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Confederacy of Poja

Konfederacija Poja
Flag of
Motto: Ex Constantia Victoria
"In Steadiness Victory "
and largest metropolis
Recognised national languagesPojački
Recognised regional languagesChernarussian, Dolch Heraqi, Leszczak, Ras, Zagovenske
GovernmentConfederation of autonomous regions
• President
Andrej Petrović
• Chancellor
Jelena Jurić
LegislatureHouse of Magnates
• Treaty of Riamonia
• Treaty of Rugi
13 September 1900
• 2023 estimate
• 2020 census
GDP (PPP)2020 estimate
• Total
$491.07 billion
• Per capita
GDP (nominal)2020 estimate
• Total
$370.7 billion
• Per capita
Currencydinar (Ð)
Date formatdd/mm/yyyy
Driving sideright
Calling code+57
Internet TLD.poj

Poja (Pojački: Konfederacija Poja), or the Confederacy of Poja, is a confederation of seven, autonomous regions organized around a strong federal government in the far southeastern portion of the continent of Argis in Eurth bordering the nations of Baltica, Girkmand, and Leszczawka. The country's establishment is such that each region maintains a very large degree of sovereign autonomy within its borders to create laws, collect taxes, establish infrastructure, and operate as a political entity. The purpose of the federal government is to maintain a cohesive union within the confederacy as well as to deal with matters of state such as foreign affairs, defense procurement, and confederacy-wide laws. As of 2023, the estimated population of Poja is 25.8 million people across an area covering some xxx km² (xxx mi²).

The formation of the Confederacy of Poja came about in late 1900 when the six, independent states of Adjinua, Chernarus, Dosnima, Kratoje, Liaria, and Zagovenske signed the Treaty of Rugi. Prior to the signing of this treaty, these six states existed largely and independent nation-states harkening back to the early 1000s though they were not formalized into polities until the 1700s. Habitation by humans dates back thousands of years with modern-day Poja being a site of at least five major, early civilizations. Beginning in the early 1000s, these tribes began to diverge into various, sub-societies based on differences in dialect, religion, outside influence, and political thoughts. In the 1700s, these independent states formed cohesive nation-states with independent and functioning local and federal governments. With the Industrial Revolution in the 1700s and the 1800s, the growth of these states was significantly more than anticipated. In the 1800s, it became evident that while each independent state could exist on its own, they could never realize their full potential as singular entities.

This presented a major hurdle to the states as they had existed in varying state of peace and conflict since the early 1000s. By the 1880s, rising thought was given to the formation of a cohesive, political union, which was realized in September 1900 with the signing of the Treaty of Rugi, forming the Confederacy of Poja.

Poja existed in relative peace and prosperity until the late 1960s, when oil reserves were discovered near the autonomous region of Chernarus. This led to a secession crisis, which ended with Chernarus being forcibly brought back into the fold after a bloody and destructive, 6-year conflict (1968 - 1974) knowing as the Chernarussian Conflict. Following the end of the conflict however, changes were made to the Treaty of Rugi, providing greater autonomy and power to the autonomous regions of the Confederacy. It was, in many ways, a win for the non-involved regions, a net-zero for Liaria, and a loss for Chernarus.

Following the end of this period, significant reconstruction of Chernarus championed by Rugi helped to suppress some of the fires of discontent. Yet it was not enough to return the country to its period of "Pax Poja" thanks largely in part to another crisis from 1979 - 1981 concerning the autonomy of Heraq, then a part of the Liari Autonomous Region. The crisis was resolved when Heraq was granted sovereignty within the Confederacy of Poja and a reshaping of the country as a whole, which led to significant socioeconomic and political changes in the mid-to-late 1980s and the early-to-mid 1990s.

Since this period, Poja has been a largely stable and peaceful nation, prosperous but not an economic or military powerhouse on the global stage. Yet, despite this, Poja remains seven, independent nations corralled under one, central government and despite over a century of unification, ethnic lines have yet to be erased and the adoption of a "Pojački identity" largely remains a pipe dream.



The word Poja derives from the archaic Liari word pojanak meaning "to gather" or to have a "gathering." It was a word commonly associated with weddings and festivals, when large numbers of people gathered in a central village in celebration. The word had largely fallen out of use by the late 1700s but it was revived during the discussions for the Treaty of Rugi. The framers of the treaty were largely stuck on what to call the new confederation and dozens of names had been suggested by the time Vlastimir Dragaš, long considered the biggest Liari proponent of the treaty offered pojanak. Due to the harsh sound of the name however, it was shortened simply to poja and given as the name of the new country, chiefly based on its meaning. Despite the efforts however, few people within Poja call or consider themselves Pojački. Instead, they largely refer to themselves by their ethnic backgrounds. The Treaty of Rugi had desired that all citizens of Poja set aside their ethnic differences and come together to be a new nationality but this has not materialized even in the 21st century.


Early History (Pre-1000)

Human habitation of modern-day Poja can be tracked back to the Neolithic Age. Despite little information about them, archaeologists studying the early history of modern-day Poja have identified at least four, early culture-complexes. The oldest of these is the Praq Culture (6000 to 3500 BC), which is believed to have inhabited a fairly sizeable area around the area of southern Adjinua, near the border with modern-day Baltica. Despite the proximity to modern-day Baltica though, it is believed that the Praq people originated from elsewhere in Argis and traveled to this area by sea. They represent the earliest settled farming society in modern-day Poja tough there is also evidence of hunting and gathering activities as supplemental to their food supplies.

The next oldest is the Ogrua culture (4500 to 3500 BC), which inhabited an area in the north of the country, near the borders of modern-day Girkmand and Leszczawka. Archeologists find no evidence of overlap between the two cultures and there is no direct evidence that either encountered the other. Evidence shows that the Ogrua people largely stuck to a series of valleys and hills in the northern part of what is currently Dosnima, where they benefitted from freshwater streams, fishing, and farming. Archaeologists are able to uncover ritual behavior from the Ogrua as well as the earliest forms of proto-writing in the area by deciphering symbols of this culture. They also show the earliest known penchant for copper metallurgy. However, it is believed that their culture was wiped out due to a natural disaster of sorts. Archeologists suspect massive flooding in the valleys or perhaps an earthquake event.

The third culture is the Usmar culture (3500 - 3000 BC), another short-lived culture located near the modern-day Lake Usmar in Heraq. Not much is known about them except traces of pottery left behind in caves. It is possible that the Usmar culture were survivors from the Ogrua culture due to some similarities in their living arrangements; however, they had a different language. It is believed that they were overrun by an unknown, non-native culture, perhaps from modern-day Leszczawka but the evidence supporting the origin of this culture is non-existent.

The fourth and final culture is the Ocryae culture (2200 - 1000 BC), which settled on the shorts of the Mediargic Sea in modern-day Chernarus. They were similar to the Praq culture and may have been Praq explorers who traveled up the Keelpijp in search of new lands, ultimately resettling in the same land as their origin. Like the Usmar culture, they were very heavy into pottery, ritual, and proto-writing but were somewhat nomadic. Evidence of their settlements run throughout Chernarus, Heraq, and Zagovenske.

However, beginning in 1000 BC, a single culture came to dominate modern-day Poja, the Adrana culture. The Adrananese culture first appears in the northeastern parts of modern-day Poja near the border with Girkmand. Over the course of the next thousand years, they branched out and began to inhabit almost all parts of Poja, perhaps absorbing remnants of the Ocryae culture. Of all of the early cultures of Poja, they are the most researched and much is known about them. It is from the Adrananese culture that the Adjinuan, Dosniman, and Liari cultures originate, which represents almost two-thirds of the Pojački ethnicities.

It is by 500 BC that the Adrananese tribes solidified their hold on modern-day Poja. They utilized the rough terrain and the geography of Poja to their advantage, building settlements in highly defensible locations, suggesting that in these times, warring tribes from other parts of Argis or perhaps even remnants of other cultures within Poja were an ever-present threat. In doing this, the Adrananese were allowed to grow as a culture and a society much more easily tan their predecessors. Archaeologists have uncovered a significant number of sites with ruins of temples to their pantheon of gods and goddesses. Pagan religions in modern-day Poja all trace their history back to the Adrananese religions and pantheon. Forced religious conversion over the centuries by Catholic and Orthodox religions and countries have heavily reduced the pagan religions in Poja to a small minority.

With a stationary society, the Adrananese were able to evolve in their learning. They evolved new farming practices, astrology and astronomy, mathematics, and writing. The earliest known scroll in Poja, dating back to 288 AD, was written by Adrananese priests. It tells of a fierce battle between two bothers, each of whom wanted to become ruler of their particular tribe. The scroll details a lengthy battle between these brothers and their supporters only to be betrayed at the very end by a man they both trusted, who killed them and assumed the throne for himself. Evidence suggests that this story could very well be true. Other scrolls, written in the 800s, detail battles with foreign tribes "from the north," which historians presume were from Leszczawka. It is believed that the Adrananese and the early Leszczak peoples were mortal enemies. Scrolls also detail incursions from southern tribes, meaning early Balticans and from "across the sea" suggesting that Poja was a major battle ground in these times.

Christianity was first introduced into the region in the 400s. Adoption was, like most places, slow at first. Many missionaries were killed or ritually sacrificed as foreign invaders but, gradually, over time, Christianity began to take a hold. By 600 AD, at least one quarter of the Adrananese populace had converted, which led to major tensions within the Adrananese tribes for the next 400 years. Over those four centuries, the many Adrananese tribes would grow very distant and different from one another. By 1000 AD, some had fully embraced Christianity while many others retained their pagan religions or were a hodgepodge of several religions. Monotheistic and polytheistic tribes clashed, leading to significant conflict. During the 200-year-period from 800 to 1000 AD, no less than 150 wars were fought amongst all of the tribes of modern-day Poja, most of them along religious lines. The Christian tribes had become especially intolerant of the pagan tribes and often took to burning their temples to the ground. In response, pagan tribes often crucified Christians caught within their territories and burned their churches in vengeance. Written works from this period detail an almost absolute bloodlust amongst the Adrananese tribes towards one another, which only exacerbated the fracturing of those tribes. It is evident that by 1000 AD, the Adrananese culture was no longer one but many cultures and so a divergence began to happen, which would ultimately lead to Poja's first nation-states.

Divergence (1000 - 1700s)

Pojački historians refer to the 700-year period from 1000 to 1700 as the "Period of Divergence." It is thusly named because the various Adrananese tribes essentially diverged further and further from one another, establishing the cultures of modern-day Poja. Influence from foreign traders and missionaries led to major changes in how these tribes viewed politics, society, religion, and the world around them. By the end of the period, six nation-states would emerge, each similar to one another in at least a basic ethnicity and a shared past but very different in the way these nation-states functioned. It would be during this 700-year period that the ethnicities of today emerged in both name and definition. By and large, the tribes and their micronations were feudal states or kingdoms with ruling and peasant classes.

Recovered texts show that the first fifty years of this period from 1000 to 1050 saw ebbing violence between the various fiefdoms and kingdoms, of which there were close to two dozen. Texts show that there were no recorded wars from 1050 to 1129, small but remarkable era of peace after hundreds of years of near constant warfare. In 1129 though, a violent war broke out between three kingdoms that lasted either two or ten years, the difference attributed due to various translations of the text. Regardless of how long it lasted, the text is the first to mention the Liari, the Chernarussians, and the Heraqi people by name with the most prominent text being an epic poem detailing the war. From the poem and other texts, historians can see that these three tribes had considerable animosity towards one another with the Heraqi being described as "godless Pagans" and the Chernarussians being described as "fang-toothed monsters." It is obvious that the author was likely Liari due to the otherwise flowery descriptions of the Liari. Though the historical accuracy of the poem is subject to considerable criticism, the war as detailed has been deemed to be fairly accurate based on other texts. The war itself appeared to be fought between the Chernarussians and Liari over the fate of Heraqi lands. It is believed that the Heraqi kingdom had undergone something of a leadership crisis following the death of its ruler, thus creating the tension as the land sits between both modern-day regions. The result of the war was defeats for both the Chernarussians and the Liari as the Heraqi kingdom remained independent, though it would not stay so.

It is noteworthy that throughout this Period of Divergence, the various Adrananese tribes alternated constantly between periods of peace and conflict. Historians estimate that as many as twenty-three separate tribes existed at 1000 but that by the early 1400s, only seven remained, which would ultimately be reduced by one in the 1500s in what was the bloodiest war in Pojački history.

By 1380, it became evident amongst the largest tribes that continued warfare was not sustainable and a meeting was organized in the Liari capital. It was said to have lasted three months during the summer and it was the first attempt at a large-scale peace treaty. Based on reports of attendees however, it collapsed when neither the Liari nor the Chernarussians could come to agreements. Shortly after the attempt tribes in the southern portions of modern-day Chernarus attempted to gain better access to fresh water and invaded modern-day Zagovenske. The invasion attempt was repulsed and it led to the War of the River (1384 - 1389), which culminated in a find battle in June 1389. The invading tribes were lost and subsequently subjugated, while the modern-day borders of Zagovenske were established.

In the year 1450, the Liari resettled into Rugi, a planned and walled city in the central part of their territory. This may largely be due to fears of conflict with the Chernarussians or the Dosnimans who were encroaching from the west and north, respectively. Rugi's establishment was followed shortly thereafter by the establishment of the Dosniman city of Riamonia, which would eventually become the capital of Dosnima just as Rugi became the capital of Liaria. Other capital cities would follow over the next forty years with Novigrad forming the capital of Chernarus in 1490, the final capital to be established.

In the late 15th century, the ruler Gazjon came to power in the Kingdom of Heraq, setting the stage for the most violent war in Pojački history, the War of the Crosses. At this time, Heraq remained a pagan holdout surrounded by Orthodox and Catholic kingdoms and, to exact revenge upon them, Gazjon began a campaign of mass genocide against any non-pagans in his kingdom along with those in the surrounding areas. His armies were particularly effective and historians have noted that he was particularly violent and brutal in his actions. Gazjon's preferred treatment for those of the Christian faith was to crucify them along the roads into and out of his kingdom, leaving the bodies to be eaten by animals or rot away. Historical texts make special note of the smell and the sheer amount of blood that had soaked into the roads.

In 1517, the combined armies of Chernarus and Liaria invaded the Kingdom of Heraq and after a bloody 19-month war, captured and killed Gazjon and his government. The entire royal family was slaughtered and any soldier serving under Gazjon was put to death. Throughout the entirety of Gazjon's rule, including the final war to depose him, over 120,000 people were killed. The Kingdom of Heraq was broken apart and split between Chernarus and Liaria with the Heraqi people heavily subjugated.

During the 16th and the majority of the 17th centuries, the tribes consolidated so that only seven major ethnicities across six kingdoms remained. The largest were the Liari followed by the Chernarussians, the Adjinuans, the Dosnimans, the Zagovenske, the Kratoje, and finally the Heraqi, who remained a subjugated people.

In 1675, an attempt was made for a repeat of the 1380 treaty but it also was met with failure. This was to be fruitful, however. The inability of the various leaders to work with one another led to a series of reforms and coups over the next seven years. It was evident that the nations' ruling classes wanted to work towards some manner of common goal with one another but they had to overcome the hurdles of stubborn leadership and centuries of historical animosity. Finally, in April 1682, the leaders of each of the six territories came together in Riamonia, the Dosniman capital. There, they spent weeks discussing trade, religion, economics, warfare, and so on and so forth. What emerged was the Treaty of Riamonia, the first document signed by all leaders. The Treaty of Riamonia, which is still on display in the Dosniman capital, called for a period of fifty years of peace between the nations so that they could establish long-lasting and stable bureaucracies. It provided for some trade between them and it granted certain tariff reliefs to the landlocked nations on seaborne goods. One caveat to the treaty however was that once every thirty years, its terms could be re-negotiated, something that the Zagovenske specifically pushed for in the drafting process.

The Treaty of Riamonia went into effect almost immediately and for the remainder of the 17th century, it was upheld with little to no resistance from any of the respective nations. It would create the kind of stability that was needed to establish coherent and functioning nation-states versus feudal kingdoms and ultimately form the basis for the eventual Treaty of Rugi in 1900.

Nation-State Period (1700s - 1880)

By the dawn of the 18th century, the first "nation-state" movements began to form throughout the six territories. Historians can trace the first ones to Adjinua where a man by the name of Milan Saban, a member of the Adjinuan aristocracy and an academic, proposed unifying the micronations and micro-kingdoms within Adjinua into a single, cohesive nation-state beholden to the territory's king. At the time, Adjinua, like many of the territories, consisted largely of micronations or micro-kingdoms where tribal or other local lords or kings ruled with absolutism over the people within their designated borders. Saban managed to get his proposal in front of King Bartol V, the most powerful king and the de facto ruler of the territory.

Like in Adjinua, the other territories were undergoing a similar line of thinking, whether as proposals from the aristocracy and the ruling classes or through foreign merchantmen, missionaries, or travelers. The territories of modern-day Poja were a major hub of activity due largely in part to the growth of the territories following the Treaty of Riamonia as well as its geographic positioning on both the Mediargic Sea and the Kezanoi Sea. Yet it would be Adjinua that jumpstarted this nearly 200-year period of nation-states within modern-day Poja.

Bartol had first heard of Saban's ideas in the autumn of 1704, eight years into his reign. It is said that he was so impressed by the ideas that he brought Saban into the royal court to be the official educator of his children as well as all of the court's children. Despite Saban's status as a member of the aristocracy and within academia, his motives were hardly altruistic. He was deeply in debt due to his father's gambling habits and he was himself an alcoholic who abused laudanum. Yet, his ideas were, in Bartol's mind, brilliant and so with some assistance, Saban was put on the right path - though watched like a hawk by the court's protectors.

In the spring of 1705, Bartol called forth a meeting of all of the kings, lords, and rulers within Adjinuan territory. He demanded no substitutes and no representatives so that he could deal directly with the rulers. The meeting lasted three days and during it, Bartol had Saban lay out the ideals of the future Kingdom of Adjinua. Careful not to strip anyone of their power or their independence, he carefully wove the concept of a state whereby the local leaders would retain their power within their territories but concede power outside of their territories to Bartol. To make this system work, grievances would have to be settled and borders would have to be defined. It would be Saban's proposals in this time period that ultimately affected the formation of the Confederacy of Poja some 200 years later and many regard Saban as the "great grandfather of Poja."

Despite an otherwise generous offer from Bartol, only one-quarter of Adjinua's individual leaders accepted the idea. The rest left, some insulted that they should be subjected to such an idea. Saban's reputation throughout Adjinua was well-known by then and so many could not regard this sort of advice from a man of his nature. The embarrassment of the meeting certainly weighed heavily on Bartol who it is said became a recluse for no less than six months following the meeting, not even granting audience to Saban though Saban remained within the royal court in his capacity as educator.

In November 1705, Bartol granted Saban his first audience since the spring and presented him with a problem, which was how to unify Adjinua. Saban, who had thought over this problem independently already had his answer, "Gold or sword." What he meant was that they should either be bought out or killed and Bartol, who had reached much of the same conclusion ordered his military advisors to begin devising a plan to subjugate the lands of Adjinua under his authority. Those who had expressed a willingness to cooperate with the idea were contacted and advised to keep their original thoughts, which would bring just reward.

From 1706 to 1710, Bartol's military forces traveled from micronation to micronation within Adjinua offering gold or sword. Those who opted to be bought into the state were justly rewarded not only with the payouts but also with patronage of some form. Those who resisted found themselves besieged by significantly larger armies. Thousands were killed in battle during this time and no king, lord, or ruler who resisted was successful. On 10 July 1710, King Bartol V proclaimed the Kingdom of Adjinua in a lavish ceremony in the country's capital, which he made to be his castle and the surrounding neighborhoods.

Shortly after Adjinua became united underneath Bartol, the remaining territories began to take serious note. Thanks to the Treaty of Riamonia, communication between the various kings was something readily available. The other kings maintained a near constant state of awareness concerning the Adjinuan unification, which was especially important with regards to the treaty's renegotiation clause. The thirtieth anniversary of the signing was approaching with 1712 and the unification greatly strengthened Bartol's position at the table. Whereas the other kings were almost subservient to the wills of the lords and smaller kings, Bartol was the single, sole voice for Adjinua and this was something he aimed to press.

In spring 1712, the six kings met for the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia. During the meeting, Bartol's position was - as predicted - unassailable. Adjinua came out of the re-negotiation with more power than it had prior, virtually displacing Liaria in terms of power. This would have a ripple effect across the other five territories and each king took stock of what he had within his territorial kingdom. Bartol died in 1715 but it hardly put a dent in the king's power in Adjinua.

That same year, the King of Liaria, Lazar XII, initiated his own quest to unify the lands. His attempts would be similar to those of Bartol and result in success in 1728 though it would be his successor who would benefit as Lazar was killed in battle in 1725. Chernarus followed suit from 1724 to 1730. Dosnima came afterwards with the most efficient and least bloody campaign in 1731 to 1732.

With the next negotiation coming up, King Florjan of Zagovenske instituted his own quest to unify the lands in March 1736. It would go horribly wrong for the young king who was only twenty-one years old at the time. Inexperienced and stubborn, he refused most of the advice of his military generals and found himself, within just nineteen months, on the losing side of the conflict. Hostile forces besieged his castle in October 1737 and on 8 November 1737, Florjan's royal guard folded and hostile forces stormed the palace. He was captured and imprisoned. Though Zagovenske still unified, unlike the other territories it became a republic, the first democratic nation in modern-day Poja. Influenced by the ideas of democracy, Lojze Parma and several others formed the Republic of Zagovenske as a representative democracy. The right to vote was granted to both men and women over the age of twenty-one who were free from debt and could show that they were literate. This excluded a significant portion of the populace but it also served as a drive to improve literacy rates. Zagovenske would be the first of the kingdoms to surpass a literacy rate of 80%.

In 1742, when the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia occurred, now all of the nations, except Kratoje, were on some manner of equal footing. Each had a functioning bureaucracy and a nation-state that was unified around a centralized location and government. Kratoje, which stood at a disadvantage, allied with Liaria on virtually all of the proposals, banking on its more powerful neighbor to protect its position. The re-negotiation brought about expanded trade rights between the six states and it allowed them to continue the union intact for another thirty years without issue. Kratoje would finally unify through a combination of marriages, conflict, and payoffs over a period of twelve years from 1750 to 1762, thus becoming the final kingdom. Modern-day Poja was then referred to simply as the "Six Kingdoms," despite Zagovenske being a republic.

The Industrial Revolution hit the Six Kingdoms at varying points. Liaria experienced the earliest start in the 1770s with the remaining kingdoms beginning in the 1780s and the 1790s. The transitions brought by the Industrial Revolution completely transformed the Six Kingdoms. Foreign ideas of many kinds influenced the nations and they grew not only as countries but as cultures too. A level of peace settled into the land and, despite the tenuous history, the Six Kingdoms found enough in common with one another that conflict was not their immediate reaction to every slight and indignity.

In 1772, the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia ended with little fanfare. Not much was changed between the Six Kingdoms but in 1802, this would not be the case. With the Six Kingdoms in the heart of the Industrial Revolution, the 1802 session was the longest session to date. It was during this session that the Six Kingdoms spent three weeks hashing out the details of the coming age and the coming century. The 19th century proved fruitful for the Six Kingdoms, especially after the Industrial Revolution concluded and the Six Kingdoms were transformed accordingly.

Manufacturing and mining soon grew throughout the Six Kingdoms as major sources of economic revenue, largely outpacing agriculture and farming except in the more rural and difficult-to-reach areas of the Six Kingdoms. Due to the growth of the Six Kingdoms and their new, economic output, the 1832 re-negotiation summit was mainly over trade.

In 1862 however, the re-negotiation summit would find an entirely new host of topics to discuss, few of which were embraced at the time. Noted academics were brought forth to provide an outlook on the Six Kingdoms and they presented an otherwise unified message that the Six Kingdoms would advance only so far before they ran into a wall of limitations. Famous Liarian economist Simeon Kokolja was the first to suggest that the Six Kingdoms unify into a single, cohesive nation-state to capitalize on their combined power. He suggested that a system be established with a strong central government devoted to economic management, leaving most of the functions of a government at the local level. Some of his ideas would be rehashed in the 1880s and the 1890s when discussions over the confederation of the Six Kingdoms was had. Though his and the message of others like him were largely ignored by the leaders of the Six Kingdoms at the time, the message was clear, the Six Kingdoms could not reach any possible apex without some manner of unification across the territories.

Throughout the remainder of the 1860s, the Six Kingdoms prospered and grew but that growth-rate began to slow towards the end of the decade. Into the 1870s, the Six Kingdoms began to reach a condition of economic stagnation. Manufacturing and mining output had eclipsed but the growth of each nation had put severe strain on the bureaucracy and the infrastructure. Poverty began to spread and with it all of the ills of poverty such as disease, overcrowding, and so on and so forth. By 1875, newspapers across the Six Kingdoms were hailing it as a major crisis as economic stagnation set in leading to inflation, unemployment, and problems that the Six Kingdoms could not hope to solve individually.

By the late 1870s, the ruling elites in the Six Kingdoms were beginning to revisit the message of the 1862 re-negotiation sessions. It appeared that Kokolja and others were correct in predicting the stagnation of the nations and the consequences. Rather than wait until 1892, the newly crowned King Nikola VIII of Liaria called a conference of the Six Kingdoms in the city of Vetenica, which was then considered the premier "resort city" in Liaria. The conference was to be held on 1 July 1880 and last as long as would be necessary to discuss the Six Kingdoms' future.

Formation of the Confederacy (1880 - 1900)

By 1880, the unification movement was gathering major momentum. From 1862, when it was brought up for the first time in an official forum, more and more people grew fond of the idea. However, in all truth, the idea was hardly "new" when it was brought up in 1862. In fact, the earliest mentions in historical texts date back to the early 16th century when a Catholic missionary, presumed to be Saint Jakov, the patron saint of Adjinua, wrote an extensive manuscript on his work in the Adjinuan lands. In his manuscript, he wrote of the strong potential for Catholic conversion throughout the lands of Adjinua and beyond, even going so far as to call for unification of all lands under not only the banner of Catholicism but of a central, theocratic government. Saint Jakov was what many considered a "forward thinker" during his time. Despite his position as a Catholic monk and missionary, he believed in allowing all faiths equal representation, believing that conversion was not to be forced but rather to be encouraged via the Gospels.

The idea of unification appears sporadically throughout history until 1862 and from then on, it gathers momentum throughout the lands of the Six Kingdoms. When King Nikola VIII of Liaria called for a massive meeting of the Six Kingdoms, he never bargained for the kind of reception he would receive. The thriving, resort city of Vetenica was besieged by the leaders of each of the Six Kingdoms along with their entourages. The city, which was a thriving hub of the Liari aristocracy was overwhelmed as academics and aristocrats flocked to the city for the once-in-a-lifetime meeting.

On 1 July 1880, when the first round of talks kicked off, there were 539 people in attendance, so many that a cavernous hall rented specifically for the occasion had to be reconfigured with additional chairs. Pews and chairs were borrowed from a nearby church just for the occasion. Throughout the talks, each of the six leaders laid out the status of his nation-state. Academics, economists, and political scientists and philosophers spoke as well, giving speeches that were sometimes rousing and other times very dull and boring. The conference would last well into the latter part of the month and though no definitive conclusion would be reached, the six leaders went away with the drive to work towards accomplishing the goal of unification. It would not be as easy as signing a treaty however. The Six Kingdoms may have been in a period of cooperation and peace but history was littered with periods of animosity and virulence towards one another. Much would have to be done to smooth over the notion that an Adjinuan - for example - would be on the same, equal footing as a Liari or a Chernarussian. Furthermore, deep ethnic disagreements such as those between the Liari and the Chernarussians would have to be placated somehow and of course there remained the concern that the Liari were so vast in number.

In the spirit of unification and cooperation however, the conference worked towards a new goal of meeting yearly to determine just how feasible this would be. The goal was to keep the push towards unification front and center between the Six Kingdoms rather than allow everyone to go their separate ways to work independently. If this was going to be achieved, they would have to work together.

By 1885, the first shreds of progress had been made. It was during 1885 that the Six Kingdoms agreed to form the first "cross-nation council." What formed was the Council of Advisors, an 18-member panel - three per state - that would meet in Rugi, the Liari capital, and allowed for a more direct and focused attention to the Six Kingdoms and plans for unification. The council could discuss relevant politics between all of the different states and they were given priority access to telegraph lines that were being expanded throughout the country. From Rugi, this council could connect to any of the other capitals in mere seconds. This kind of instant communication allowed them an unprecedented ability to make decisions. It would soon be that this council had its advice not only heeded but taken as Gospel by the Six Kingdoms.

By 1890, the unification plan was gathering new momentum. As the turn of the century approached and society grew more and more modernized, the limitations of the Six Kingdoms' individual economies was becoming evident. Analysis by leading economists showed that the Six Kingdoms would likely peak within two decades and then begin to decline, if they remained on their own. It was believed that the shared treasuries of each of the nations would allow money to be spent much more wisely. Of course, this required a competent and uncorrupt cross-national treasury.

In 1892, the first draft of what would become known as the Treaty of Rugi was presented to the government of each of the Six Kingdoms. The treaty called for a strong, centralized government with an elected executive. It allowed for a bicameral, national legislature that would have a lower house consisting of a proportional number of delegates from each nation-state and an upper house with an equal number of delegates from each nation-state. The draft was rejected however as it was felt that it provided the Liari with virtual dominance of the nation. Still, the treaty itself was a major jumping point for the unification of the Six Kingdoms. Beyond the position it gave the Liari, the draft was well received in its call for representative democracy. However, the leaders of each nation-state felt that stripping them of all powers would be intolerable. No attempts, they pushed, should be made to dismantle the existing aristocracy.

The Council of Advisors would return to the drawing board and present nine more drafts over the next three years. Each one solved prior criticisms but present new ones that forced rejection by the leaders of the Six Kingdoms. In February 1896, the Treaty of Rugi took shape in what would emerge as its final draft. It called for a confederacy that kept the balance of power with the states, which would be referred to as "autonomous regions." Each region would have an elected bicameral legislature and an elected executive known as the "Premier." They would have full domain over their own, internal policies, defenses, and budgets. On the national level however, there would be a unicameral legislature. The delegates to this legislature would be appointed by each region's Premier. A national head of state, to be titled "President," would be further appointed by this national legislative body. It would be up to the President to handle all matters of state concerning foreign affairs and matters that crossed over the borders of each region. The national legislative body would have the ability to pass nation-wide laws but they would have to be national in nature and affect all regions equally.

The Treaty of Rugi would be hashed out in finer detail over the course the next few years. A final draft, agreed upon by all of the leaders of the Six Kingdoms, was signed on 13 September 1900 and came into force immediately. The treaty would be signed in Rugi, which would become the capital of the new nation, named "Poja." Each of the seven languages would be recognized as official languages though Liari would default as the de facto national language simply because it had the most linguistic similarity to all other languages - except Chernarussian - and it was the most widely spoken language in the country. It was however renamed Pojački out of political sensitivities and would, itself, morph over time to be different from the original Liari. The national legislature would be referred to as the House of Magnates and the leader of the country as President. A Confederation Council was established to provide a forum for each of the six, regional Premiers. The legislative branches of each region would be referred to as a Congress with a lower Chamber of Deputies and an upper Chamber of Councilors. Elections were set to be once every five years and there were no term limits envisioned during this time, a nod to the aristocracy's desire to continue to hold power in the new Confederacy of Poja.

The Treaty of Rugi also provided with a judicial setup that would allow for a national court system that would be independent of the regional courts so that it could be an unbiased court designed to rule over issues that required such matters, particularly any involving interregional disputes. Once the Treaty of Rugi came into force, the Confederacy of Poja would replace the Six Kingdoms and stand as a new symbol of unification across religious, historical, and ethnic lines. Though it intended to create a new identity amongst the people of the Six Kingdoms, that being Pojački, it would not be so.

Pax Poja (1900 - 1960)

Pre-Emergency (1960 - 1964)

The Pojački Emergency (1964 - 1968)

The Chernarussian Conflict & the End of the Pojački Emergency (1968 - 1974)

Invasion of Chernarus (August 1968 - Spring 1969)

The Chernarussian Insurgency (Spring 1969 - December 1972)

The Christmas Offensive (December 1972 - January 1973)

Violence Waning (January 1973 - February 1974)

Rugi's Victory (February - May 1974)

The Chernarussian Reconstruction (1974 - 1979)

The Two-Year Crisis (1979 - 1981)

Reshaping Poja (1981 - 1984)

Socioeconomic & Political Changes (1984 - 1996)

Contemporary History (1996 - Present)


Location & Borders


Flora & Fauna

Natural Disasters








Major Cities




Poja is a confederacy consisting of seven sovereign regions bound together by the Treaty of Rugi, which was signed in 1900. The country is established as a representative democracy with significant power and rights afforded to the sovereign regions, while also establishing a separate and equally powerful federalized government. In a separation of power, each region maintains full legislative and executive authority within its borders while the federal government is responsible for maintaining the confederacy and conducting foreign relations. The government is regulated by a system of checks and balances, as defined by the Treaty of Rugi to discourage and hinder the country from becoming a dictatorial state.

The government of Poja is separated into the three traditional branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. These three branches exist on both the federal and the regional level. Local government, which is defined as subregional, abides by the same standards and practices as federal and regional levels, forming a cohesive political unit from top down.

Federal Level

The federal level of Poja is the supranational element of the government of Poja. It is primarily charged with maintaining the integrity of the confederacy, conducting foreign relations, and regulating interregional commerce and relations.

Sitting in the executive position is the President of Poja, the highest position of power and authority within the Confederacy of Poja. The President is elected by a majority vote of the nation's Electoral College. The Electoral College is made up of the XXX districts throughout Poja, with each district afforded one vote. A simple majority of votes is required to elect the President. A candidate may win a district with a plurality of votes cast in that district. In this sense, a candidate may win a district without carrying a majority of the votes. The President is elected for a five-year term and there are no term limits. As of 2023, Poja has had thirteen elected Presidents. The President serves as head of state.

The legislative branch is the House of Magnates, which consists of thirty-five magnates elected from each of the regions. Each region is afforded five magnates, who are elected by ranked-choice voting, meaning that the top five candidates in each region's elections serve in the House of Magnates. Magnates serve for a five-year term with no term limits. The House of Magnates is charged to ratifying trade agreements and treaties, confirming federal-level appointments, approving the federal budget, regulating interregional commerce, and proposing amendments to the Treaty of Rugi. From within the House of Magnates, a Chancellor is elected to serve as head of government. The Chancellor is elected by simple majority of the thirty-five magnates and serves throughout his or her 5-year term in the House of Magnates. The Chancellor must be an elected member of the House of Magnates and typically does not vote except in tie-breaker situations.

The judicial branch is separated into two courts. The Court of Supreme Justice is the highest criminal court in the nation. There are seven Supreme Justices who serve 10-year terms without term limits. Each region is allowed one justice on the Court of Supreme Justice, who is appointed by a simple majority vote of each of that region's five magnates. The Court of Supreme Justice holds the distinction of being the only court capable of affirming a death warrant in the case of a capital crimes case. While a lower court may recommend a death warrant, it is not considered approved until it is reviewed and voted upon by the Court of Supreme Justice. In addition, the Court of Supreme Justice also reviews final appeals for criminal cases and is tasked with hearing crimes related to federal government accountability.

The other court is the Constitutional Court of Poja, which specifically deals with matters of constitutionality. Like the Court of Supreme Justice, justices serve up to 10-year terms with no limit on the number of terms. The court consists of fifteen justices, fourteen of whom come from the regions - two per region - and one who is nominated by the President. The fourteen justices from the regions are appointed by ranked choice voting amongst the region's magnates, allowing two justices per region. The President's choice does not require confirmation from the magnates. The Constitutional Court of Poja has the final authority on the constitutionality of all federal laws and it can also strike down the laws of regions that are found to violate the Treaty of Rugi and other constitutionally accepted doctrine of Poja. One limitation of the Constitutional Court of Poja is that, though it can strike down a region's law, it cannot force the region to retract the law; however, it can provide justification for another region not to recognize said law. Typically, when the Constitutional Court of Poja rejects a region's law, the law is withdrawn and/or revised, rather than kept in place.

Region Level

Each of Poja's seven regions is considered sovereign within the confines of the Confederacy of Poja. Within the boundaries of each region, the region's government is considered the supreme authority. However, their authority cannot extend further, nor can the individual regions act in contravention to the federal government. One famous example of this is the declaration of unilateral independence by Chernarus in 1968. As the declaration was considered unconstitutional, the federal government was legally within its rights to force reintegration of Chernarus into the Confederacy of Poja through military force.

Sitting in the executive position is the region's Premier who acts as both head of state and head of government and has supreme, executive authority within the region. The Premier is elected by a simple majority vote of the region's voters and serves 5-year terms with no limit. The Premier is responsible for overseeing the executive branch of the region's government, which includes signing bills passed to his by the legislature. While a Premier does have the authority to veto a bill, no Premier's have yet to veto a bill as it would involve considerable political scandal and bring into question the constitutionality of said bill. In addition, the Premier may dismiss a censured legislator and call for a special election to replace him/her.

The legislature of each region is a bicameral body known as the Congress. The legislature is made up of a lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, and the upper house, the Chamber of Senators. All regional legislatures are identical except in the number of seats. The Chamber of Deputies consists of one deputy per municipality or city, of which there are varying numbers per region. Deputies are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 5-year terms that are renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Deputies is responsible for proposing bills, managing the budgets of each region, setting taxes, and checking the power on the Premier. With a simple majority, the Chamber of Deputies can bring forth articles of impeachment against a Premier, should the Premier violate the law or act outside the bounds of his or her authority. The Chamber of Deputies may also censure a fellow deputy with a two-thirds supermajority. The most common cause for censure is dereliction of duty, such as unexcused absences during voting sessions.

The Chamber of Senators consists of one senator per district, of which there are varying numbers per region. Senators are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Senators is responsible for approving or rejecting bills as proposed by the Chamber of Deputies, approving or rejecting amendments to the Treaty of Rugi as proposed by the House of Magnates with a three-fifths supermajority, and confirming region-level appointments. In instances where the Chamber of Deputies brings forth articles of impeachment, the Chamber of Senators, with a simple majority, can affirm the articles, which will automatically remove the Premier from office. Like the Chamber of Deputies, the Chamber of Senators can also censure a fellow senator with a two-thirds supermajority.

The judicial branch is separated into three court levels. From the lowest to the highest there is the: Court of Justice, Court of Appeals, and Supreme Court of the Region. The Court of Justice hears both civil and criminal cases with one or three judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Justice is the initial hearing of all civil and criminal cases, with the exception of capital crimes cases.

The Court of Appeals hears both civil and criminal appeals with three or five judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Appeals is the highest court of civil cases and its judgements, when rendered, are final. For criminal cases, the decision of the Court of Appeals can be further appealed to the Supreme Court of the Region.

The Supreme Court of the Region hears only criminal cases and only appeals from the lower Court of Appeals. There are seven judges, who are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. Judges serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Supreme Court of the Region is the only court that can recommend a death warrant and, as such, it is the first hearing for all capital crimes cases. In addition, the Supreme Court of the Region hears all cases involving regional government accountability cases.

Political Parties

Poja is a multi-party state. As of 2023, there are over 50 political parties registered in Poja but only 8 have over 1,000,000 registered members, classifying them as "major political parities."

Major Political Parties of Poja
Name Abbreviation Leader Ideology Political Position
Modern Poja
Moderna Poja
MOP Krsto Mirkovich Liberalism
People's Front for Poja
Narodna fronta za Poja
NFP Anna Stupka Left-wing nationalism
Left-wing populism
Pojački Democratic Party
Pojački demokratska stranka
PDS Jovo Kolačarić Federalism
Pojački Green Party
Pojački Zelena stranka
PZS Bogdan Terzić Eco-socialism
Green Politics
Pojački People's Party
Pojački narodna stranka
PNS Marina Stanić Anti-Globalism
Radical Poja
Radikalni Poja
RAP Bojana Čukić Fascism
Socialist Party
Socijalistička partija
SOP Radoslav Marulić Left-wing populism
United Poja
Ujedinjen Poja
UPP Andrej Petrović (President of Poja) Federalism
National conservatism
Right-wing populism

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