Poja

Confederacy of Poja Konfederacija Poja
Flag
Motto: Ex Constantia Victoria "In Steadiness Victory "
Capital and largest metropolis	Rugi
Recognised national languages	Pojački
Recognised regional languages	Chernarussian, Dolch Heraqi, Leszczak, Ras, Zagovenske
Demonym(s)	Pojački
Government	Confederation of autonomous regions
• President	Andrej Petrović
• Chancellor	Jelena Jurić
Legislature	House of Magnates
Formation
• Treaty of Riamonia	15 April 1689
• Treaty of Rugi	13 September 1900
Area
• Total	340,090 km2 (131,310 sq mi)
Population
• 2023 estimate	25,813,303
• 2020 census	25,362,578
GDP (PPP)	2020 estimate
• Total	$491.07 billion
• Per capita	$19,362
GDP (nominal)	2020 estimate
• Total	$370.7 billion
• Per capita	$14,616
Currency	dinar (Ð)
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	+57
Internet TLD	.poj

Poja (Pojački: Konfederacija Poja), or the Confederacy of Poja, is a confederation of seven, autonomous regions organized around a strong federal government in the Mediargic region of the continent of Argis in Eurth bordering the nations of Baltica, Girkmand, Kalnija, and Leszczawka. The country's establishment is such that each region maintains a very large degree of sovereign autonomy within its borders to create laws, collect taxes, establish infrastructure, and operate as a political entity. The purpose of the federal government is to maintain a cohesive union within the confederacy as well as to deal with matters of state such as foreign affairs, defense procurement, and confederacy-wide laws. As of 2023, the estimated population of Poja is 25.8 million people across an area covering some 340,090 km² (131,309.5 mi²).

In late 1900, the six independent states of Adjinua, Chernarus, Dosnima, Kratoje, Liaria, and Zagovenske signed the Treaty of Rugi, formally establishing the Confederacy of Poja. The history of modern-day Poja harkens back to the early 1000s when the first kingdoms began to form throughout the territory as tribes united behind commonalities such as dialect and religion. Over the next seven centuries, the polities of modern-day Poja underwent long periods of convergence and divergence. By the 1700s though, cohesive nation-states began to take shape with independent and functioning local and federal governments. With the Industrial Revolution in the 1700s and the 1800s, the growth of these states was significantly more than anticipated. In the 1800s, it became evident that while each independent state could exist on its own, they could never realize their full potential as singular entities.

This presented a major hurdle to the states as they had existed in varying state of peace and conflict since the early 1000s. By the 1880s, rising thought was given to the formation of a cohesive, political union, which was realized in September 1900 with the signing of the Treaty of Rugi, forming the Confederacy of Poja.

Poja existed in relative peace and prosperity until the late 1960s, when oil reserves were discovered near the autonomous region of Chernarus. This led to a secession crisis, which ended with Chernarus being forcibly brought back into the fold after a bloody and destructive, 6-year conflict (1968 - 1974) knowing as the Chernarussian Conflict. Following the end of the conflict however, changes were made to the Treaty of Rugi, providing greater autonomy and power to the autonomous regions of the Confederacy of Poja. It was, in many ways, a win for the non-involved regions, a net-zero for the Pojački government, and something of a loss for Chernarus.

Following the end of this period, significant reconstruction of Chernarus championed by Rugi helped to suppress some of the fires of discontent. Yet it was not enough to return the country to its period of "Pax Poja" thanks largely in part to another crisis from 1979 - 1981 concerning the autonomy of Heraq, then a part of the Liari Autonomous Region. The crisis was resolved when Heraq was granted sovereignty within the Confederacy of Poja and a reshaping of the country as a whole, which led to significant socioeconomic and political changes in the mid-to-late 1980s and the early-to-mid 1990s.

Since this period, Poja has been a largely stable and peaceful nation, prosperous but not an economic or military powerhouse on the global stage. Yet, despite this, Poja remains seven, independent nations corralled under one, central government and despite over a century of unification, ethnic lines have yet to be erased and the adoption of a "Pojački identity" largely remains a pipe dream.

Etymology

The word Poja derives from the archaic Liari word pojanak meaning "to gather" or to have a "gathering." It was a word commonly associated with weddings and festivals, when large numbers of people gathered in a central village in celebration. The word had largely fallen out of use by the late 1700s but it was revived during the discussions for the Treaty of Rugi. The framers of the treaty were largely stuck on what to call the new confederation and dozens of names had been suggested by the time Vlastimir Dragaš, long considered the biggest Liari proponent of the treaty offered pojanak. Due to the harsh sound of the name however, it was shortened simply to poja and given as the name of the new country, chiefly based on its meaning. Despite the efforts however, few people within Poja call or consider themselves Pojački. Instead, they largely refer to themselves by their ethnic backgrounds. The Treaty of Rugi had desired that all citizens of Poja set aside their ethnic differences and come together to be a new nationality but this has not materialized even in the 21st century.

History

Early History (Pre-1000)

Human habitation of Poja can be traced back to the Neolithic Age. Despite little information about them, archaeologists studying the early history of Poja have identified at least four, early culture-complexes. The oldest of these is the Praq Culture (6000 BC to 3500 BC), which is believed to have inhabited a fairly sizeable area around the area of southern Adjinua, near the border with modern-day Baltica. Despite the proximity to modern-day Baltica though, it is believed that the Praq people originated from elsewhere in Argis and traveled to this area by sea. They represent the earliest settled farming society in Ancient Poja though there is also evidence of hunting and gathering activities as supplemental to their food supplies.

The next oldest is the Ogrua culture (4500 BC to 3500 BC), which inhabited an area in the north of the country, near the borders of modern-day Girkmand and Leszczawka. Archeologists find no evidence of overlap between the two cultures and there is no direct evidence that either encountered the other. Evidence shows that the Ogrua people largely stuck to a series of valleys and hills in the northern part of what is currently Dosnima, where they benefitted from freshwater streams, fishing, and farming. Archaeologists are able to uncover ritual behavior from the Ogrua as well as the earliest forms of proto-writing in the area by deciphering symbols of this culture. They also show the earliest known penchant for copper metallurgy. However, it is believed that their culture was wiped out due to a natural disaster of sorts. Archeologists suspect massive flooding in the valleys or perhaps an earthquake event.

The third culture is the Usmar culture (3500 BC - 3000 BC), a short-lived culture located near the modern-day Lake Usmar in Heraq. Not much is known about them except traces of pottery left behind in caves. It is possible that the Usmar culture were survivors from the Ogrua culture due to some similarities in their living arrangements; however, they had a different language. It is believed that they were overrun by an unknown, non-native culture, perhaps from modern-day Leszczawka but the evidence supporting the origin of this culture is non-existent.

The fourth and final culture is the Ocryae culture (2200 BC - 1000 BC), which settled on the shorts of the Mediargic Sea in modern-day Chernarus. They were similar to the Praq culture and may have been Praq explorers who traveled up the Keelpijp in search of new lands, ultimately resettling in the same land as their origin. Like the Usmar culture, they were very heavy into pottery, ritual, and proto-writing but were somewhat nomadic. Evidence of their settlements run throughout Chernarus, Heraq, and Zagovenske.

Beginning in 1000 BC, a single culture came to dominate Ancient Poja, the Adrana culture. The Adrananese culture first appears in the northeastern parts of Ancient Poja near the border with Girkmand. Over the course of the next thousand years, they branched out and began to inhabit almost all parts of Poja, perhaps absorbing remnants of the Ocryae culture. Of all of the early cultures of Poja, they are the most researched and much is known about them. It is from the Adrananese culture that the Adjinuan, Dosniman, and Liari cultures originate, which represents more than two-thirds of the Pojački ethnicities.

It is by 500 BC that the Adrananese tribes solidified their hold on Ancient Poja. They utilized the rough terrain and the geography of Poja to their advantage, building settlements in highly defensible locations, suggesting that in these times, warring tribes from other parts of Argis or perhaps even remnants of other cultures within Poja were an ever-present threat. In doing this, the Adrananese were allowed to grow as a culture and a society much more easily than their predecessors. Archaeologists have uncovered a significant number of sites with ruins of temples to their pantheon of gods and goddesses. Pagan religions in modern-day Poja all trace their history back to the Adrananese religions and pantheon. Forced religious conversion over the centuries by Christian religions and countries have heavily reduced the pagan populations in Poja to a small minority.

With a stationary society, the Adrananese were able to evolve in their learning. They evolved new farming practices, astrology and astronomy, mathematics, and writing. The earliest known scroll in Poja, dating back to 288 AD, was written by Adrananese priests. It tells of a fierce battle between two brothers, each of whom wanted to become ruler of their particular tribe. The scroll details a lengthy battle between these brothers and their supporters only to be betrayed at the very end by a man they both trusted, who killed them and assumed the throne for himself. Evidence suggests that this story could very well be true. Other scrolls, written in the 800s, detail battles with foreign tribes "from the north," which historians presume were from Leszczawka. It is believed that the Adrananese and the early Leszczak peoples were mortal enemies. Scrolls also detail incursions from southern tribes, meaning early Balticans and from "across the sea" suggesting that Poja was a major battle ground in these times.

Christianity was first introduced into Poja in the 600s or 700s. The earliest missionaries in Poja were from the Orthodox Church who traveling overland from modern-day Ahrana and Leszczawka. Their reception was anything but warm and historical evidence shows that for several hundred years, Christian missionaries were persecuted, ostracized, and killed, along with their converts. Despite this, missionaries continued to come to Poja and Adrananese tribes continued to convert to this new religion. Tensions amongst the tribes grew exponentially over the course of the next three to five hundred years as Christianity took root throughout the country. By the year 1000, Catholic missionaries had become a common sight throughout Poja, especially in the southeastern and coastal portions along the Kezanoi Sea. It would be during this time that the first religious refugees arrived in the mountainous regions of modern-day Zagovenske. Many early Christian tribes, fearing their deaths, fled into this areas where the terrain was highly defensible and often "too far away" for their enemies to pursue them.

During the 200-year-period from 800 to 1000 AD, no less than 150 wars were fought amongst all of the tribes of Poja, most of them along religious lines. At first, the violence stemmed almost exclusively from the pagan tribes but by the end of this period, the tides were beginning to change in favor of the Christian tribes. Fearing for their own future, Christian tribes took a generally offensive strategy, attacking and burning pagan temples as well as forcing the conversion of pagan tribes at the point of the sword. Zagovenske, once a refuge for fleeing Christians would soon become a refuge for fleeing pagans. As a result, Zagovenske became one of the first places to adopt a policy of religious tolerance and though it was not without violence, was considered the most peaceful part of Poja at this time. Throughout the rest of the country, warfare between pagan and Christian tribes reached its peak by the year 1000. Christian tribes attacked their pagan counterparts, burning their temples and villages while the pagans responded in kind, even some going so far as to crucify their Christian counterparts. Written works from this period detail an almost absolute bloodlust amongst the Adrananese tribes towards one another, which only exacerbated the fracturing of those tribes. It is evident that by 1000, the Adrananese culture was no longer one but many cultures and so a divergence began to happen, which would ultimately lead to Poja's first nation-states.

Divergence (1000 - 1300s)

By the year 1000, the Adrananese tribes were hardly recognizable as a single entity anymore. Two thousand years of existence had created many divergences and separations among them that created many separate ethnicities throughout Poja. Foreign influence in language and religion as well as geography had contributed to unique identities amongst the tribes and, after 200 years of warfare amongst one another since the 800s, the tribes themselves were anything but unified.

By the year 1000, dozens of different polities existed throughout Poja as the tribes fractured from one another and, within these very polities, multiple micronations existed, those still largely beset by ancient, tribal parameters such as blood lineage or geography. At the time, the largest such polity was the Kingdom of Adjinua, a coastal kingdom in the southeastern portion of the country. Isolated from the rest of the country by way of geography, Adjinua was a maritime kingdom that had seen significant influence from trading along the Kezanoi Sea and as a result, the kingdom itself occupied nearly all of the Kezanoi coast, much of which is modern-day Liaria. Geographically occupying the lowlands along the coastline, Adjinua was highly developed with road networks, cities, aqueducts, and a strong military. It was also heavily influenced by Catholicism and in 1118, King Grgur II declared Catholicism to be the official religion of Adjinua, thus becoming the first of the Pojački kingdoms to adopt Christianity as the official religion.

The adoption of Catholicism in Adjinua was not particularly noteworthy during the time, however. Most Adjinuans were Catholic and Orthodox influence was mainly confined to the interior portions of the country and in the northwest in what is modern-day Chernarus. Being the largest kingdom at the time, Adjinua was also well positioned to defend itself against any incursions from the interior polities.

The Kingdom of Chernarus would follow second with the adoption of Orthodox Christianity in the mid-1200s. At the time, the Chernarussian kingdom was landlocked bordering the Kingdom of Heraq to the east and the Kingdom of Novar to the northwest, the latter being a coastal kingdom like Adjinua. The kingdoms of Novar and Chernarus would be united by marriage in 1319, the first - and only - union of two kingdoms not via bloodshed. In terms of land area, the Kingdom of Chernarus would then be the largest of the kingdoms and predominantly Orthodox.

The northernmost parts of the country were anything but peaceful. Seven different polities existed in the region that makes up modern-day Kratoje and Dosnima. The largest of these was the Kingdom of Kratoje but by the year 1300, Kratoje was but a fraction of its original size, whittled down by continued warfare amongst the other kingdoms. Orthodox Christianity was adopted as the official religion in Kratoje sometime in the 1270s, likely not long after Chernarus. The Kingdom of Dosnima would follow suit by the end of the century but both paganism and Catholicism were significant in the areas to the south and along the border of modern-day Girkmand. Violence in this area would be significant into the 1400s when the final lines were drawn between Dosnima and Kratoje. Dosnima remains the most religiously diverse region in modern-day Poja to this day as a result.

During this time from 1000 to the 1300s, Zagovenske had developed as a "neutral ground" for refugees escaping religious and ethnic violence. As a result, Zagovenske was largely governed by nobles and patricians of varying ethnicities though the dominant ethnicity remained that of the Zagovars, who were themselves a mix of Chernarussian and Liari. By the mid to late 1300s, Zagovenske was developed into something of a confederacy on its own, separated into seven, distinct polities. The mountainous territory of Zagovenske made it well defensible and the city of Zhapolatsk soon became the dominant political power in Zagovenske, which would lead to troubles in the 1500s and the 1600s.

The Kingdom of Heraq remained steadfastly pagan throughout this time and existed as a landlocked kingdom that bordered Chernarus to the west, Dosnima to the north, and the burgeoning Kingdom of Liaria to the south. Rivers allowed for a natural border with Chernarus and Dosnima while mountainous terrain helped provide a border with Liaria. A mountainous kingdom like Zagovenske, Heraq was easily defensible and its steadfast adherence to the pagan religions made for significant clashes with the Chernarussians and the Dosniman kingdoms. The Kingdom of Liaria, just getting its footing by the 1300s, would be an adopter of Orthodox Christianity like Chernarus and Dosnima, setting the stage for a very violent war in the early 1500s that would see the Kingdom of Heraq thorough subjugated as a result.

The Kingdom of Liaria, which would come to dominate Poja was, at this time, the smallest of the kingdoms. To its east were several kingdoms and there was no sea access for Liaria. Yet, by the end of the 1300s, the Kingdom of Liaria would triple in size and began to encroach further eastward, aiming for access to the Kezanoi Sea.

The Era of the Kingdoms (1300s - 1700s)

Over roughly 400 years from the 1300s to the 1700s, the landscape of Poja began to be defined. By the early to mid-1400s, the borders of modern-day Chernarus, Dosnima, Heraq, Kratoje, and Zagovenske had been defined and would change little from where they ended up in their final form at the Treaty of Rugi. Heraq, which would gain its own sovereignty from Liaria in 1981 would ultimately take on the borders it had when it was subjugated in 1519.

By the late 1400s, the Pojački kingdoms had, with the exception of Heraq and Zagovenske, adopted Christianity as an official religion. The Church would wield significant influence in these kingdoms into the 1800s, in some cases becoming more powerful than the rulers of these kingdoms though it waxed and waned throughout this period. Also, by the start of the 1400s, religious violence had begun to wane as Christianity took the dominant hold in these kingdoms with fewer and fewer pagans remaining by the end of the century. Yet, where religious violence waned, ethnic violence grew, especially as the Kingdom of Liaria expanded eastwards.

The newest of the kingdoms to form, Liaria was undergoing aggressive expansion by the end of the 1300s. It had already tripled in size in just a century and it was expanding to the eastwards. In the first half of the 1400s, Liaria invaded and subjugated three small polities bordering Dosnima, effectively establishing the modern-day Liari border with Dosnima all the way to the modern-day border with Girkmand. Southward expansions in the second half of the 1400s brought Liaria its final, southern border and put it against the westernmost border with Adjinua. In the 1500s and the 1600s, Liaria expanded throughout significant amounts of territory and by 1642, Liari forces had conquered its way up to the border with Adjinua. By then, Adjinua had completely established itself along the coastline of the Kezanoi Sea and denied sea access to the now gargantuan Kingdom of Liaria. Attempting to stave off warfare, the two kingdoms undertook a series of negotiations in the 1640s but nothing changed and in the summer 1650, the Kingdom of Liaria invaded the Kingdom of Adjinua along its northern borders. The result of the Liari invasion of Adjinua was nothing short of catastrophic for the Pojački kingdoms. Historians have titled this the War of the Kingdoms as the entire country was beset by warfare. At the onset of warfare, Chernarus and Dosnima sided with Adjinua, fearing that if the Liari invasion was successful that it was only a matter of time for themselves. In fact, they'd already had a taste of this with Heraq in the late 1300s and the early 1500s.

The first major clashes between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Heraq were in the 1380s during the War of the Rivers (1384 - 1389), so aptly named because the three kingdoms were separated from one another by rivers. In the early 1380s, Christian missionaries from both Chernarus and Dosnima had made attempts to bring about conversion to the Heraqi people, each time meeting with gruesome fates. In 1383, King Zef I, having had enough of these missionaries, orders his troops to seize a series of villages on the Chernarussian and Dosniman borders and burn them to the ground to create a buffer zone for his kingdom. In response, both kingdoms invaded Heraq and laid siege to Hiraj, the kingdom's capital. The Siege of Hiraj would last from 1385 to 1389, four long and grueling years for the city's people.

As devastating as it was though, the Siege of Hiraj was a military failure. The burgeoning Kingdom of Liaria had given overtures of support to the Chernarussians and the Dosnimans but no forces were ever committed. As a result, the Heraqi forces outside of Hiraj were able to harass the supply lines of the Chernarussians and Dosnimans continuously over the course of the siege. The lack of Liari support drained the resources of both kingdoms and in 1389, a peace agreement was signed between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Heraq. King Zef remained in power and the siege was lifted, heavily favoring the Heraqi position. Further supporting the Heraqi position, the Chernarussian and Dosniman kings pledged to end formally sponsored missionary efforts into Heraq, major concessions that favored the Heraqis. In response, Zef pledged to compensate both kingdoms for the 1383 raids and not order any further incursions into Chernarussian or Dosniman territory. Modern-day historians believe that Zef's position was greatly strengthened by the lack of Liari support. Though it has not been definitively proven, many historians believe that a secret treaty existed between Zef and the king of Liaria at the time. The War of the Rivers was the first of two major wars between Heraq and its neighbors. By the time the second rolled around; however, the Kingdom of Liaria was in a much better position.

The War of the Rivers changed the political dynamic throughout Poja though few took notice. For the Chernarus and Dosnima, the end result was more defeat than it was victory. The repercussions were significant. In 1391, the King of Dosnima was assassinated and in 1393, a coup ousted the King of Chernarus. The motivations of both were directly tied to the loss in the War of the Rivers. Yet, the new leadership in both kingdoms honored the peace agreement with Heraq and did not venture to obtain a better position for either kingdom. For Dosnima, the War of the Rivers had taken a disproportionately heavier toll on the kingdom, especially as it struggled against Kratoje and other polities. In Chernarus, the 1400s were in contrast a more peaceful time with the exception of 1457 - 1460 when Chernarus and Zagovenske went to war over freshwater access along their border. The war itself ended with no formal change to either entity's borders but it did provide guarantees for Chernarussian access to fresh water along the border in a victory for the kingdom but which, in and of itself, was not a loss for Zagovenske.

In 1450, King Vukan V of Liaria, fresh off the major victories of northern, Liari expansion, began the construction of Rugi. In Vukan's vision, Rugi would become a massive, planned and walled city that would form a megapolis in Liaria. Vukan believed that all of the roads throughout Poja would flow into Rugi and that, one day, Rugi would become the economic and cultural center of the land. He also envisioned that the entirety of Poja would be consumed by the Kingdom of Liaria. In 1900, 450 years later, Rugi would in fact become the capital of Poja and "all roads would flow into Rugi" but Liari dominance over Poja would fall short of Vukan's more absolute dreams. Rugi's construction would spur the formal construction of Novigrad as a new capital for Chernarus, an idea first proposed by abandoned when Novar and Chernarus were united in 1319. In spite of this, the Pojački kingdoms were hardly in a state of peace. Intermittent warfare raged throughout the land as Liaria expanded outwards and Dosnima established its borders and soon enough, Poja would be beset by a level of violence it had never seen before.

It started in October 1492, when Gazjon, a young Heraqi nobleman and army captain, seized power in Hiraj in a bloody and gruesome coup. Crowing himself King Gazjon I, he immediately embarked on a major purge throughout Heraqi society, slaughtering noblemen and elders who opposed him. By 1495, he had near absolute control over both the Heraqi government and its society. By this point, a little under one hundred years had elapsed since the end of the War of the Rivers and Gazjon believe that the Chernarussians and the Dosnimans had not been faithful in upholding their end of the peace agreement. What he based this off of was his own flawed observation that Christianity was spreading throughout Heraq. Knowing how much power the church yielded in the other Pojački kingdoms, he established a series of draconian decrees in the late 1490s persecuting Christians, forbidding worship, and declaring missionaries to be executable on sight by anyone. As a result, many long lingering blood feuds boiled over as Heraqis got revenge on one another. By 1501, Heraq was the most violent place in all of Poja. This did not go unnoticed by Chernarus, Dosnima, or Liaria.

From 1502 to 1512, over a ten-year-period, Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria had engaged in battle with Heraq no less than thirty-seven times. The clashes were small and localized but it set the stage for a growing tension between them that only further emboldened Gazjon's own bloodlust. In 1513, as a result of the clashes and what he saw as the "inevitability of the spread of Christianity into our DNA," he declared Christians to be traitors and ordered their mass execution throughout Heraq. He even went so far as to declare Christianity itself a menace to the world. Over the course of the next four years, Gazjon oversaw a massive genocide of Christians in Heraq. Christians were summarily executed and Heraqi forces even carried their campaign beyond the borders of Heraq. Gazjon's armies were particularly effective and historians have noted that he was particularly more violent and brutal than any other ruler in Pojački history. Gazjon's preferred treatment for those of the Christian faith was to crucify them along the roads into and out of his kingdom, leaving the bodies to be eaten by animals or rot away. Historical texts make special note of the smell and the sheer amount of blood that had soaked into the roads.

Main article: War of the Crosses

By spring 1517, it was obvious that Gazjon and his forces would need to be defeated. A formal alliance was formed between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria in April 1517 and after many months of preparations, the combined forces of these three kingdoms invaded Heraq on 3 December 1517. The war would become known as the War of the Crosses and it was unique in that it started in the cold, winter month of December. Gazjon had been expecting the war for some time but had not expected it to start until the spring of 1518 and thus, when it was launched, Heraqi forces were out of position and ill-equipped leading to many initial defeats. By spring 1518, Dosniman and Chernarussian forces were once again positioning themselves outside of Hiraj for a siege. Several journals surviving time have detailed the absolute horror and shock that awaited soldiers as they passed through thousands of crucified bodies left to rot along the roads to Hiraj.

It was however in the spring and summer of 1518 that Heraqi forces rallied. Throughout the early phases of the war, Heraqi forces struggled against the Chernarussians and Dosnimans but did not suffer the same issues against Liari forces moving in from the south. By mid-1518, Liari forces had been held back allowing the Heraqis to rally in defense of Hiraj. Throughout the rest of 1518 and into the first quarter of 1519, Chernarussian and Dosniman forces suffered devastating defeats and siege around Hiraj was lifted by March 1519. At that point, it appeared to be a repeat of the War of the Rivers. Yet it would not be the case. Overconfident from their victories around Hiraj and their early successes against Liari forces, Gazjon repositioned his troops to engage in a simultaneous invasion of Chernarus and Dosnima. In doing so, he left his forces in the south weakened and in April 1519, Liari forces broke through and routed their Heraqi counterparts, driving all the way to Hiraj by the end of May. Bolstered by reinforcements, Liari forces laid siege to Hiraj and attacked Gazjon's invading armies, routing them as well. By June, Hiraj was weakly defended by a fraction of men. In their drive, Liari forces also became the dominant army in Heraq with the Chernarussian and Dosniman forces essentially kept on their sides of the river borders.

On Friday, 13 June 1519, Hiraj fell to Liari forces and Gazjon was captured and executed the same day. The war formally ended on 26 June. Less than one percent of Gazjon's army remained alive and the death toll of the war is estimated to have exceeded 200,000. As a result of their dominant position in Heraq, the Kingdom of Liaria officially subjugated and absorbed the Kingdom of Heraq in what many in Chernarus and Dosnima, to this day, see as the ultimate betrayal. A large minority of historians, to this very day, believe that the initial Liari failures on the battlefield were engineered to weaken Chernarussian and Dosniman forces. Historians point out that Liari forces were understrength and that reserves were not used during the initial invasion. They also point out a number of strategic and tactical blunders that were so egregious as to be intentional. Regardless of this, Heraq would remain a part of Liaria even after the Treaty of Rugi was signed, achieving sovereignty only in 1981 following the Two-Year Crisis.

From the mid-1500s and into the mid-1600s, Liaria was the dominant entity in central Poja. Bolstered by its successes in Heraq and having suffered the fewest casualties of the three invading kingdoms, Liari forces expanded the kingdom significantly, setting the stage for the War of the Kingdoms to erupt in 1650.

The Zagovenske Confederation (1500s - 1700s)

While the Pojački kingdoms were occupied with expansion and fighting one another, the Zagovnske Confederation, as it was collectively known, was focused on different priorities. Developing something independently than the rest of Poja, by the turn of the 14th century Zagovenske had established itself into seven, independent territories referred to as cantons. Each canton was, in essence, a micronation within the broader land known as Zagovenske yet, the rulers of these cantons were much more focus on an external nemesis than they were concerned about one another. Because Zagovenske had become a refuge for the persecuted Christians and pagans throughout Poja, its leaders lived in perpetual fear that it would someday be a target of conquest and genocide by the vengeful kingdoms. While this never materialized, Zagovar leaders saw Gazjon's rise to power in the 1490s as proof that their paranoia was not without reason.

Up until the 1460s, the cantons of Zagovenske had no formal hierarchy amongst themselves. Each ruler saw his canton as his own domain and the others equally. The cantons appointed representatives to one another so that they could coordinate amongst themselves without the need for a formal, high-level government. This proved problematic in 1457 when Chernarus attacked over the border area and freshwater access. Though Zagovenske proved resilient in the face of the conflict, the cantons decided that their informal setup was inefficient and unlikely to work in the face of a massive onslaught from both Chernarus and Liaria. It was thus in 1462 that the cantons formally established a "coordinating council" whose job it was to streamline communications between the cantons and allow them to work as a single, cohesive unit. By coordinating now with this council versus each canton individually, the seven cantons could react much more quickly and decisively. The rulers of the cantons appointed now one person to the council instead of six individual representatives to one another.

The Zagovar council was situated in Zhapolatsk, which itself was the most powerful of the cantons. Zhapolatsk, as a city, had grown tremendously since its founding in 1057. By 1462, it was the banking center of Poja and amongst the wealthiest entities in all of Poja. Situated on Poja's western border, not far from the mountainous Kalnija, Zhapolatsk had navigable river access that led all of way to the Mediargic Sea. It was also far removed from all of the Pojački kingdoms, which meant that attacking it would require an invading army to go through the entirety of Zagovenske or up the river, where they would be very vulnerable. Because of this, it had long been established as something of a neutral ground even in Poja's most violent times. Zagovenske's status as a refuge for persecuted persons helped as well.

The first formal bank was established in Zhapolatsk in 1183 and the first customers were the kingdoms themselves. At the time, many of Poja's small polities, fearful of invasion and having their treasuries stripped dry, began to deposit not insignificant sums of money into what was then referred to as the Bank of Zhapolatsk. By the end of the 13th century, the Bank of Zhapolatsk had more money in its vaults than any one single polity in Poja. Records for the Bank of Zhapolatsk were immaculate and letters of credit had been issued to the many depositors for retrieval of their funds. However, as the smaller polities were swallowed by the larger Pojački kingdoms, sometimes these letters of credit were destroyed, stolen, or lost. Thus, not all of these funds were reclaimed by the larger kingdoms. In an internal inquiry done by the leadership of the Bank of Zhapolatsk, it was estimated that almost Ð15 million was unclaimed throughout all accounts in the bank. In 2023, that sum would be work almost Ð500 million. It is unknown if these funds were ever claimed but it would be unlikely due to the loss of those letters of credit.

Thus, by 1462, the canton of Zhapolatsk had amassed considerable power and wealth from nearly three centuries of banking. By the turn of the century, Zhapolatsk had a population of almost 8,000 people making it the largest city in Zagovenske. By the time the Treaty of Rugi was signed in 1900, Zhapolatsk would be home to just over 150,000 people. Almost half of modern-day Zagovenske's population lives in Zhapolatsk.

Zagovenske wasn't going to be without trouble though. By the end of the 1400s, a dozen banks had been established in the city and the owners of these banks wielded considerable power within the canton but none more than the owner of the Bank of Zhapolatsk, which had remained owned by the Volacič family since its inception. Their closest rival was a bank owned by Artsyom Starčanka who had been known as a shrewd and otherwise very cunning businessman. Amongst the banking families of Zhapolatsk, there were few friends and they merely tolerated one another out of professional courtesy. This was about to change in the early 1500s. In 1505, Starčanka, who had no heir, secretly named his mistress as the inheritor of the bank's ownership upon his death. Already in his mid-60s by then, Starčanka had already almost died after contracting influenza some years prior. Per the laws of inheritance, Starčanka's mistress would have had to pay a sizeable tax on the transfer of assets since she was not "of blood or marriage." At first, he attempted to influence the canton's leadership to c change the laws on inheritance tax but the Volacič family got wind of this and used their own influence to keep the laws as such.

Starčanka, undeterred by this, contrived to have his wife murdered so that he could marry his mistress to avoid the tax. Unbeknownst to him, the Volacič family had secretly informed his wife of Starčanka's attempts to change the laws and of the would-be inheritor of the bank and had assigned agents of protection to her in case Starčanka would attempt to have her murdered. The following year, Starčanka set into motion his plan by having his wife serve as the bank officer of record for a money transfer to the King of Chernarus. The plan was to have bandits attack the shipment and kill his wife in the process. In exchange, they would be able to keep 10% of the funds. Alerted to the plan, the Volacič family intercepted the bandits and set into motion the idea that they should keep more than the 10% because of the considerable risk they took. On 19 March 1506, fifty kilometers into the Kingdom of Chernarus, the bandits struck and attacked the wagons killing several of the bank's guards but not Starčanka's wife, who they took into ransom along with the money. Starčanka had unknowingly done business with Konyakov, Chernarus' most infamous bandit and, when armed with the information from the Volacič family, asked for a considerable change to the terms of his agreement with Starčanka. He demanded 50% of the funds to kill his wife or else he would let her go.

Incapable of covering such a sum to the King of Chernarus, Starčanka balked and Konyakov let his wife go with the knowledge of Starčanka's plan but, in the process, also let known the double cross by the Volacič family, who had hoped for her demise so that they could pin the murder on Starčanka. She returned to Starčanka with this truth and, no less cunning herself, turned him and his mistress over to the authorities, gaining full control of the bank in the process. She also began a war against the Volacič family by ordering agents of her bank to assassinate several prominent members of the Volacič family. What erupted was a war that lasted 2 years between the two families that left hundreds dead and only ended when Starčanka's wife was killed by assassins of the Volacič family. By then, Zhapolatsk's ruler had become deeply bonded to Starčanka thanks to her forgiving his debts, and as a result of her murder, severely clamped down on the powers of the banks in the canton.

This war was just a prelude of what was to come though. The peace held for a little over 100 years. Throughout that time, the other cantons throughout Zagovenske seized on the opportunity of the banks' shackles and grew in power themselves. In 1627, the Zagovar council voted to move to Zagovenske's second largest city, Novachyn. Zhapolatsk protested but was outvoted and thus unable to prevent the move. In response, Zhapolatsk's ruler called in all of the debts of the other cantons, which amounted to a hefty sum and, when they refused to pay, ordered his banks to seize and hand over the funds. In 1629, civil war erupted throughout Zagovenske in what was known as the Nine Years' War (1629 - 1638). It left almost 80,000 people dead and severely damaged Zagovenske's reputation as a refuge. In the end, the Zagovar council remained in Novachyn and the independent militias of each canton were disbanded in favor of a singular Zagovar army that was under direct control of the Zagovar council.

An uneasy peace returned to the Zagovenske Confederation. Weakened by the loss of their individual armies, the cantons were forced to adopt a number of measures that prevented the future breakout of conflict amongst themselves. The canton of Zhapolatsk was ordered to pay reparations for starting the conflict and the government was bankrupt by 1642. Unable to secure additional funding from the banks, the ruling nobility failed to pay the peasants and people of Zhapolatsk. The result was the Zhapolatsk Peasant War of 1642 - 1643 that lasted six months from September 1642 to March 1643. The nobility was overthrown and Zhapolatsk was left in a state of anarchy for several months until June 1643 when it became the first entity in Poja to elect a leader. From that point onward, Zhapolatsk functioned as a republic and would significantly influence the concept of Pojački unification in the late 19th century.

War of the Kingdoms (1650 - 1689)

Main article: War of the Kingdoms

The War of the Kingdoms was, in many ways, inevitable. For the better part of the prior 800 years, the various tribes and then kingdoms of Poja had clashed on a near constant basis. Even during periods of peace, kingdoms clashed with one another along their borders as each kingdom tried to gain more and more territory at the expense of the others. Smaller polities were gobbled up by the larger kingdoms creating nothing but historical hatreds that persisted over the centuries. The everchanging political landscape of Poja meant a constant shifting of allegiances where allies became enemies and vice versa. In addition, the "unifying enemy" that was the Kingdom of Heraq was no longer in existence after 1519 when it was subjugated by the Kingdom of Liaria. The vanquishing of Heraq meant that Chernarus and Dosnima no longer had a common enemy and, the perceived betrayal by Liaria in both the War of the Rivers and the War of the Crosses meant that Liaria itself was set up to take Heraq's place.

By the early 1600s, as Liaria expanded up to the border of Adjinua, it was already the largest kingdom in Poja. Its military and economic might rivaled that of Chernarus, Dosnima, and Kratoje combined. Yet, against Adjinua, Liaria was evenly matched. Despite having more territory and a stronger military, the economic might of Adjinua was more than triple that of Liaria thanks to its maritime territories and the fact that it had not spent the prior 300 years fighting wars. Adjinua was also very well defended and had a significant geographical advantage in how its defenses were arranged. This would certainly enable them early victories but even with their economic might, the Adjinuan leadership knew they couldn't sustain a long war against Liaria and sought informal alliances with the other Pojački kingdoms. Position Liaria as the new "unifying enemy," the Adjinuan leadership was able to gain assurances and informal alliances with the other kingdoms by the 1620s. Following the end of the Nine Years' War in Zagovenske, Adjinuan rulers were able to begin making headway with the cantons there but knew they would only get so far as the cantons professed neutrality to any conflict involving the Pojački kingdoms. The Adjinuan leadership had not come to any agreements with the Zagovenske Confederation when the Liari invasion began in 1650, igniting the largest and the longest war in Poja's history. Over 2.5 million people would be killed over the course of the next thirty-nine years.

Beginning on 25 June 1650, Liari forces began to assault all along Adjinua's western border though most of these attacks were more of a harassing nature meant to tie down Adjinua's forces to defending along the long flank. The strategy was sound and met with initial success but Liari forces were unable to secure a breakthrough anywhere and retreated after a few months. While it appeared that the war itself would not materialize, Adjinuan leaders knew better and began to replenish their supplies and repair damage to their fortifications. In spring 1651, Liaria attacked again but this time in a more concentrated fashion against the northern provinces of Adjinua. This time, the attack was met with significant success and Liari forces achieved an early breakthrough. It was at this point in August 1651 that Adjinua called upon the other Pojački kingdoms to help. The responses were slow but by the end of 1651, Chernarus and Dosnima had begun to attack along Liaria's borders, forcing Liaria to defend now on three fronts.

Throughout the rest of the 1650s, the four kingdoms of Poja fought intermittent warfare with one another. Liaria secured and lost territory while Chernarus and Dosnima found significantly more success. Dosnima occupied virtually all of the former Kingdom of Heraq by 1658 and Chernarus had claimed over 500 km² of Liaria territory. Yet, Liaria continued to combat the kingdoms, even when Kratoje joined the fight on the side of Dosnima, not that it had many troops to send to the fight. Zagovenske, on the other hand, remained completely neutral and resisted Adjinuan attempts to punish Liaria for the invasion.

By 1665, Adjinua had lost one-third of its territory and Liaria secured access to the Kezanoi Sea. Adjinuan naval forces, which had centuries to develop, laid siege to Liari-controlled port towns and cities and landed troops during counteroffensive campaigns. Bolstered by Chernarussian and Dosniman gains, Adjinua managed to reclaim much of its lost territory by 1669; however, by then it became apparent that they did not have enough manpower to sustain much more fighting, the war already having gone for nineteen years. By 1672, all sides seemed exhausted and a ceasefire was declared hat lasted for six years. At that point, Liaria had lost approximately 20,000 km² of territory to Dosnima and Chernarus and held less than 2,500 km² of territory in Adjinua. Yet, Liaria had been spending the ceasefire time redeveloping its forces and honing new strategies.

In May 1678, when fighting resumed, Liaria went on a major offensive, recapturing half of its territory from Dosnima and Chernarus within nine months and gaining an additional 15,000 km² of territory in Adjinua, driving Adjinuan forces further and further south. Until 1684, little changed from a territorial ownership perspective. In that year however, two major breakthroughs happened. In the first half of the year, Adjinua made its breakthrough with the Zagovar council. Adjinua had been after the Zagovar council for three decades to enact a law preventing the withdrawal of money held in Zagovenske banks by war belligerents. The wording of the law was specifically written to prevent only aggressor nations, meaning that Liaria would be sanctioned whereas Adjinua would not as it was defending its territory. So long as Adjinua did not attempt to invade Liaria, they would not be affected by the law. The Zagovar council, hesitant to adopt the law for fear of being attacked by Liaria, finally relented in 1684 and enacted the law. The result was an almost instantaneous cutting off of money to the Liari government. The Zagovar council went one step further as well and added a clause to the war that should any aggressor nation attack Zagovenske in response to the law, the Zagovar council would permanently seize that nation's funds from its banks. The Liari leadership protested and threatened to follow through on an invasion to punish the Zagovar council for abandoning neutrality but never made do on those threats, much to the relief of the Zagovar council.

From 1684 to 1689, the Zagovar council raised a significant army, which included hiring foreign mercenaries in the event of a Liari invasion. When the war was over, many of these mercenaries remained behind and became part of the formal, Zagovar army. In doing so, the Zagovar army, despite its relatively small size compared to the armies of the other kingdoms, became one of the most capable and powerful.

As funding dried up from the Kingdom of Liaria, the fighting landscape changed. Chernarus and Dosnima found themselves affected by the law as well and were forced to pull back on some of their more ambitious plans to raid Rugi, fearful that they would not have the funds to sustain a siege of the Liari capital. On the Adjinuan front however, the Liari leadership knew that time was of the essence and they launched one final thrust in Adjinua in 1686, two years after the Zagovar law was passed. By mid-1688, they had secured significant amounts of territory as Adjinua, weary from warfare and unable to replace its losses, retreated to the south. A ceasefire was declared on 31 October 1688 and peace negotiations began in the Adjinuan city of Riamonia, which stood only five kilometers from the front.

On 15 April 1689, that peace agreement was signed in what became known as the Treaty of Riamonia. Intending to serve as a major document of peace amongst the Pojački kingdoms, the Treaty of Riamonia offered concessions to every party in the conflict. Chernarus and Dosnima pulled back to their pre-war borders with Liaria but were able to gain economic incentives in Heraqi territory that allowed them to conduct business within Heraq's borders without having to pay taxes to Liaria. In essence, Heraq became something of a free trade zone between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria. Kratoje, which had entered the war to support of Dosnima was granted 500 km² of historically contested territory with Dosnima known as Blatjak, ending a major source of tension between Dosnima and Kratoje. The area, which was ethnically Kratojik had been administered by Dosnima since the 1399. The Kratojik populace had suffered persecution by the Dosnimans for almost 300 years by that point. Adjinua was forced to concede its lost territories to Liaria, establishing the modern-day Liari borders. Yet in doing so, Liaria was forced to pay hefty reparations and establish a demilitarized zone for twenty kilometers on their side of the border. Adjinua guaranteed it would not make a future attempt to reclaim any land. Adjinua and Liaria would not guarantee free trade with one another, despite negotiating attempts, but did agree to very low tariffs at two ports in each kingdom. Zagovenske, not being a party to the conflict, did not receive any concessions with the Treaty of Riamonia but had been instrumental in its negotiations and guaranteed that it would drop all sanctions on Liari money within its banks.

The Treaty of Riamonia was groundbreaking. It did not entirely put a stop to all warfare in Poja but it established the first treaty signed by all of Poja's polities. As a result of the concessions made, Poja would not see another major war amongst its kingdoms again and did not see any warfare period until 1768 when a brief spat between Dosnima and Kratoje broke the peace. The war itself was short-lived, saw minimal casualties, and resulted in no territorial changes. Several small conflicts would erupt over the next fifty years but be largely insignificant in nature with little impact on Pojački history.

The First Peace (1700s - 1880)

In the wake of the signing of the Treaty of Riamonia, the Pojački kingdoms found renewed avenues for diplomatic relations with one another. Trade quickly flourished now that the kingdoms were not at war with one another and a true sense of peace was established throughout Poja. Even in spite of several small and insignificant conflicts, the overall sense of peace and prosperity was never derailed. From 1689 to 1768, not a single war or conflict broke out amongst the Pojački kingdoms, which, at that point, was the longest period that any of the Pojački polities had gone without violence. The short spat between Kratoje and Dosnima in 1768 did little to alter the political landscape of Poja and it was hardly noticed by the other kingdoms. The war, a border conflict, erupted over the construction of a bridge leading from Dosnima into Blatjak. In six months of fighting, fewer than 500 people were killed or wounded and when the conflict was over, the bridge itself was completed without further harassment.

Throughout the 1700s, as the Pojački kingdoms developed deeper economic ties with one another, the spectre of another major conflict seemed simply too costly and the various leaders of these kingdoms all came to this same conclusion throughout the century. Even in the face of several brief conflicts in the late 1700s and early 1800s, the prospect of launching a major conflict never crossed the minds of any of the leaders. The conflicts themselves were largely focused on single issues and resolved quickly with minimal bloodshed. Several had no bloodshed at all and were resolved as the two armies met one another on the battlefield, negotiating a truce even before the fighting started. What dawned was seemingly a new age of politics within the Pojački kingdoms.

It would be during this time that Milan Saban (1708 - 1772), a member of the Adjinuan aristocracy and an academic first proposed the concept of unifying the Pojački kingdoms into a single, political entity. As an academic and a member of the Adjinuan aristocracy, Saban had been appointed as a diplomat by the Adjinuan government and traveled extensively throughout the Pojački kingdoms in the 1740s and the 1750s. Throughout his travels, his exposure to the other kingdoms, especially Zagovenske, gave him the idea that the Pojački kingdoms could be unified into a confederacy not unlike that in Zagovenske. The kingdoms would replace the cantons with each king sovereign in his territory but an overarching council would be made to allow the kingdoms to coordinate international trade and raise a single army that could be used to defend this confederation.

Saban returned to Adjinua in the late 1750s and had the ear of King Bartol V (1730 - 1801). With Bartol's blessing, he brought his theories into Adjinuan academia. Though not well received at the time, Saban's theories would wind up being "rediscovered" in 1880s as the talk of unification spread throughout the Pojački kingdoms. Saban would die in 1772 without ever realizing his dream but Pojački historians have dubbed him the "great grandfather" of Pojački unification. As near as historians can tell, Saban was the first individual within the Pojački kingdoms to bring the idea of unification into serious discussion, even if those discussions were largely confined to Adjinuan academia.

Shortly after Saban's death, the Industrial Revolution arrived in Poja and throughout the 1780s and the 1790s, the kingdoms were completely transformed by it. It also brought an influx of foreign influence, traders, and travelers who began to impart their own cultures and ideas upon Poja, bringing about a new Age of Enlightenment to Poja in the early 1800s. By then, the prospect of violence between the kingdoms had largely ebbed and the Pojački kingdoms were no longer looking at each other through the lenses of historical grievances but rather as economic partners. Each kingdom was able to provide something significant to the Pojački economy, benefiting everyone. It was by this time that the Pojački kingdoms began to take on the shape of a modern-day nation-state. Economic growth spurned societal changes as the governments began to establish modern services. Laws were rewritten on the concept of equality instead of separate laws for separate classes. A middle class began to arise and grow in the 1800s as education standards were increased. Literacy rates and life expectancies grew.

In the wake of the Industrial Revolution, manufacturing and mining grew exponentially, quickly outpacing agriculture and farming as the dominant forms of revenue though rural areas of the Pojački kingdoms remained steadfastly dedicated to agriculture and farming. This was necessary to ensure an uninterrupted supply of food to the growing kingdoms.

In 1839, a provision in the Treaty of Riamonia allowed for a conference amongst the Pojački kingdoms to discuss whether or not the terms of the treaty remained "current" with the state of society. The provision had been skillfully inserted into the document by the Zagovar negotiators for the express purpose of ensuring that the treaty could be modified in the future to ensure a lasting peace in the land. By 1839, the kingdoms were so intertwined economically that renegotiations of the Treaty of Riamonia centered not around territorial boundaries but rather economic sectors. The Zagovar negotiators in 1689 had hoped that 150 years of "peace" amongst the Pojački kingdoms would dispel any future desire for major conflict again and they were right though they had never envisioned the Industrial Revolution.

The most significant aspect of the 1839 renegotiations of the Treaty of Riamonia was the establishment of free trade amongst the Pojački kingdoms. No longer would there be special zones for free trade or reduced tariffs, rather the Pojački kingdoms would be able to trade freely with one another. This was hailed as a major achievement for the Pojački kingdoms. It was also a major boost for foreign merchants with Poja. Capitalizing on the free trade amongst the kingdoms, merchants signed exclusive contracts with Pojački companies to provide all of their goods. Those companies would then move those goods without tariff throughout the Pojački kingdoms. Foreign merchants thus only had to pay one tariff instead of multiple tariffs and Pojački companies wound up gaining significant amounts of business as a result.

For the Pojački kingdoms the 1840s, the 1850s, and the 1860s were characterized by an explosion in growth, both in population but also economic revenue. However, it was short-lived and by the 1870s, the wave was starting to slow down. Predicted in 1855 by Liari economist Simeon Kokolja (1820 - 1902), Kokolja was still alive to see his predictions come true as economic growth slowed in the early 1870s. Kokolja had theorized that the Pojački kingdoms would eventually hit a ceiling, at which point they would no longer be able to keep up with growing demand and thus be capped in their ability to grow economically. By 1874, it was all too apparent that this ceiling was rapidly approaching. Kokolja, as a result, proposed the concept of a cohesive, singular nation-state, unifying the Pojački kingdoms. Kokolja was not alone in this mindset either. Academics throughout the Pojački kingdoms had been theorizing the idea of a unified nation-state since the 1850s, largely as a result of the cooperation seen amongst the Pojački kingdoms in the "Era of Free Trade." By this point, Saban's writings and teachings had yet to be "rediscovered." Having been dead less than one hundred years, many of what Saban's writings theorized were beginning to be discussed and formulated by academics and theorists throughout Poja though the substance was significantly different. Saban, for example, had never seen the Pojački kingdoms as surrendering sovereignty and the theories coming out of the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s almost universally called for the establishment of a republic-style government in stark contrast to Saban's more conservative approach at Pojački unification.

The approach of the academics and theorists during this time was not well received, however. The idea of surrendering sovereignty and power would not win over any of the aristocrats and rulers in the Pojački kingdoms. In fact, it was not even popular in Zagovenske, where the Zagovenske Confederation still stood. Some of the more extreme academics and theorists began to talk of revolution to unite the Pojački kingdoms but these men were quickly ostracized by their peers for fear that calls for revolution might bring about persecution and retaliation from the aristocrats and rulers of the Pojački kingdoms.

It would be the 1880s that began to shift the attitudes of the Pojački kingdoms towards unification and while academics and theorists played a large part, the ascension of two kings wound up proving even more pivotal. The first was King Nikola VIII of Liaria who ascended to the throne in 1879 and the second was King Mokhov I of Chernarus, who had come to power in 1883.

Formation of the Confederacy (1880 - 1900)

By 1880, the unification movement was gathering major momentum. From 1862, when it was brought up for the first time in an official forum, more and more people grew fond of the idea. However, in all truth, the idea was hardly "new" when it was brought up in 1862. In fact, the earliest mentions in historical texts date back to the early 16th century when a Catholic missionary, presumed to be Saint Jakov, the patron saint of Adjinua, wrote an extensive manuscript on his work in the Adjinuan lands. In his manuscript, he wrote of the strong potential for Catholic conversion throughout the lands of Adjinua and beyond, even going so far as to call for unification of all lands under not only the banner of Catholicism but of a central, theocratic government. Saint Jakov was what many considered a "forward thinker" during his time. Despite his position as a Catholic monk and missionary, he believed in allowing all faiths equal representation, believing that conversion was not to be forced but rather to be encouraged via the Gospels.

The idea of unification appears sporadically throughout history until 1862 and from then on, it gathers momentum throughout the lands of the Six Kingdoms. When King Nikola VIII of Liaria called for a massive meeting of the Six Kingdoms, he never bargained for the kind of reception he would receive. The thriving, resort city of Vetenica was besieged by the leaders of each of the Six Kingdoms along with their entourages. The city, which was a thriving hub of the Liari aristocracy was overwhelmed as academics and aristocrats flocked to the city for the once-in-a-lifetime meeting.

On 1 July 1880, when the first round of talks kicked off, there were 539 people in attendance, so many that a cavernous hall rented specifically for the occasion had to be reconfigured with additional chairs. Pews and chairs were borrowed from a nearby church just for the occasion. Throughout the talks, each of the six leaders laid out the status of his nation-state. Academics, economists, and political scientists and philosophers spoke as well, giving speeches that were sometimes rousing and other times very dull and boring. The conference would last well into the latter part of the month and though no definitive conclusion would be reached, the six leaders went away with the drive to work towards accomplishing the goal of unification. It would not be as easy as signing a treaty however. The Six Kingdoms may have been in a period of cooperation and peace but history was littered with periods of animosity and virulence towards one another. Much would have to be done to smooth over the notion that an Adjinuan - for example - would be on the same, equal footing as a Liari or a Chernarussian. Furthermore, deep ethnic disagreements such as those between the Liari and the Chernarussians would have to be placated somehow and of course there remained the concern that the Liari were so vast in number.

In the spirit of unification and cooperation however, the conference worked towards a new goal of meeting yearly to determine just how feasible this would be. The goal was to keep the push towards unification front and center between the Six Kingdoms rather than allow everyone to go their separate ways to work independently. If this was going to be achieved, they would have to work together.

By 1885, the first shreds of progress had been made. It was during 1885 that the Six Kingdoms agreed to form the first "cross-nation council." What formed was the Council of Advisors, an 18-member panel - three per state - that would meet in Rugi, the Liari capital, and allowed for a more direct and focused attention to the Six Kingdoms and plans for unification. The council could discuss relevant politics between all of the different states and they were given priority access to telegraph lines that were being expanded throughout the country. From Rugi, this council could connect to any of the other capitals in mere seconds. This kind of instant communication allowed them an unprecedented ability to make decisions. It would soon be that this council had its advice not only heeded but taken as Gospel by the Six Kingdoms.

By 1890, the unification plan was gathering new momentum. As the turn of the century approached and society grew more and more modernized, the limitations of the Six Kingdoms' individual economies was becoming evident. Analysis by leading economists showed that the Six Kingdoms would likely peak within two decades and then begin to decline, if they remained on their own. It was believed that the shared treasuries of each of the nations would allow money to be spent much more wisely. Of course, this required a competent and uncorrupt cross-national treasury.

In 1892, the first draft of what would become known as the Treaty of Rugi was presented to the government of each of the Six Kingdoms. The treaty called for a strong, centralized government with an elected executive. It allowed for a bicameral, national legislature that would have a lower house consisting of a proportional number of delegates from each nation-state and an upper house with an equal number of delegates from each nation-state. The draft was rejected however as it was felt that it provided the Liari with virtual dominance of the nation. Still, the treaty itself was a major jumping point for the unification of the Six Kingdoms. Beyond the position it gave the Liari, the draft was well received in its call for representative democracy. However, the leaders of each nation-state felt that stripping them of all powers would be intolerable. No attempts, they pushed, should be made to dismantle the existing aristocracy.

The Council of Advisors would return to the drawing board and present nine more drafts over the next three years. Each one solved prior criticisms but present new ones that forced rejection by the leaders of the Six Kingdoms. In February 1896, the Treaty of Rugi took shape in what would emerge as its final draft. It called for a confederacy that kept the balance of power with the states, which would be referred to as "autonomous regions." Each region would have an elected bicameral legislature and an elected executive known as the "Premier." They would have full domain over their own, internal policies, defenses, and budgets. On the national level however, there would be a unicameral legislature. The delegates to this legislature would be appointed by each region's Premier. A national head of state, to be titled "President," would be further appointed by this national legislative body. It would be up to the President to handle all matters of state concerning foreign affairs and matters that crossed over the borders of each region. The national legislative body would have the ability to pass nation-wide laws but they would have to be national in nature and affect all regions equally.

The Treaty of Rugi would be hashed out in finer detail over the course the next few years. A final draft, agreed upon by all of the leaders of the Six Kingdoms, was signed on 13 September 1900 and came into force immediately. The treaty would be signed in Rugi, which would become the capital of the new nation, named "Poja." Each of the seven languages would be recognized as official languages though Liari would default as the de facto national language simply because it had the most linguistic similarity to all other languages - except Chernarussian - and it was the most widely spoken language in the country. It was however renamed Pojački out of political sensitivities and would, itself, morph over time to be different from the original Liari. The national legislature would be referred to as the House of Magnates and the leader of the country as President. A Confederation Council was established to provide a forum for each of the six, regional Premiers. The legislative branches of each region would be referred to as a Congress with a lower Chamber of Deputies and an upper Chamber of Councilors. Elections were set to be once every five years and there were no term limits envisioned during this time, a nod to the aristocracy's desire to continue to hold power in the new Confederacy of Poja.

The Treaty of Rugi also provided with a judicial setup that would allow for a national court system that would be independent of the regional courts so that it could be an unbiased court designed to rule over issues that required such matters, particularly any involving interregional disputes. Once the Treaty of Rugi came into force, the Confederacy of Poja would replace the Six Kingdoms and stand as a new symbol of unification across religious, historical, and ethnic lines. Though it intended to create a new identity amongst the people of the Six Kingdoms, that being Pojački, it would not be so.

Politics

Government

Poja is a confederacy consisting of seven sovereign regions bound together by the Treaty of Rugi, which was signed in 1900. The country is established as a representative democracy with significant power and rights afforded to the sovereign regions, while also establishing a separate and equally powerful federalized government. In a separation of power, each region maintains full legislative and executive authority within its borders while the federal government is responsible for maintaining the confederacy and conducting foreign relations. The government is regulated by a system of checks and balances, as defined by the Treaty of Rugi to discourage and hinder the country from becoming a dictatorial state.

The government of Poja is separated into the three traditional branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. These three branches exist on both the federal and the regional level. Local government, which is defined as subregional, abides by the same standards and practices as federal and regional levels, forming a cohesive political unit from top down.

Federal Level

The federal level of Poja is the supranational element of the government of Poja. It is primarily charged with maintaining the integrity of the confederacy, conducting foreign relations, and regulating interregional commerce and relations.

Sitting in the executive position is the President of Poja, the highest position of power and authority within the Confederacy of Poja. The President is elected by a majority vote of the nation's Electoral College. The Electoral College is made up of the XXX districts throughout Poja, with each district afforded one vote. A simple majority of votes is required to elect the President. A candidate may win a district with a plurality of votes cast in that district. In this sense, a candidate may win a district without carrying a majority of the votes. The President is elected for a five-year term and there are no term limits. As of 2023, Poja has had thirteen elected Presidents. The President serves as head of state.

The legislative branch is the House of Magnates, which consists of thirty-five magnates elected from each of the regions. Each region is afforded five magnates, who are elected by ranked-choice voting, meaning that the top five candidates in each region's elections serve in the House of Magnates. Magnates serve for a five-year term with no term limits. The House of Magnates is charged to ratifying trade agreements and treaties, confirming federal-level appointments, approving the federal budget, regulating interregional commerce, and proposing amendments to the Treaty of Rugi. From within the House of Magnates, a Chancellor is elected to serve as head of government. The Chancellor is elected by simple majority of the thirty-five magnates and serves throughout his or her 5-year term in the House of Magnates. The Chancellor must be an elected member of the House of Magnates and typically does not vote except in tie-breaker situations.

The judicial branch is separated into two courts. The Court of Supreme Justice is the highest criminal court in the nation. There are seven Supreme Justices who serve 10-year terms without term limits. Each region is allowed one justice on the Court of Supreme Justice, who is appointed by a simple majority vote of each of that region's five magnates. The Court of Supreme Justice holds the distinction of being the only court capable of affirming a death warrant in the case of a capital crimes case. While a lower court may recommend a death warrant, it is not considered approved until it is reviewed and voted upon by the Court of Supreme Justice. In addition, the Court of Supreme Justice also reviews final appeals for criminal cases and is tasked with hearing crimes related to federal government accountability.

The other court is the Constitutional Court of Poja, which specifically deals with matters of constitutionality. Like the Court of Supreme Justice, justices serve up to 10-year terms with no limit on the number of terms. The court consists of fifteen justices, fourteen of whom come from the regions - two per region - and one who is nominated by the President. The fourteen justices from the regions are appointed by ranked choice voting amongst the region's magnates, allowing two justices per region. The President's choice does not require confirmation from the magnates. The Constitutional Court of Poja has the final authority on the constitutionality of all federal laws and it can also strike down the laws of regions that are found to violate the Treaty of Rugi and other constitutionally accepted doctrine of Poja. One limitation of the Constitutional Court of Poja is that, though it can strike down a region's law, it cannot force the region to retract the law; however, it can provide justification for another region not to recognize said law. Typically, when the Constitutional Court of Poja rejects a region's law, the law is withdrawn and/or revised, rather than kept in place.

Region Level

Each of Poja's seven regions is considered sovereign within the confines of the Confederacy of Poja. Within the boundaries of each region, the region's government is considered the supreme authority. However, their authority cannot extend further, nor can the individual regions act in contravention to the federal government. One famous example of this is the declaration of unilateral independence by Chernarus in 1968. As the declaration was considered unconstitutional, the federal government was legally within its rights to force reintegration of Chernarus into the Confederacy of Poja through military force.

Sitting in the executive position is the region's Premier who acts as both head of state and head of government and has supreme, executive authority within the region. The Premier is elected by a simple majority vote of the region's voters and serves 5-year terms with no limit. The Premier is responsible for overseeing the executive branch of the region's government, which includes signing bills passed to his by the legislature. While a Premier does have the authority to veto a bill, no Premier's have yet to veto a bill as it would involve considerable political scandal and bring into question the constitutionality of said bill. In addition, the Premier may dismiss a censured legislator and call for a special election to replace him/her.

The legislature of each region is a bicameral body known as the Congress. The legislature is made up of a lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, and the upper house, the Chamber of Senators. All regional legislatures are identical except in the number of seats. The Chamber of Deputies consists of one deputy per municipality or city, of which there are varying numbers per region. Deputies are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 5-year terms that are renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Deputies is responsible for proposing bills, managing the budgets of each region, setting taxes, and checking the power on the Premier. With a simple majority, the Chamber of Deputies can bring forth articles of impeachment against a Premier, should the Premier violate the law or act outside the bounds of his or her authority. The Chamber of Deputies may also censure a fellow deputy with a two-thirds supermajority. The most common cause for censure is dereliction of duty, such as unexcused absences during voting sessions.

The Chamber of Senators consists of one senator per district, of which there are varying numbers per region. Senators are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Senators is responsible for approving or rejecting bills as proposed by the Chamber of Deputies, approving or rejecting amendments to the Treaty of Rugi as proposed by the House of Magnates with a three-fifths supermajority, and confirming region-level appointments. In instances where the Chamber of Deputies brings forth articles of impeachment, the Chamber of Senators, with a simple majority, can affirm the articles, which will automatically remove the Premier from office. Like the Chamber of Deputies, the Chamber of Senators can also censure a fellow senator with a two-thirds supermajority.

The judicial branch is separated into three court levels. From the lowest to the highest there is the: Court of Justice, Court of Appeals, and Supreme Court of the Region. The Court of Justice hears both civil and criminal cases with one or three judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Justice is the initial hearing of all civil and criminal cases, with the exception of capital crimes cases.

The Court of Appeals hears both civil and criminal appeals with three or five judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Appeals is the highest court of civil cases and its judgements, when rendered, are final. For criminal cases, the decision of the Court of Appeals can be further appealed to the Supreme Court of the Region.

The Supreme Court of the Region hears only criminal cases and only appeals from the lower Court of Appeals. There are seven judges, who are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. Judges serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Supreme Court of the Region is the only court that can recommend a death warrant and, as such, it is the first hearing for all capital crimes cases. In addition, the Supreme Court of the Region hears all cases involving regional government accountability cases.

Political Parties

Poja is a multi-party state. As of 2023, there are over 50 political parties registered in Poja but only 8 have over 1,000,000 registered members, classifying them as "major political parities."

Major Political Parties of Poja

Name	Abbreviation	Leader	Ideology	Political Position
Modern Poja Moderna Poja	MOP	Krsto Mirkovich	Liberalism Pro-Globalism Regionalism	Center-right
People's Front for Poja Narodna fronta za Poja	NFP	Anna Stupka	Left-wing nationalism Left-wing populism Socialism	Far-left
Pojački Democratic Party Pojački demokratska stranka	PDS	Jovo Kolačarić	Federalism Liberalism Pro-Globalism	Center
Pojački Green Party Pojački Zelena stranka	PZS	Bogdan Terzić	Eco-socialism Green Politics Progressivism	Center-left
Pojački People's Party Pojački narodna stranka	PNS	Marina Stanić	Anti-Globalism Communism	Far-left
Radical Poja Radikalni Poja	RAP	Bojana Čukić	Fascism Militarism Ultranationalism	Far-right
Socialist Party Socijalistička partija	SOP	Radoslav Marulić	Left-wing populism Regionalism Socialism	Center-left
United Poja Ujedinjen Poja	UPP	Andrej Petrović (President of Poja)	Federalism National conservatism Right-wing populism	Right-wing

Foreign Relations

The Konfederacija Poja is a member of CDANA and a Partner for Peace in TRIDENT. Any nations in these two groups have automatic recognition and normalized diplomatic relations as well as a waiving of visa requirements (assumption is that this is reciprocated). The Konfederacija Poja's membership in the New Pearl Road affords the same and as it is a free trade agreement (FTA), Poja has an automatic FTA with all member nations of the New Pearl Road. The Konfederacija Poja does not afford any recognition to formal alliances or international organizations that it is not a part of but rather the members within them on an individual basis. Should the Konfederacija Poja recognize and have friendly and normalized diplomatic relations within all member nations of a formal alliance or international organization, it would have de facto recognition of said alliance or organization until conditions change with any one or more of the alliance or organization's member nations.

The Konfederacija Poja would not afford diplomatic recognition to any totalitarian governments nor would it have normalized diplomatic relations with communist or far-left nations. Nations with a hard socialist philosophies (i.e., those considered left of social democracy but right of far-left) may have strained or, at best, neutral relations due to the Konfederacija Poja's stance on left-wing nations. For those on the opposite end of the spectrum, Poja would treat fascist nations in much the same way as communist or far-left nations and consider far-right nations with equal caution to those above.

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Argis)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Ahrana	No	Friendly	1900	Yes	No	No	Normal	No	No
Baltica	No	Friendly	1900	Yes	Yes	Yes	Normal	Yes	No	Recognition withdrawn 1960 - 2022
Dazhdinia	Yes	Friendly	???	Yes	No	No	Normal	No	No
Greater Galicia	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Garindina	No	Friendly	1900	No	Yes	No	Normal	Yes	No	Recognition withdrawn 1933 - 1998
Girkmand	Yes	Friendly	1900	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Gotneska	No	Friendly	???	Yes	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Iverica	No	Friendly	???	Yes	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Narva	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Pentium	No	Friendly	2008	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes
Prymont	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Rinava	No	Friendly	???	No	No	No	Normal	No	No
Seylos	No	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Vasqqa	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Velaheria	Yes	Uncertain	TBD	No	No	No	Pending	No	Yes	Relations may be improved following the overthrow of the Velaherian regime in 2023. Poja is involved with SFOR Velaheria.
Verde	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Walneria	No	Friendly	???	Yes	No	No	Normal	No	No

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Alharu)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Auroran Community	No	Friendly	???	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes
Florentia	No	Neutral	2023	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes
Kertosono	No	Friendly	1901	No	No	Yes	Normal	Yes	No
Pecario	No	Friendly	1907	No	No	No	Normal	No	No
Per-Aten	No	Neutral	1918	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes
Variota	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Ymutz-Mizlan	No	Friendly	???	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Aurelia)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Advocatius	No	Strained	1990	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes	Advocatian-Pojački relations are hit or miss due to Poja's stance towards far left nations.
Hangoku	No	Friendly	???	No	No	No	Normal	No	Yes
Ionio	No	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	Yes	No
United Republic	No	Friendly	1905	No	No	No	Normal	No	No
Zaxar	No	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	Yes	No

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Europa)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Orioni	No	Friendly	???	No	Yes	No	Normal	Yes	No
Tagmatium	No	Friendly	???	No	Yes	Yes	Normal	Yes	No

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Marenesia)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Gallambria	No	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No
Sanctum Imperium Catholicum	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Thalassa)

Country	NPC	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Visa Requirement	Notes
Andalla	Yes	Friendly	???	No	No	Yes	Normal	No	No

External Links

• Poja (nationstates.net)