History of Gylias
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|History of Gylias|
The history of Gylias has been shaped by its geographic position, a series of human migrations and contacts, a series of wars, and various social, economic, and political movements.
Human habitation of Gylias began in the Upper Paleolithic. The Gylic peoples, the majority of whom originated in Siduri, arrived in Gylias over a longer period of time. Under pressure of Bronze Age collapse and expansionism from other civilisations, their states constituted the Liúşai League in the 4th century BCE.
The Liúşai League would last until the early 18th century. It was successful in defending Gylic independence against various external threats. Its seafaring nature, economic prosperity, and democratic development attracted migration and settlement of other peoples, contributing to ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity.
The Ŋej began to arrive in the 17th century, with their colonisation activities causing tensions. These led to the Colonisation War, in which the Ŋej state of Xevden conquered the League, but lost its homeland in the process to simultaneous foreign invasion. The imposition of Xevdenite rule resulted in the reorganisation of the economy and the marginalisation of existing Gylic and non-Gylic populations. The demographic disparity between the Xevdenite elite and other populations encouraged popular resistance.
Following the Rebellion of 1749, the Treaty of Aðnat established a tenuous peace under queen Senalta. Under her rule, Xevden was transformed into a nominal constitutional monarchy, modernising reforms were introduced, and native populations received some freedoms but were largely excluded from citizenship. Her institution of a monotheist state religion deepened religious strife.
The Xevdenite state reverted to an authoritarian course after Senalta's death. Deficient industrialisation and severe corruption hollowed out the state from the inside, while the Gylian ascendancy produced a common Gylian identity and created institutions and organisations outside the Xevdenite state. The Glorious Rebellion, although an ultimate failure, succeeded in splitting the ruling class, allowing the emergence of a reformist moderate conservative government in the 1890s and then a liberal–nationalist coalition in 1900.
The reactionary backlash to the latter led to a coup d'état in 1902, which installed king Karnaz. Karnaz attempted to assert autocratic power and suppress threats to his rule. Heavy-handed repression was undermined by centuries of administrative decay, and disastrous foreign policy caused the Cacerta-Xevden War. A victorious Cacertian Empire incorporated the province of Alscia in 1908. Alscia's rapid economic and social development made it a crucial base for Gylian resistance and radicalisation.
In the 1930s, the new king Láaresy attempted to resolve Xevden's crisis by ending repression and seeking a constitutional settlement. His efforts were too late, and extreme polarisation and conflicts erupted in the Liberation War. The victorious faction would be the Free Territories, which succeeded in uniting the opposition under its umbrella and defeated Xevden.
Gylias became independent in 1958, and a transition from the Free Territories took place. Numerous elements of the Free Territories were preserved, including direct democracy, economic model, and legal foundations. Gylian life was permanently changed by the Golden Revolution, which touched on every aspect of the country.
- 1 Early history
- 2 Liúşai League
- 3 Xevden
- 4 Liberation War
- 5 Modern Gylias
Human settlement of the Gylian region is documented as early as 20.000 BCE. Various nomadic populations inhabited the area during the Stone Age, and different archaeological cultures have been identified.
Ancestors of the Gylic peoples began to arrive in Gylias sometime between 10.000 – 8.000 BCE. Many of the Gylic tribes originated elsewhere in Siduri, and were driven eastwards by the emergence of complex societies, such as Arkoenn, Tennai, and Quenmin. The Eşari and Dalak, who settled the southern islands, arrived by sea and are of unclear provenance.
The transition from hunter-gatherer lifestyles to agriculture and settlement took place between the 7th and 4th millennia BCE. The first Gylic states took shape during this period. Movement by land was originally restricted by the Yaskan people, whose stronghold in the Salxar and Naryn Mountains gave them control over the Mytin Pass and western entrance. The Zinerans were able to settle in eastern Gylias due to their distance from Yaskans, and the Varans would later separate from the Zinerans to form their own tribe.
Wars with various tribes and emerging powers ultimately led to Yaskans losing control over the mountain gateways in the 9th century BCE. Other populations settled in the region, including the Tanans, Rezakans, Tomesians, and Aréş. These either shared similar languages which were assimilated into the Gylic sprachbund, or were Gylicised through cultural assimilation.
Early development of sailing techniques allowed sea contact with nearby cultures, including Cacertians and Miranians in Kirisaki. Other influences during the period included Tennaiite culture and contact with Syaran Makedonians, dating to the 1300s BCE.
The mismatch between the low population and large mainland made military conflict between Gylic states impractical, allowing relations to evolve in a cooperative direction. Cultural-linguistic similarities helped draw the states closer, while expansion from Arkoennites and Ainetui led them to form alliances to resist external pressures.
More than a simple military alliance, the Liúşai League was also a loose confederation of Gylic states. These used various forms of government, including elective monarchies and republics, but shared a common democratic evolution. Each community formed a governing assembly to govern itself directly, and selected delegates to larger assemblies at the state or League level, establishing the foundation of Gylian direct democracy.
Low population on average prevented the growth of social inequality and the emergence of aristocracy like in other parts of Tyran. Rural areas practiced collective farming based on the principle of communal land. Cities, mainly concentrated on the coast, benefited from seafaring traditions and flourished through trade.
The prosperity, stability, and democracy of the League proved attractive to immigrants, and sustained migration rates consolidated ethnocultural diversity. Influenced by Hellene settlement and ties with Cacerta and Kirisaki, the League achieved significant social and cultural development during its existence. Many of its cities remarked themselves as centres of education, research, culture, and the arts.
Having already faced Viking raiders from Acrea and Æþurheim, the Liúşai League gained a new enemy in the 12th century: Mansuriyyah. Conflicts over Mansuri islamic missionaries escalated into a failed war of conquest, known as the Quliyasi Jihad. The religious aspect of the conflict galvanised League opposition in a way that the Vikings had not, producing an exceptionally bitter conflict.
Much of the conflict would resemble a series of tit-for-tat raids and sacks. Against the Mansuris' aggressive tactics, the League employed a Fabian strategy of harrying the invaders and refusing pitched battle except when they possessed numerical superiority.
The Quliyasi Jihad engendered a strong hostility to monotheist religions in Gylic societies. Gylic authorities introduced stricter bans on missionary activity, treating it as a threat to the public order. One Mansuri scholar wrote that the Quliyasi Jihad managed to turn Gylics into "the most tenacious and resourceful enemy" of islam in Siduri.
The Ŋej people began to arrive in the 17th century. They established early settlements in the Nerveiík Peninsula, and traded with Gylics. However, their activities aroused tensions, particularly after several incidents that made Gylics think they had a hidden agenda. Their arrival in increasing numbers worsened the situation.
Tensions erupted in 1695, when the Ŋej state launched the Colonisation War against the Liúşai League. The war lasted 9 years, with the Ŋej advancing slowly northwards in the face of the League's determined resistance and war of attrition tactics.
Disaster struck the Ŋej during the campaign: their concentration of forces for the Colonisation War allowed neighbours to declare war and conquer it. The Ŋej elite, military, and many civilians fled the conquest of their homeland by sea, and landed in the territories seized by the Colonisation War.
When the war ended in 1704, a new state of Xevden was proclaimed. The Colonisation War was a disaster for the Ŋej: having lost their homeland to foreign invasion, they found themselves a numerically inferior alien elite ruling over vast territory inhabited by populations now hostile to them. The trauma of the war determined the course of Xevden for the rest of its history.
Xevden was precarious throughout its first decades. The authorities imposed an authoritarian system of rule, resulting in the reorganisation of the economy along aristocratic–oligarchic lines and the marginalisation of the native populations. However, the Ŋej remained outnumbered by the other populations, putting a limit on the extent to which they could rule by violence.
The Gylic and other populations resisted the Xevdenite conquest. Native bandits and guerrilla fighters known as kyðoi, proliferated, taking refuge in the mountains and attacking Xevdenites. The size of conquered territory advantaged the kyðoi, as Xevdenites constantly sought ways to strengthen their grip on power. While a new aristocracy benefited from the dispossession of rural common land, high taxation and military burdens fueled unrest.
Having steadily weakened the authorities through attrition, the Gylics launched a massive uprising in the Rebellion of 1749. The uprising was highly successful: at its height, rebels controlled discontinuous territories in the west, east, and the Nauras peninsula. Their success threw the Xevdenites into panic. A palace coup brought Senalta to the throne. She managed to negotiate a peaceful end to the rebellion, signing the Treaty of Aðnat in 1754.
Senalta ruled through enlightened absolutism. She made an enemy of the nobility, and depended greatly on support from Gylic and non-Gylic populations, who saw in her their first hopes of ameliorating their position. Building on the Treaty of Aðnat, she introduced reforms and made Xevden a nominal constitutional monarchy. Citizenship was granted to the Ŋej, but the other populations received a lesser official status and some benefits, including the right to use of their languages.
Seeking ways to strengthen the state, Senalta devised a state religion known as salvationism. The measure backfired: native populations determinedly stuck by their traditional beliefs in defiance. The state made no effort to spread salvationism, using it simply as a criteria for privileges.
Food riots coalesced into another large-scale uprising in 1789, which was resolved through more concessions and reforms.
At the time of her death in 1804, Senalta had secured a fragile peace for Xevden, much of it dependent on her personality and skillful balance of competing interests. Her successors lacked both her assertiveness and ability to walk a tightrope among factions. The nobility regained power at the expense of the monarchy. A shift towards a racist and social spencerist justification for their rule took place, pushing Xevden towards greater authoritarianism.
The Industrial Revolution reached Xevden in the 19th century, ushering in a transition towards capitalism. However, its industrialisation was deficient, and the economy was hobbled by high inequality, poverty, and pervasive corruption and administrative decay.
Due to Xevdenite marginalisation, Gylic and non-Gylic populations were able to undergo a national awakening. They benefited from the right to teach in their own languages, and haphazard Xevdenite resettlement attempts that had simply increased mutual interaction.
During the 19th century, the Gylian ascendancy united these strands and produced a common, flexible Gylian identity. Concentrating on strengthening the nation, Gylians established a network of organisations outside Xevdenite authority, including clandestine education, mutual organisations and cooperatives to improve their economic condition, and publishing and other cultural outlets.
Opposition to Xevden and state monotheism were the main unifying force of the Gylian ascendancy. One of its unexpected effects was the Gylianisation of the Ŋej. Ever since Senalta there had been a gap between ordinary and aristocratic Ŋej, which capitalism made unbridgeable. The majority of ordinary Ŋej were similarly poor and mainly interacted with Gylics, while the aristocracy isolated itself from the populace, manifesting in severe diglossia. Gylians encouraged and exploited this gap: language secessionism and Gylic relexification turned Ŋej into a Gylic language, while the elite grew isolated and were identified as "Xevdenites".
The ascendancy allowed the dissemination of radical ideas to a receptive audience. Over time, the majority of Gylians were exposed to feminism, communism, socialism, anarchism, and similar ideas, which grew in support.
A revolution in 1848 resulted in the convocation of the first Gylian national assembly. Meeting in Keraþ, the assembly produced a liberal democratic constitution, proposing a strengthened parliamentary democracy, less powers for the monarchy, decentralisation of the state, and universal citizenship and suffrage. The Keraþ constitution displeased the radical leftist factions, but was stalled by the Xevdenites.
Irritation with Xevdenite delays launched the Glorious Rebellion in 1856. The rebellion seized a large territory in south-western Laişyn, and implemented radical democratic reforms, following the model of the Liúşai League. Despite military successes, the rebellion failed to overthrow the state, being ultimately suppressed in 1868.
In response to the failures of 1848 and 1856–1868, two main factions emerged in the Gylian opposition. One advocated pursuing its aims through constitutional or non-violent means, rather than undertaking more fruitless uprisings. The other advocated a confrontationist approach, and hardening violent resistance. The influence of the confrontationists, insurrectionary anarchism and illegalism completed the kyðoi's evolution into modern freedom fighters.
While Xevden defeated the Glorious Rebellion in the end, its tenacity shocked the ruling class. Aware of their essentially lucky escape, the authorities took a less confrontational course and acted more carefully. The Xevdenites split between reactionaries who sought to maintain the authoritarian and unequal system, and more pragmatic traditionalists who advocated concessions to Gylians to preserve Xevden.
The pragmatists gained the upper hand after 1868. A succession of governments attempted constitutional reforms to resolve the "Gylian Question", many sabotaged by the intractable reactionaries. Unrest grew due to neglect of the economy, and Xevden was hard-hit by a depression in 1888–1889. Following hard-won electoral reforms, the 1890 election produced a hung parliament, with a narrow plurality for the ruling Party of Order.
Pragmatic leader Raţiáş Keýmer caused a split of the Party of Order and formed a coalition with liberals, Gylian nationalists, and republicans. As Prime Minister, Raţiáş pursued a reformist course and abandoned the traditional laissez-faire approach to the economy. However, the time for constitutional resolution had long passed: his reforms, while significant, proved to little for the increasingly radical Gylians, and further antagonised the reactionaries. His government fell in 1897 after losing republican support, and the reactionaries caused a constitutional crisis by attempting to form a government without parliamentary backing.
Xevdenite and Gylian liberals won their first election in 1900, led by Gezy Nemáz. Gezy's government was confronted by reactionary intransigence and obstruction. Much of its agenda was stalled, although it notably disbanded Xevden's upper house by force and used legislative violence to suppress reactionary obstruction. Panicked, the reactionaries mounted a coup in September 1902, killing the deceased king's other heirs and installing Karnaz — most sympathetic to their cause — as monarch.
Karnaz assumed autocratic power, shut down the legislature, and abrogated the constitution. Seeking to destroy all threats to his rule, he clamped down on the media, opposition parties, and other organisations. However, the heavy-handed repression was sabotaged by Xevden's decades of corruption, resulting in capricious and arbitrary enforcement. The authoritarian turn destroyed any remaining ties between Xevdenites and Gylianised Ŋej, and failed to dent the growing strength of Gylian organisation.
Seeking to end Xevden's pariah status in Tyran, Karnaz pursued a reckless foreign policy course. He allowed a dispute with the Cacertian Empire to get out of hand, triggering the Cacerta-Xevden War in 1904. The war was a disaster for Xevden, but Cacerta settled for modest territorial gains due to fears of over-expansion. The Treaty of Ðajyr, signed in 1908, gave Cacerta possession of several territories, which became Alscia.
The first long-lasting Gylian polity since the Liúşai League, Alscia had a great impact on Gylian history. The province benefited from integration into the Cacertian Empire, experiencing rapid economic, social, and cultural development. It had an activist government, which crafted an interventionist model of economic development, and created the first official social programs.
Gylians living in Alscia enjoyed significant freedom under Cacertian protection. They openly resumed previously discouraged religious practices, and developed a mature democracy, experimenting with direct democracy. Alscia became a centre of Gylian publishing and culture. It retained strong links to the Gylian resistance in Xevden, and played a crucial role in publishing, disseminating, and promoting radical ideologies. It engaged in the Alscian Border War, a series of clashes and raids across the Xevdenite border, and unofficially annexed additional territory as TACS.
Weakened from within by corruption and from without by Cacertian victory, Xevden slid into an unofficial civil war. Karnaz retained power but the state stumbled from one crisis to the next, while emboldened Gylians waged insurgencies and uprisings. The Gylians gained ground against the Xevdenites, managing to obtain de facto independence in some areas. Many of these insurgencies were led by anarchists, establishing an important precedent for attempts to establish an anarchist society.
While most Tyranian governments had ostracised Xevden by this point, they were still wary of Gylian radicalism and thus avoided intervening.
Karnaz died in 1934 and was succeeded by Láaresy, a moderate figure. Láaresy sought to resolve Xevden's crisis peacefully, and launched the 1400 Days' Reform. He ended official repression, released prisoners, restored the constitution, and instituted equal citizenship and suffrage. While he won a brief respite in fighting, it was too late for a constitutional resolution. A new election in 1935 was tainted by fraud and political violence, producing a hung parliament. Determined to achieve a negotiated solution, Láaresy saw off an attempted coup in 1936 and organised new elections in 1937, with similarly violent and inconclusive results.
Riven by extreme polarisation and the proliferation of paramilitaries and weapons on all sides, Xevden entered its death throes under Láaresy. Bitterness over long-stalled changes, Xevdenite fear of loss of privilege, and the widespread insurgencies led factions to prepare themselves for full-blown armed struggle. Clamour for war increasingly drowned out peaceful voices in the moribund polity.
A rebellion by the People's Army in the north sparked the Liberation War on 1 January 1938. Láaresy held back the Xevdenite forces and sought to negotiate a peaceful settlement. The PA stalled negotiations and consolidated control. Inspired by their example, more insurgencies broke out and various factions and paramilitaries seized control of territory. By 1939, Xevden controlled only the Nerveiík peninsula, beginning a period known as the Nerveiík Kingdom.
The first phase of the war lasted from 1938 to 1948. The Gylians rapidly seized the majority of Xevdenite territory, and multiple factions fought over it for control. These included communists, socialists, anarchists, liberals, democratic conservatives, nationalists, Futurists, and others. They also had to face disorganised paramilitaries of Xevdenite reactionaries and anti-communists.
The PA, initially under RSR-inspired authoritarian socialist leadership, was taken over by an anarchist faction. The anarchists formed the Free Territories through the General Declaration of 12 March 1938. The Free Territories self-organised along anarchist principles, and experimented with various methods of political and economic organisation.
Letting other factions fight among themselves for supremacy, the Free Territories gained strength through alliances and aid to other rebellions. Their focus on provision of social services helped attract support: they built a robust supply network, and their anarchist framework could accommodate multiple factions and ideologies. Alscia voted to join the Free Territories in 1939 after the Cacertian Empire's dissolution.
The Nerveiík Kingdom, enduring as a fragile but liberalising constitutional monarchy propped up by foreign support, was destroyed by a reactionary coup on 31 December 1947, which brought the Tymzar–Nalo regime to power.
The second phase of the war lasted from 1948 to 1958. Tymzar committed the Xevdenite army to the conflict. In a large offensive, they pushed back the Gylians. Prudent retreats, attrition warfare, foreign backing, and two spectacular victories at the battles of Nerazur and Mytin on 14-15 April 1948 returned the initiative to the PA. The Xevdenite offensive mainly decimated the other Gylian factions, which united behind the Free Territories.
Now a straightforward battle between the Free Territories and Xevden, the Free Territories slowly but steadily advanced, liberating the rest of the country. The expansion prompted internal reorganisation in the Free Territories and preparations for victory. Following growing tensions between anarchists and authoritarian socialists, the anarchists broke their tactical wartime alliance in 1956 and purged authoritarians from public life with the Lucian Purge.
The Free Territories won the Liberation War in 1958, with the capture of Velouria. Gylian independence was proclaimed. A transitional period from the Free Territories to Gylias ensued, in which the Free Territories' economic and political model was preserved and expanded to cover the entire country, and economic, social, and cultural life underwent drastic and permanent changes.
National Obligation period
The first years of Gylian independence were dominated by reconstruction after the devastation of the Liberation War. Reconstruction took place in difficult circumstances, known as the National Obligation period. Xevden had been one of the poorest countries in Tyran, but Gylias faced additional suspicion of its anarchist leanings, and had a small industrial base to work from. However, it did benefit from existing Free Territories supply networks and some rebuilding that had already taken place during the war. Absent armed conflict, it could now focus fully on the task.
By applying the Free Territories' economic framework to all of Gylias, profound economic reorganisation took place. The economy was socialised: private enterprises became self-managed cooperatives, land was transferred to collective ownership based on agricultural cooperatives, and key industries and sectors were taken into public ownership, also as self-managed cooperatives. Lange model market socialism was implemented with the creation of the National Prices Board, the Gylian þaler was adopted as a common currency among various currencies, and decentralised planning became the norm.
Reconstruction was financed through federal deficit spending, the issuing of bonds, nationwide savings and resource mobilisation movements, and the use of demurrage-based local currencies. Rationing, previously in use in the Free Territories, was implemented nationwide to cope with inadequate resources.
Political reforms resulted in the consolidation of anarchist self-governance, direct democracy, and the establishment of the Gylian consensus. Popular-driven drafting processes produced the Constitution of Gylias and six codes of law, approved by referendum in 1960-1961. Governance was established on principles of direct democracy and subsidiarity: Gylias became a federal republic, with communal assemblies as the locus of power, and local governments, federal governments and administrative agencies were granted from below only responsibilities for coordination and planning.
The Arnak Trials were carried out between 1958 and 1961, to investigate and punish Xevdenite crimes and war crimes regardless of faction. These and other aspects such as religious policy were criticised abroad as authoritarian. However, the length and devastation of the war depleted the acute radicalisation that preceded it. The Gylian public was satisfied with symbolic and legal revenge against former oppressors, but had little appetite for additional purges, particularly since the assimilation of the Ŋej had greatly reduced the power base of Xevden to begin with.
Various end points for the transition from the Free Territories to Gylias have been proposed, including the adoption of the Constitution in 1961, the abolition of rationing in 1961, or the 1962 federal election at the latest.
During the 1960s and 1970s, Gylias experienced an economic boom. Aided by the implementation of the Hermes Programme, the consolidation of the NPB's pricing mechanism, and the maturation of economic reforms, the Gylian economy grew by an average of 10,6% between 1962 and 1976. As a result of cooperativisation, generous social security, and income redistribution policies, average income per capita grew dramatically as well. While income lagged behind the Sidurian average, Gylias achieved a quality of life comparable to a developed country, with absolute poverty eliminated and inequality drastically reduced.
While social revolution had already begun in the Free Territories and was spread during the transition to Gylias, the economic boom brought great energy and reinforced the Golden Revolution. Carried out by a profusion of sociopolitical mass movements with encouragement and assistance from the Darnan Cyras government, Gylian society was profoundly liberalised and radically reformed. Public education was established on progressive and democratic principles, universal health care was implemented, a sexual revolution took place, and a thriving civil society emerged. It was a time of revolutionary optimism, and the exuberance manifested itself in floushing culture and the arts. The artistic scene that emerged was nicknamed Groovy Gylias, and its innovations drove the Gylian Invasion, which made Gylian popular culture successful and influential in Tyran.
Internationally, Gylias secured acceptance within the region after false starts. It joined the Common Sphere in 1958, which became a cornerstone of foreign policy. Under the able foreign minister Erika Ďileş, it amassed significant soft power and gained a reputation for cosmopolitanism, multilateralism, and commitment to negotiation. It built special relationships with Cacerta and Kirisaki.
Politically, the system assumed its modern shape, based on direct democracy, numerous parties (many organised in electoral blocs), a broad consensus on public policy, and a centre of gravity strongly tilted towards the left. The Darnan Cyras government was dominant at the federal level, helping build the Gylian consensus and encourage the Golden Revolution. Various political movements and ideologies emerged, including modern Gylian conservatism, Donatellist liberalism, various anarchisms, the Movement for Emancipation and Democracy's populism, and diverse Non-inscrits. Regional governments were established in 1970, providing an additional layer of governance between the municipal and federal.
The revolutionary energy gradually ebbed away by the 1976 federal election. An unforeseen tragedy threw the election into chaos, and produced a hung parliament.
Following the election, lengthy negotiations ensued which produced the Aén Ďanez government. It was a fractious coalition government, which reunited the authoritarian socialist Revolutionary Rally with the anarchist Progressive Alliance, determined to restrain the former.
The government ushered in a decade of protracted crisis, known as the wretched decade. Aén took a confrontational approach to politics, and sought greater centralisation, industrialisation, and planning. While many of her policies were either watered down or failed to become legislation, her and the RR's presence was disruptive to politics. Fights with communal assemblies, local governments, and cooperatives and labour affected public confidence.
Gylias' economy was destabilised. Growth rates declined, bottoming out in a recession in 1982–1986. Unemployment rose and prices crept up due to attempts to interfere with the private sector, putting pressure on the þaler in the Common Monetary System. While the strong social safety net cushioned the worst of the impact, the psychological effect was considerable.
Aén's confrontational posture similarly caused a crisis in foreign policy, with most foreign relations suffering and trade going into decline. She clung to office as a caretaker after the inconclusive 1985 federal election. The opposition struggled to form an alternate government.
The Ossorian war crisis erupted in May 1986, when Ossoria revealed Aén's government had covertly supported the terrorist Republican Faction, and the House of Commons voted to declare war on Gylias. The declaration of war was vetoed by the High King. Galvanised, the opposition toppled Aén and formed the Filomena Pinheiro government, a national unity government.
Filomena spent her tenure repairing the damage of the wretched decade. Aén-era policies were canceled, public services and civil service effectiveness were restored, the economy gained space to recover, and foreign relations were rebuilt. Reforms were undertaken to increase controls on legislatures and executives at all levels of governance. Political realignments took place in the late 1980s: many established blocs had to rebuild their reputations after the wretched decade, the authoritarian far-left and far-right were purged from politics, and new forces emerged.
The 1990 federal election was a watershed for contemporary Gylias. For the first time, non-inscrits collectively gained a plurality in the Gylian Parliament. Notable new arrivals included the techno-progressive populist New Alliance for the Future and the sex-positive Love, Nature, Democracy. The Mathilde Vieira government was constituted, a "plural coalition" comprising mainly the Liberal Union and aforementioned, as well as cabinet ministers from parties not officially part of the coalition.
Gylias experienced renewed economic growth and national optimism in the 1990s, as well as a renewal of popular culture and new developments such as the growth of the internet and personal computing. The framework of the Gylian consensus was preserved with minor reforms to adapt to current realities.