Modern History of Mavran: Difference between revisions

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==== 2022 Mandate ====
==== 2022 Mandate ====
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[[Category:Mavran]]

Latest revision as of 07:52, 4 October 2024

The history of the Fédération Mavranai (also known as the Mavranai Federation or Mavran) begins in 1925 with the Federal Congress of Mavris and the Federal Mavranai Constitution of 1925. The core of the Mavranai Federation as one nation came into being with the political union of the Republics of Illieux and Farisia, into the Mavranai Federation. Of the new state, the historian Illia Mirois said:

What began as a necessary arrangement for the survival of the Federation would end in a full partnership of the most powerful extension of Lysian influence in Argis... it was one of the greatest dominos to fall in Argic history.

The Federal Territories Act of 1929 additionally included the Special Federal Administrative Region of Mavris.

The first decades were marked with significant socialist struggle which threatened the stability of the new Federation. Socialist thought developed extensively in Mavran prior to the First Argic War, leading to the foundations of Proto-Martinist thought. The Mavranai Federation joined the First Argic War on the side of the Periphery Alliance in 1949, and particpated extensively in the conflict. Little ground combat occured in Mavranai territory, however the Mavranai navy and airforce battled extensively with the capabilities of the Central Argic Powers, helping to secure vital dominance for the Periphery Alliance. Mavranai soldiers additionally particpated in several landings in Garindina and failed attempted liberations of Dniester. The First Argic War was followed by political turmoil in the Federation, as it had taken a significant economic hit with the ensuing economic crisis and balooning military budget. The Federation flipped between left-wing and right-wing governments, before eventually being led by a Democratic Socialist government under Pilliod. The Mavranai Federation would not get join the Second Argic War, focusing strongly on a 'Mavran First' policy. The Federation did however, distribute significant humanitarian support to both sides of the conflict, helping to prevent massive civilian casualties. The Morn Cabinet, which came to power in 1977, remained in power until 2007. During this period, many socialist era policies were reversed, with the Federation undergoing extensive economic liberalisation. While the economy grew extensively during this period, living standards declined sharply, leading to a 'Mavranai Malaise'. The Morn Cabinet was followed by several centre-right governments, until the victory of the SDF-SE Coalition in 2017, in which the SDF barely secured majority control of the coalition over the SE. In 2022, a LM-SDF Coalition formed a government under current Prime Minister Charois Delleum.

Federal Congress of Mavris

On 14 May 1925, the Mavranai Federation was formed, the result of the Federal Congress of Mavris. The congress, having lasted 6 months from 14 November 1924 to the Federal Declaration on 14 May 1925. From 1925-1927, the Federation would be led by a Provisional Government under Alexandre Fleur, in practice the first prime minister (1925-1937). During the congress, the 250 delegates (125 from both Illieux and Farisia) convened daily to craft the founding legislation and governing legislature of the Federation, resulting most notably in the Federal Mavranai Constitution of 1925, the Federal Charter of the Rights of the Citizen and the Initial Economic Doctrine of the Mavranai Federation. The Federal Congress, while supported by a significant majority in both nations, led to controversy amongst 'Sovereignist' groups, culminating in the Farisian Naval Mutiny of 1926, which sought to repeal the legislation of the Federal Congress of Mavris. The Order of Stability in 1926 banned Sovereignist parties, which mostly removed political pressure from the Federation's creation.

The Federal Mavranai Constitution of 1925 was widely lauded as Liberal and Progressive at the time of its writing. It re-iterated many terms of the Revolutionary Constitutions, such as the ban on Slavery and legalisation of Homosexuality, while also going further. It formalised a system of Proportional Representation in elections, expanded the ban on Slavery to a ban on the trade which led to the Federation taking a leading role in the region on fighting any trade of slaves, established formal public schooling, imposed some of the first worker's protections in the nations and went into great detail regarding minority rights closing many loopholes and laying the groundwork for Mavranai Multiculturalism.

Despite unofficially finished on the Federal Declaration, the Federal Congress of Mavris remained officially open until the first Federal elections in 1927. The 1927 election to this day remains the election with the highest percentage of voter turnout, at an astounding 84.72%.

20th Century

Fleur's First Mandate (1927-1937)

1927 - 1932

Alexandre Fleur in 1928

The election of 1927 was a fundamental one to the establishment of the modern Mavranai Federation. The first of it's kind in the new Federation, there were many logistical issues prior to the day, such as organising polling stations, informing citizens of how the system worked, and many other complex challenges. In the end, the election would be won by the Centre Bloc, under the leadership of, at the time, Provisional Prime Minister Alexandre Fleur. Centre rode the wave of popularity surrounding the 'Father of the Federation' as well as the widely popular centre-left ideas which the Bloc was comprised of at the time, to secure 327 seats. This was just one seat short of a majority, and it led to the first ever coalition negotiations in the Federation's history. In the end, in order to represent a large majority of the populace, Centre would enter into a coalition with the centre-right Identité & Valeurs. This would prove widely popular, and would result in just under 90% of seats in the Federal Parliament being in the ruling coalition. In Illieux, Centre parties secured a majority in the regional legislature, resulting in Illieux's first Centre First Minister, Mari Fillia. In Farisia, Identité & Valeurs secured a majority in the regional legislature, resulting in Farisia's first Identité & Valeurs First Minister Millich Maurini.

Fleur's 1927 Mandate saw vast strides in the Federalisation of the new nation, as well as improving the connectivity of member states. Under the 1927 Mandate, Fleur would create the military structure for the Federation, create a unified school cirriculum, as well as begin several Public Works Projects under the Comité des Travaux Sociétals which would link together much of the Federation's infrastructure, as well as begin some of the first Travaux Fédéraux, Federal Works for the purpose of helping to bring Illieux and Farisia closer together. In addition to this, the first Federal Territories were seperated from the Member Nations. The Federal Territories Act of 1929 organised the land which would later become the Greater Mavris-sur-Rozo Metropolitan Area or GMRMA. Notable Acts also include the Federal Transport Bill, which set the groundworks for unified Federal Laws on Transportation, and the Federal Health Service Act, which organised the first ever state Health Service in either member states.

During this time, the Federation would experience minor, albeit steady, economic growth, as while new connectivity allowed for industries to better cooperate and expand profits, new Federalisation initiatives also proved expensive, requiring expensive taxes which initially stifled Mavranai industry. Particular effects were felt in the steel industry, which struggled under the weight of high taxes and weak contracts, with Eastcoast Steel, Illieux's and the Federation's biggest steel manufacturer, nearly going bankrupt, being saved only by an influx of government Rozen and relaxation of taxes on the steel industry under the demand of Identité & Valeurs. While the economy struggled to grow however, the average standard of living greatly improved, particularly amongst the poorest regions, where new access to goods greatly lowered prices and allowed for a far better life for the working-class. This in turn led to a much bolstered class of workers, with the 1927 Mandate seeing some of the first worker's unions established in the member states, notably the Eastern Steelworkers Union and the Arbar Coalhole Union. These unions would later prove instrumental to the socialist movement in the region.

1932 - 1937

The election of 1932 proved far less decisive than that of 1927. While Centre remained the largest Bloc in the Federal Parliament, it's seat share shrank by 100 seats, falling to just one more seat than Identité & Valeurs, which resulted in a similar coalition government to that of 1927 with the government comprising of approxeimately 69% of seats. The shrinking of the ruling Blocs can mostly be attributed to the rise of threats from both the Left and Right of the political spectrum, particularly the Social-Démocrate Front which massively expanded it's seat share by 99 seats from 4 to 103, and Avant! which emerged as a new voting bloc of right-wing parties, many of which were independents in the 1927 election due to limitations from Identité & Valeurs surrounding social policy. Alliance Socialiste des Travailleurs also secured a seat, showing that socialist ideas were beginning to grow in popularity in Mavran. However, the results ultimately secured Alexandre Fleur a second 5 year term as the Prime Minister of the Federation, with Fleur's approval ratings remaining relatively high. In Illieux, Centre parties failed to garner a majority, resulting in a coalition government led by Centre with the Social-Démocrate Front as a junior member. In Farisia, the Identité & Valeurs held on to power, only losing a few seats in the Farisian Assembly.

Photo of the FCJ in session regarding Morin v. Farisia. This is one of two known photos in existence of the FCJ in session.

Fleur's 1932 Mandate saw the continuation of Federalisation policies, as well as several landmark legal cases and Parliamentary Bills which would end up vastly changing the landscape of Mavranai social policy. Just two months after the beginning of Fleur's second term, Parliament passed the 1932 Federal Protection Bill which saw greater rights given to Mavran's minorities, most notably the Right to Freedom of Expression for homosexuals. While homosexuality's legalisation had been enshrined in the Federal Charter of the Rights of the Citizen in 1925, homosexual Mavranais still did not have the legal right to express their homosexuality in public. This was a large point of public contention as such rights had already existed in Illieux but not in Farisia, and many expected the Federation to expand people's rights, not take them away. As such, the introduction of the 1932 Federal Protection Bill was met with great public support. In 1932 and early 1933, 3 Justices of the FCJ would die and be replaced by the left-leaning parliament, resulting in a more liberally-skewed parliament. This is important, as later in 1933, the case of Morin v. Farisia would shake the Federation, and would serve as a basis for outlining the rights of the member nations. While the 1932 Federal Protection Bill officially protected homosexuals from state discrimination throughout the Federation, the conservative government of Farisia wanted to forbid homosexuals from being able to join the Farisian section of the Federal Mavranai Armed Forces. The lawyers of Farisia argued that Federal Anti-Discrimination legislation only applied in areas under the direct oversight of Federal Administration, and that the member nations should be free to make their laws surrounding permitted discrimination as they please. Morin, on the other hand, argued that Federal legislation on discrimination should override national laws, since the Federal Constituion outlined that the hierarchy of powers placed the Federation above nations. The FCJ agreed with Morin over Farisia, making great headway in the fight against discrimination and allowing people of all sexualities and genders legal protection in being able to join the FMAF.

Arbaromo miners outside the Arbar Coalhole Union's Chapter in Mounterr

Despite great social change, the economic side of the Federation remained fairly stagnant. While the 1932 Mandate saw some minor economic growth, government intervention was more focused on increasing accessibility for private industries than direct intervention in the growth of the economy. With most Federalisation initiatives paid for, Mavran entered a surplus which would continue for most of the Mandate. Fleur's second ministry saw the decreasing of many taxes whilst also significantly increasing military spending and growing the FMAF. The five year term especially saw massive growth in the Mavranai navy, as much of the military brass sought to expand Mavran's power projection in the Mediargic and Keelpijp. In particular, the Navy Branch and newly-founded Air Branch of the FMAF cooperated to better develop Mavran's main naval doctrine of intense Naval-Air cooperation. Of particular note are the two Pione-Class Aircraft Carriers built during this period, which helped to solidify the importance of Air in the doctrines of both the Mavranai Army and Navy. The 1932 Government also placed heavy emphasis on innovation in fighter development, prioritising close-range bombers and light fighters for effective Ground-Air and Water-Air cooperation. A significant culture surrounding air warfare would begin to build in Mavran around this time, as many military strategists declared airplanes the 'future of war'. Air development would also help to heavily boost the Farisian and Arbar economies, as these places hosted the most significant production and R&D facilites for airplanes in the Federation. Military funding into air by the Federation at this time also allowed for high wages for engineers, designers and scientists working on the new generation of Mavranai airplanes, helping to bring more money into regions which historically underperformed economically due to a lack of a real economic base which would encourage private enterprise investment, resulting in the first real economic growth in these more rural regions of the Federation. Additionally, the construction of new infrastructure for planes helped to create thousands of more jobs. This would be used as proof by the SDF in the next election that government involvement in the economy could not only be more efficient at times than waiting for the private sector, but also more beneficial for the nation.

This mandate was also notable for the significant increase in Socialist Agitation throughout the Federation. With the Proportional system of the Federation, left-wing voices were becoming increasingly heard, and had begun siphoning many votes from the 'stagnating' Centre Bloc parties, which many thought were doing too little to improve worker conditions and grow the economy. A small crash in the Mavranai stock market further agitated working people which, while mostly leaving the economy unscathed, wiped out the savings of many families, while also highlighting the fragility of the current economic system. In 1937, Mavranai workers began a General Strike to protest unsafe working conditions and low wages, as well as a decline in the standard of living compared to the initial post-unification boom. In particular, the Arbar Coalhole Union, the largest union in the Federation at the time, would hold a unionwide strike against the perceived overlooking of dangerous working conditions in Nevrisian and Farisian mines by upper class owners and corporate managers, with the union accusing the mineowners of placing 'additional Rozen before the lives of their compatriots'. In response, many other unions joined them, including the Eastern Steelworkers Union, which led to most unions demanding action from the Federal Parliament. This time would prove heavily turbulent for the Mavranai economy, as the strike tanked the GDP, and the support of moderates for the ruling government coalition with it, setting the stage for the first SDF government in Mavran's history.

Maraud's Mandate (1937-1940)

1937 - 1939 The 1937 election was one of the most influential in Mavranai history. For the first time since the inception of the Federation, a Bloc other than Centre had managed to secure the greatest share of seats in the Federal Parliament. The Social-Démocrate Front achieved an astounding 258 seats, which was more than the number of seats that Centre held in the previous government. In addition to this, the AST had increased its seat share by 48 times, showing a significant swing in the ideology of the Federation towards the left wing. Discontent on the right also led to many Identité & Valeurs voters leaving for Centre or Avant! parties, greatly damaging the soft conservatives in the Federal Parliament in favour of liberal and hard conservative forces. However, media focus was mostly on the to-be-reigning Social-Démocrate Front, which under the left-wing populism and Mavranai nationalism of Lys Maraud, would lead the new government alongside Centre. In Illieux, a reversal of the political order occurred, with the Social-Démocrate Front securing the largest seat share and entering into a coalition government with Centre as the junior member. In Farisia, the Identité & Valeurs Bloc finally lost its majority, resulting in a big tent coalition of some Centre parties, Identité & Valeurs and Avant!.

Despite the relatively sort span of Maraud's government compared to other ones in Mavranai history, it was remarkably productive in terms of completing the goals it set out for itself prior to the election. In the first three years of the government, it was able to handily pass many groudbreaking worker's rights legislations, which helped to secure the few rights that Mavranai workers had at the time while also laying the foundations for future legislative leaps under successive governments. The government's socialist economic policy also helped to the fuel the growth of the economy, with FMRTC being founded in 1938, nationalising all railroads and rail networks in the Federation, including tram and metro lines. Maraud's policies which revolved around giving Mavranai workers a 'socialist New Deal' helped to greatly increase his popularity amongst unions and socialist organisations, which in turn boosted support for the Social-Démocrate Front throughout the Federation. Significant Public Works for the sake of continuing economic development also occured during these three years, laying the foundations for much of the infrastructure still used in Mavran to this day, such as the Inter-Federal Highway, the Nevric Rails, and the Coastline, a rail which is seen as many to be the predecessor to the Coastliner of the 2022 LM-SDF Government. Overall, a series of nationalisations, socialist policies and continuing trade with the world would lead to Mavran pursuing closer relations with many socialist powers in the world, including the People's Republic of Lysia. However, with Mavran's increasing reliance on trade, the burgeoning steelmaking industry would be put to the test, as it struggled to produce enough steel in order to meet the demands of the rapidly growing Mavranai Navy and Airforce, which would see huge growth every year consistently up until the First Argic War.

1940

In 1940, disaster struck for Maraud's government. Dealings with some of the largest steel corporations in Mavran had been revealed to the public, in which Maraud had promised favour from the government and monopolistic protections and contracts in exchange for funding to the Social-Démocrate Front. The scandal shook the public's confidence and trust in Maraud as a socialist icon of the people to the core, with much of his core voterbase feeling betrayed and looking towards the more radical AST as a new leftist alternative. In order to prevent the complete collapse of the Social-Démocrate Front and to save the Bloc, Delleu Mariocher, the Vice-Leader of the SDF, campaigned heavily for a Vote of No Confidence in the party against Maraud. Three months after the scandal, the Social-Démocrate Front put a Vote of No Confidence towards the membership of the Bloc, which resulted in Maraud being ousted as leader. Mariocher would also spearhead a Vote of No Confidence against the Maraud government in the Federal Parliament, while would lead to Maraud losing his position as Prime Minister. In the ensuing power vacuum, Mariocher would be able to use his significant accumulated clout in order to secure Social-Démocrate Front leadership for himself, and would soon be voted in to power as Prime Minister by the leading coalition.

Delleu Mariocher in 1940

Mariocher's Mandate (1940-1947)

1940 - 1942

When Mariocher came to power in the Social-Démocrate Front, many moderates were wary, and many conservaties were foaming at the mouth. Mariocher, a former AST member, was seen as a divise figure. With significant historic involvement in the Communist and Syndicalist movements in Mavran in his past, he had moderated his image to make his percieved ideological radicality seem a matter of economic and social pragmatism instead of based on any argument of morality or righteousness, like many communist figures in Mavran had done previously. This changed image made him electable enough for the Centre Bloc, which just barely voted in favour of re-entering the coalition with the Social-Démocrate Front. The AST on the other hand, was ecstatic, with many seeing this as the rise of true socialism in the Federation. However, Mariocher seemingly knew he was on borrowed time, with the Steel Scandal still looming over the Bloc in the polls. As such, Mariocher embarked on a series of radical reforms to completely reshape the Mavranai economy and hopefully improve living standards enough to secure the votes of moderates.

Mariocher mostly continued Maraud's process of slow nationalisation, but greatly expanded his Public Works Programmes, additionally expand the idea of a 'Socialist New Deal' while distancing it from its Maraudist roots. In order to further destroy any idea of Maraud's legacy potentially looming over the Social-Démocrate Front into the next election, he additionally greatly expanded the powers of Anti-Trust operations in Mavran, taking particular focus to the monopolistic steel conglomerates that were dominating much of the economy. Many voters would slowly stop associating the 'new' SDF with Maraud, which seemingly proved that Mariocher's plan had been effective in stopping the total collapse of the SDF. Approval ratings steadily began to climb back up, although they wouldn't again reach the same level as they had during the peak of Maraud's government. As the 1942 elections approached, the government promised total overhauls to the taxation system, with a focus on decreasing taxation for the working person.

1942 - 1947

The 1942 election was hugely influential in cementing the power of the socialist movement in Mavran. While the Social-Démocrate Front still came in first, it lost a small amount of seats, however gaining a significant amount of seats from moderates formerly voting Centre. The greatest shock came at the end of election week, when the AST emerged as the second largest Bloc in the Federal Parliament. As such, the first officially elected Mariocher government would be formed by a leftist coaltion of the Social-Démocrate Front, alongside the AST and Centre Blocs. With electoral legitimacy and support from the far-left, Mariocher would be able to go on to fundamentally change Mavran. In Illieux, the Social-Démocrate Front once more secured the largest seat share, however entered into a coalition government with the AST as the junior partner. In Farisia, Identité & Valeurs failed to regain its majority, and had to enter into a coalition government with Centre as the junior member, as Avant! failed to gain enough seats to be able to form a majority government.

Mariocher's term was one filled with radical socialist ideas. The creation of the new Ministry of Labour promised government intervention in order to protect the rights of workers and consumers against big business, while also for the first time guaranteeing the right to strike for unions. This would be celebrated by a general strike involving most unions, which would end after a week and would secure much better working and safety conditions for workers and increased pay. Mariocher's government also introduced the first minimum wage legislation in Mavranai history, with all workers guaranteed a wage of 50 Centu Rozen (0.5 Rozen) an hour, which was considered high for the time. While damaging businesses, it helped to greatly curtail poverty in the Federation, while also vastly improving the living standards of the populace. Federal Price Controls on certain products needed to survive such as water, electricity and food also prevented corporate price gouging in the wake of the new payment changes, further damaging private industries whilst enhancing the lives of regular people. Furthermore, Mariocher implemented the first ever progressive taxation in Mavran, with a lowered tax burden for the poorest and a far higher one on the richest elites in society.

While the economy initially struggled, the destruction of much of the income inequality which had been strangling the economy of the region ever since 1804 helped to greatly accelerate economic growth. Mavran started to increasingly become an export-focused economy due to the rapid development of secondary industries, particularly manufacturing and steelmaking, which were especially encouraged under Mariocher. The mixed economy model that the Federation was increasingly adapting to helped to ensure that consumer demands were also being met, with living standards rapidly rising as people were able to afford and as such consume more, further fueling economic growth. State-owned companies soon began to grow in number, as a steady surplus from new forms of taxation and a growing economy gave the government far more funds to spend on growing the economy. Of particular note is the Mariocher-Era policy of the Black Zero, which would be added to the Federal Constitution, which ruled that the government could not be in a deficit larger than 0.3% of GDP, and should generally aim for a surplus. This policy, while limiting government spending, also helped to strengthen the currency and begin eliminating the national debt that Mavran had been accruing.

There was also significant social progress at this time in Mavran. While homosexuality had become widely-accepted and in some parts even celebrated with parades, transsexuality still remained a relatively-controversial topic until the passing of the 1946 Amendment to the Federal Charter of the Rights of the Citizen, which would guarantee the right for people to be able to change their gender. This was met with acceptance and even joy by much of the social-left of society, and the relative acceptance of homosexuality in society led to the ambivalence of many Conservative Liberals, who saw it as a personal matter. However, this decision sparked outrage amongst much of the social-right, with right-wing populists attempting to stir rage at the change. However, this was largely ineffective, as a majority of society either supported the change or were ambivalent to it. However, the general radicalism of the Mariocher government as well as fears of a shift to a full socialist economy began to concern moderates. As the 1947 elections approached, moderates and conservative liberals rallied around Alexandre Fleur, who had announced his return to politics to lead the Centre Bloc for one last term.

Fleur's Second Mandate (1947-1952)

1947 - 1949

Initial: Centre + SDF

Military refurbishment, joining the First Argic War as Periphery, significant military development

1949 - 1952

War and stuff. Lots of navy fighting, lots of air wars, minor deployments of troops

Derau's Mandate (1952-1957)

SDF + Centre + I&V

Road to end of war, favourable terms, post-war reconstruction, economy struggling

Zeraufin's Mandate (1957-1967)

1957 - 1962

I&V + Centre + Forward

Significant market liberalisation, globalisation, attempts to grow economy, medium economic growth, reconstruction mostly complete

1962 - 1967 I&V + Forward

Right-wing economics, attack on traditionally left-wing economic bases, forceful transition of sectors. low economic growth, lower taxes on corporations/1%. lowest approval rating of government ever on mandate end.

Pilliod's Mandate (1967-1977)

1967 - 1972

SDF

Pilliod's era, massive economic works, high taxes high spending, socialist economic policy, somewhat protectionist, work towards autarky. Largest economic growth in Federal history, significant urbanisation, significant growth in SoL

1972 - 1975

SDF

Continuation of Pilliod's era, steady course, worrying deficit. Attempt to cut military spending to free up more funds collapses government in 1975. 2 years of no government until 1977.

1975 - 1977

Post government collapse of SDF, change in leadership, retains democratic socialist values

Gardin's Mandate (1977-1982)

1977 - 1982 I&V + Forward

Military growth, attracting foreign investment in attempt to grow economy. Arbar Independence Referendum, 68% no, 32% yes. Centre completely collapses due to infighting. No real Centre-left party. Most voters go to I&V, few to SDF.

Morn's Mandate (1982-2007)

1982 - 1987 Forward + I&V

Election reform, safer and more secret voting. More power delegated federally to Illieux and Farisia. Greater Mavranai Metropolitan Area officially declared. More power delegated to Governates + more funding. General Federal Decentralisation. Lots of economic liberalisation. Capitalism.

1987 - 1992 Forward + I&V

Significantly decreasing taxes, breaking the socialists/unions, extremely minor adjustments of military budget. Lots less spending, privatisation.


1992 - 1997 Forward + I&V

More economic liberalisation, some more growth, some military growth, international relations normalisation capitalismcapitalismcapitalism

1997 - 2002 Forward + I&V

Capitalismo, international relations, more international industry, get more jobs, as much capitalism as possible, start managerial transition in the big big cities (Mavris, Lillio, Nova Farisia)

21st Century

2002 Mandate

2007 Mandate

2012 Mandate

2017 Mandate

2022 Mandate