalist group in the conflict, especially as the best counterweight to the leftist- and Ochran powers-oriented so-called "Democratic Coalition."

Given the diplomatic situation, there was no current Yisraeli consular presence in Enyama. However, Yisraeli advisors and liaisons are attached to the Three Colors Army and backchanneling to the Muratagi faction exists through the National State's ally, Ghant, of whom Yisrael enjoys close and friendly ties. The government has a travel advisory strongly warning citizens not to visit the fractured country. President Yitzchok Katz (2020-present) has continued the policy of supporting the Three Colors faction.

Post-civil war (2022-current)

Following the frozen peace in 2022, Yisrael established diplomatic relations and exchanged embassies with the Banno Shogunate, also referred to as West Enyama as well as Norinnia, but did not extend recognition or consular ties to East Enyama, viewed as backed by many states in the leftist Kiso Pact.

See also

• Foreign relations of Latium