People's Republic of Faramount
Democratic Republic of Faramount
Repubblica Popolare di Faramonte
Motto: "Facciamo Gruppo Insieme"
"Let us group together"
|Capital||New Limone (de jure) |
Bogd Gioro (de facto)
|Recognised national languages||Fulgistani|
|Government||Unitary dominant-party parliamentary provisional republic|
• Prime Minister
|Exiled by Democratic Republic of Faramount|
|12 July 1963|
• Reformed as People's Republic
|26 July 1963|
• 2018 estimate
The People's Republic of Faramount (Limonaian:Repubblica Popolare di Faramonte; RPF) is a Faramontese government-in-exile. Senior Republic of Faramount leaders formed the RPF in 1963, following the foreign-backed military coup d'état that overthrew Faramount's parliamentary constitutional republic. The People's Republic today continues to advocate internationally for regime change in Faramount, while also serving as the political center of Faramount's diaspora. The RPF also supervises the activity of the United Revolutionary Forces of Faramount (Limonaian: Faramontese Forze Rivoluzionarie Unite; FFRU), an armed resistance group that is engaged in a guerrilla war against Faramount's existing dictatorial regime. Based in Bogd Gioro, the RPF is a satellite state of Fulgistan, and is only recognized as a sovereign state by Fulgistan and its allies.
Faramount formally achieved independence from Limonaia on 16 September 1902, establishing a liberal, parliamentary constitutional republic. Yet despite the progressive nature of its structure, this government soon took on an extractive nature eerily similar to the colonial regime that preceded it. A conservative coalition of the Fara ethnic group and foreign settlers formed a minority government after elections in 1903, and for the next several decades, ruled despite wide unpopularity amongst the rest of the population. The Socialist Party of Faramount ultimately changed the political picture, espousing a unifying ideology that allowed disparate ethnic groups to come together in the 1950s to construct an electoral majority.The new administration announced over several months plans to nationalize foreign petroleum and mining interests, downsize the army, and institute land reform.
A coalition of powerful interest strongly opposed these policies, and ultimately in early 1963, planned a coup d'état to restore conservative, Fara-dominated, foreign-backed control. The Fara ethnic group, and the Army and civil service that it dominated, faced a substantial loss of privileges if the socialist government remained in place. The socialists were moving quickly to end the Fara domination of the bureaucracy and army, and furthermore, were seeking to reduce the size of the army generally. The Limonaian settler communities also feared the new administration, given that these immigrant populations were vastly wealthier than indigenous Faramontese, and had a great deal to lose to a government interested in asset nationalization. Abroad, the Limonaian government shared the concerns of their settlers in Faramount, and were also unhappy about the nationalization of Limonaian corporate assets in Faramount. Representatives of these groups met in spring of 1963, and planned a military takeover.
The Faramontese Army launched the coup d'état at midnight on 12 July 1963. Military special forces personnel kicked off the assault on the nation's democracy by assassinating each of the leaders of the Faramontese cabinet, except for Foreign Minister Giordano Savio, who was visiting Fulgistan at the time of takeover. Military personnel then moved into the city centers of each of Faramount's major municipalities including the capital. Outside the capital, there was only limited resistance, mostly by local police; this had been quashed by 6AM. The Navy and Air Force both sided against the coup, and flooded the capital with personnel, seeking to repel the army long enough for parliament to be called into emergency session. Yet this effort ultimately failed, and by 10AM, the air force and navy had refocused their efforts on carrying out an evacuation of republican loyalists and their families.
Foreign Minister Savio moved to establish a government in exile on 13 July 1963, once it had become clear that coup had been successful. Several dozen senior officials including 19 members of parliament had escaped Faramount, along with close to five thousand seamen, airmen, socialist party members, and others. They would be followed by thousands more over the following weeks. Savio assumed office as Acting Prime Minister at 9AM on 14 July 1963, in accordance with the laws of succession of the republic, and immediately called an emergency session of parliament. The surviving members of parliament convened on 22 July 1963, and immediately declared a state of emergency, suspending the nation's constitution. Aiming to cement the support of the hardline communist Fulgistani government for the Faramontese refugees, Savio convinced the parliament six days later to approve the Revolution Act of 1963. This bill formally established a provisional government for Faramount.
This new provisional government principally took the form of the Revolutionary Congress, a forty-member body with nearly absolute authority over political affairs. The Revolutionary Congress quickly enacted a series of bills to cement its authority, facilitate resistance to the Faramontese regime, and procure greater Fulgistani support. The War Act of 1963 unified all Faramontese resistance, military, and police forces into the United Revolutionary Forces of Faramount, tasked this organization with effecting a counter-coup, and ordered general conscription to support the FFRU's activities. The Justice Act of 1963 issued arrest warrants for all army leaders, creating a revolutionary court that quickly in absentia convicted and sentenced to death every senior army officer. The Revolution Act of 1963 dissolved the Republic of Faramount, created a socialist state in its place (the People's Republic of Faramount), and banned all political parties except the Socialist Party.
The Revolutionary Congress focused overwhelmingly during the first three decades on the effort to reverse the coup d'état. Nearly all RPF funding went to the FFRU, and the congress' leaders spent most of their time seeking to curry support abroad for their cause. Savio spearheaded this effort during his eighteen years as President of the Revolutionary Congress; he ultimately stepped down only in 1981, due to health problems. He was succeeded over the next eight years by a series of former Republic of Faramount officials. The FFRU scored a number of victories in this period, making a comeback after a number of years of setbacks. But still, it was clear that the Republic of Faramount would not be restored, and that the government in exile was almost certain not to return home anytime soon.
The RPF underwent a major transformation in the 1980s and 1990s, both due to trends in the Faramontese Fulgistani community and due to trends in Fulgistan at large. Within the Faramontese expatriate community, concern emerged that Faramontese born in Fulgistan were over-acclimating, and leaving behind Faramontese culture. Demand rose for the Revolutionary Congress to commit resources to cultural programs, and the congress' refusal to do so sparked significant discontent. Within Fulgistan at large, the move towards democracy had begun to spark questions about the Revolutionary Congress, an unelected body whose youngest member was 73. Consternation for change grew continuously until, in 1989, the Revolutionary Congress finally bowed to pressure, and scheduled elections for 1990. The Socialist Party alone competed in these elections, but over half of the Revolutionary Congress retired rather than compete, and another eleven members were defeated by younger socialists.
The reformed Revolutionary Congress undertook a number of major changes, both in policy and in structure. In 1991, the Revolutionary Congress began programs aboard the Tigre, a Republic of Faramount ship that escaped during the coup, for Faramontese Fulgistani youth. Each summer, nearly all Fulgistanis of Faramontese descent between the ages of 15 and 17 spend a few weeks aboard the ship, learning about their home country. Formally, these youths are serving in the FFRU during this period, and they also receive physical education and military training to prepare them for Fulgistan's compulsory military service. The Revolutionary Congress has also sponsored language programs, cultural programs, and other educational programs for Faramontese Fulgistani children. Perhaps more importantly, in 1995, the Congress adopted a new constitution, enshrining a long list of human and civil rights, and also shrinking the Congress to 10 members.
The People's Republic has liberal jus sanguinis rules of citizenship. Becoming a citizen requires the submission of two proofs: Faramontese ancestry (or marriage to someone of Faramontese ancestry) and loyalty to the People's Republic (demonstrated through a signed loyalty oath). The RPF also liberally permits multiple citizenship; excepting RPF citizens residing in Faramount, the vast majority of RPF citizens are also citizens of their host country. Independent analysts estimate that there are around 74,000 RPF citizens, though the People's Republic refuses to release exact numbers as it would facilitate identifying the exact size of the FFRU. The citizenry of the People's Republic is overwhelmingly comprised of two groups: Fulgistani Faramontese and FFRU fighters, supporters, and affiliates.
The Faramontese Fulgistani community is the largest and most prominent group of RPF citizens. The approximately 44,000 Fulgistanis of Faramontese origin have a highly visible presence in Fulgistan's capital, Bogd Gioro. What's more, they've historically attracted substantial media attention, having been the foundation of the RPF. The Faramontese Fulgistani population is diverse, having originally comprised of members of a several dozen Faramontese ethnicities. Since immigrating, those different ethnic populations have substantially intermingled, while also mixing with the Fulgistani population. The Faramontese Fulgistani community today is renowned for its high level of education and professional achievement.
The FFRU fighters, supporters, and affiliates constitute the other major component of the RPF citizenry. Yet the FFRU's membership is significantly less influential, due to its difficulty in voting. The vast majority of FFRU members are Tchebo people, part of Faramount's second largest ethnic group. This ethnic group is dominative in the nation's East, and it is in this region that the FFRU is predominantly active. FFRU members are generally incredibly poorly educated, due to the poor level of education available in Faramount's interior rural areas. They are also in poor health by global standards, and overwhelmingly live in poverty. FFRU members tend to be more radical in belief than Faramontese Fulgistanis, favoring a more extreme version of socialism than that favored by those residing in a democratic socialist state.
Government and politics
The People's Republic of Faramount is a unitary, parliamentary provisional government defined by a constitutionally-guaranteed separation of powers. The Revolutionary Congress constitutes the legislative branch, and possesses the power to make laws including budgetary acts, to appoint the members of the executive branch, and to appoint the members of the judicial branch. The ten-member congress meets irregularly, and its members work only part time. The executive branch is composed of a prime minister and 2-3 other ministers. Usually, the congress picks its own members to serve in these roles, though this is not required. The judicial branch is comprised of the Revolutionary Court, which has three-part time judges, who serve for twenty-year terms.
Elections for the Congress are generally held every five years, except where the Congress votes to hold snap elections. Suffrage is granted to all citizens of the People's Republic aged 16 and above; citizenship is granted to all those of Faramontese origin who make a loyalty oath. There are approximately 44,000 RPF citizens in Fulgistan, approximately 300 living elsewhere, and approximately 30,000 residing in Faramount itself. Voting within Faramount is often difficult; the FFRU seeks to provide absentee ballots to its members and supports, and then to return them to Fulgistan, but very few ballots usually end out making it back. Voters use a single transferable vote to select the makeup of the congress according to an open list party-list proportional representation system.
Politics in the People's Republic take place in the context of a dominant party system in which the Socialist Party is generally the only real contender in elections. The Socialists hold such influence largely because they're the only party that has sufficient financial resources to operate, thanks to the support of their Fulgistani political compatriots. Due to the open list nature of voting, the real question is usually which Socialist candidates will be elected, not whether the Socialists will be in the majority. It is normal for a small number of independents to also win seats in the Revolutionary Congress; presently, there is one such independent.
The United Revolutionary Forces of Faramount (Limonaian: Faramontese Forze Rivoluzionarie Unite; FFRU) are the armed forces of the People's Republic of Faramount. The Prime Minister of the People's Republic is the commander-in-chief of the FFRU, which is supervised directly by the Revolutionary Congress under a strict doctrine of civilian control of the military. The Ministry of Defense oversees the administration of the armed forces, though because the ministry is based in Fulgistan, its operations are mostly limited to overseeing the covert supply of weapons, equipment, and munitions to Faramount's borders. The senior uniformed officer of the military is the General of the People's Republic, presently Ulstano Cerrone.
The FFRU is in effect an armed resistance group engaged in a decades-old guerrilla war in Eastern Faramount. There are approximately 3,000-5,000 FFRU fighters, and five times as many active supporters inside of Faramount. Fulgistan provides the vast majority of funding, armaments, and other equipment to the United Revolutionary Forces by way of several supply routes through neutral territory. Thanks to this support, the FFRU is able to essentially control several thousand kilometers of territory, and contest control of around ten thousand kilometers of territory, despite being outmanned and outgunned by its foe.
Faramount formally maintains a policy of conscription, but this policy is not effected in practice. Faramontese Fulgistanis can choose to serve in the FFRU instead of serving in the Fulgistani military. Most Faramontese Fulgistanis that enlist in the FFRU are given assignments in Fulgistan or on the supply chain between Fulgistan and Faramount; only volunteers are sent to fight in Faramount. The vast majority of Faramontese Fulgistanis instead elect to serve in the Fulgistani Armed Forces. Within Faramount, the FFRU does not compel service even in areas it fully controls, so as to avoid alienating local populaces. The Revolutionary Congress codified these policies in the Conscription Act of 1993, which allowed the Defense Minister to grant waivers to conscription on request. The Defense Minister that year signed a general waiver of conscription.
The FFRU maintains a single naval unit, the Tigre, a Leone-class destroyer that escaped Faramount during the coup, and has been based in Wulumuqi since 1963. The ship is still formally commissioned, and is crewed regularly by volunteers by the Faramontese-Fulgistani community, who operate it as a museum ship. The ship has not left dock since 1988, and is widely believed not to be seaworthy.