Poja

Confederacy of Poja Konfederacija Poja
Flag
Motto: Ex Constantia Victoria "In Steadiness Victory "
Capital and largest metropolis	Rugi
Recognised national languages	Pojački
Recognised regional languages	Chernarussian, Dolch Heraqi, Leszczak, Ras, Zagovenske
Demonym(s)	Pojački
Government	Confederation of autonomous regions
• President	Andrej Petrović
• Chancellor	Jelena Jurić
Legislature	House of Magnates
Formation
• Treaty of Riamonia	15 April 1689
• Treaty of Rugi	13 September 1900
Area
• Total	340,090 km2 (131,310 sq mi)
Population
• 2023 estimate	25,813,303
• 2020 census	25,362,578
GDP (PPP)	2020 estimate
• Total	$491.07 billion
• Per capita	$19,362
GDP (nominal)	2020 estimate
• Total	$370.7 billion
• Per capita	$14,616
Currency	dinar (Ð)
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy
Driving side	right
Calling code	+57
Internet TLD	.poj

Poja (Pojački: Konfederacija Poja), or the Confederacy of Poja, is a confederation of seven, autonomous regions organized around a strong federal government in the Mediargic region of the continent of Argis in Eurth bordering the nations of Baltica, Girkmand, Kalnija, and Leszczawka. The country's establishment is such that each region maintains a very large degree of sovereign autonomy within its borders to create laws, collect taxes, establish infrastructure, and operate as a political entity. The purpose of the federal government is to maintain a cohesive union within the confederacy as well as to deal with matters of state such as foreign affairs, defense procurement, and confederacy-wide laws. As of 2023, the estimated population of Poja is 25.8 million people across an area covering some 340,090 km² (131,309.5 mi²).

In late 1900, the six independent states of Adjinua, Chernarus, Dosnima, Kratoje, Liaria, and Zagovenske signed the Treaty of Rugi, formally establishing the Confederacy of Poja. The history of modern-day Poja harkens back to the early 1000s when the first kingdoms began to form throughout the territory as tribes united behind commonalities such as dialect and religion. Over the next seven centuries, the polities of modern-day Poja underwent long periods of convergence and divergence. By the 1700s though, cohesive nation-states began to take shape with independent and functioning local and federal governments. With the Industrial Revolution in the 1700s and the 1800s, the growth of these states was significantly more than anticipated. In the 1800s, it became evident that while each independent state could exist on its own, they could never realize their full potential as singular entities.

This presented a major hurdle to the states as they had existed in varying state of peace and conflict since the early 1000s. By the 1880s, rising thought was given to the formation of a cohesive, political union, which was realized in September 1900 with the signing of the Treaty of Rugi, forming the Confederacy of Poja.

Poja existed in relative peace and prosperity until the late 1960s, when oil reserves were discovered near the autonomous region of Chernarus. This led to a secession crisis, which ended with Chernarus being forcibly brought back into the fold after a bloody and destructive, 6-year conflict (1968 - 1974) knowing as the Chernarussian Conflict. Following the end of the conflict however, changes were made to the Treaty of Rugi, providing greater autonomy and power to the autonomous regions of the Confederacy of Poja. It was, in many ways, a win for the non-involved regions, a net-zero for the Pojački government, and something of a loss for Chernarus.

Following the end of this period, significant reconstruction of Chernarus championed by Rugi helped to suppress some of the fires of discontent. Yet it was not enough to return the country to its period of "Pax Poja" thanks largely in part to another crisis from 1979 - 1981 concerning the autonomy of Heraq, then a part of the Liari Autonomous Region. The crisis was resolved when Heraq was granted sovereignty within the Confederacy of Poja and a reshaping of the country as a whole, which led to significant socioeconomic and political changes in the mid-to-late 1980s and the early-to-mid 1990s.

Since this period, Poja has been a largely stable and peaceful nation, prosperous but not an economic or military powerhouse on the global stage. Yet, despite this, Poja remains seven, independent nations corralled under one, central government and despite over a century of unification, ethnic lines have yet to be erased and the adoption of a "Pojački identity" largely remains a pipe dream.

Etymology

The word Poja derives from the archaic Liari word pojanak meaning "to gather" or to have a "gathering." It was a word commonly associated with weddings and festivals, when large numbers of people gathered in a central village in celebration. The word had largely fallen out of use by the late 1700s but it was revived during the discussions for the Treaty of Rugi. The framers of the treaty were largely stuck on what to call the new confederation and dozens of names had been suggested by the time Vlastimir Dragaš, long considered the biggest Liari proponent of the treaty offered pojanak. Due to the harsh sound of the name however, it was shortened simply to poja and given as the name of the new country, chiefly based on its meaning. Despite the efforts however, few people within Poja call or consider themselves Pojački. Instead, they largely refer to themselves by their ethnic backgrounds. The Treaty of Rugi had desired that all citizens of Poja set aside their ethnic differences and come together to be a new nationality but this has not materialized even in the 21st century.

History

Early History (Pre-1000)

Human habitation of Poja can be traced back to the Neolithic Age. Despite little information about them, archaeologists studying the early history of Poja have identified at least four, early culture-complexes. The oldest of these is the Praq Culture (6000 BC to 3500 BC), which is believed to have inhabited a fairly sizeable area around the area of southern Adjinua, near the border with modern-day Baltica. Despite the proximity to modern-day Baltica though, it is believed that the Praq people originated from elsewhere in Argis and traveled to this area by sea. They represent the earliest settled farming society in Ancient Poja though there is also evidence of hunting and gathering activities as supplemental to their food supplies.

The next oldest is the Ogrua culture (4500 BC to 3500 BC), which inhabited an area in the north of the country, near the borders of modern-day Girkmand and Leszczawka. Archeologists find no evidence of overlap between the two cultures and there is no direct evidence that either encountered the other. Evidence shows that the Ogrua people largely stuck to a series of valleys and hills in the northern part of what is currently Dosnima, where they benefitted from freshwater streams, fishing, and farming. Archaeologists are able to uncover ritual behavior from the Ogrua as well as the earliest forms of proto-writing in the area by deciphering symbols of this culture. They also show the earliest known penchant for copper metallurgy. However, it is believed that their culture was wiped out due to a natural disaster of sorts. Archeologists suspect massive flooding in the valleys or perhaps an earthquake event.

The third culture is the Usmar culture (3500 BC - 3000 BC), a short-lived culture located near the modern-day Lake Usmar in Heraq. Not much is known about them except traces of pottery left behind in caves. It is possible that the Usmar culture were survivors from the Ogrua culture due to some similarities in their living arrangements; however, they had a different language. It is believed that they were overrun by an unknown, non-native culture, perhaps from modern-day Leszczawka but the evidence supporting the origin of this culture is non-existent.

The fourth and final culture is the Ocryae culture (2200 BC - 1000 BC), which settled on the shorts of the Mediargic Sea in modern-day Chernarus. They were similar to the Praq culture and may have been Praq explorers who traveled up the Keelpijp in search of new lands, ultimately resettling in the same land as their origin. Like the Usmar culture, they were very heavy into pottery, ritual, and proto-writing but were somewhat nomadic. Evidence of their settlements run throughout Chernarus, Heraq, and Zagovenske.

Beginning in 1000 BC, a single culture came to dominate Ancient Poja, the Adrana culture. The Adrananese culture first appears in the northeastern parts of Ancient Poja near the border with Girkmand. Over the course of the next thousand years, they branched out and began to inhabit almost all parts of Poja, perhaps absorbing remnants of the Ocryae culture. Of all of the early cultures of Poja, they are the most researched and much is known about them. It is from the Adrananese culture that the Adjinuan, Dosniman, and Liari cultures originate, which represents more than two-thirds of the Pojački ethnicities.

It is by 500 BC that the Adrananese tribes solidified their hold on Ancient Poja. They utilized the rough terrain and the geography of Poja to their advantage, building settlements in highly defensible locations, suggesting that in these times, warring tribes from other parts of Argis or perhaps even remnants of other cultures within Poja were an ever-present threat. In doing this, the Adrananese were allowed to grow as a culture and a society much more easily than their predecessors. Archaeologists have uncovered a significant number of sites with ruins of temples to their pantheon of gods and goddesses. Pagan religions in modern-day Poja all trace their history back to the Adrananese religions and pantheon. Forced religious conversion over the centuries by Christian religions and countries have heavily reduced the pagan populations in Poja to a small minority.

With a stationary society, the Adrananese were able to evolve in their learning. They evolved new farming practices, astrology and astronomy, mathematics, and writing. The earliest known scroll in Poja, dating back to 288 AD, was written by Adrananese priests. It tells of a fierce battle between two brothers, each of whom wanted to become ruler of their particular tribe. The scroll details a lengthy battle between these brothers and their supporters only to be betrayed at the very end by a man they both trusted, who killed them and assumed the throne for himself. Evidence suggests that this story could very well be true. Other scrolls, written in the 800s, detail battles with foreign tribes "from the north," which historians presume were from Leszczawka. It is believed that the Adrananese and the early Leszczak peoples were mortal enemies. Scrolls also detail incursions from southern tribes, meaning early Balticans and from "across the sea" suggesting that Poja was a major battle ground in these times.

Christianity was first introduced into Poja in the 600s or 700s. The earliest missionaries in Poja were from the Orthodox Church who traveling overland from modern-day Ahrana and Leszczawka. Their reception was anything but warm and historical evidence shows that for several hundred years, Christian missionaries were persecuted, ostracized, and killed, along with their converts. Despite this, missionaries continued to come to Poja and Adrananese tribes continued to convert to this new religion. Tensions amongst the tribes grew exponentially over the course of the next three to five hundred years as Christianity took root throughout the country. By the year 1000, Catholic missionaries had become a common sight throughout Poja, especially in the southeastern and coastal portions along the Kezanoi Sea. It would be during this time that the first religious refugees arrived in the mountainous regions of modern-day Zagovenske. Many early Christian tribes, fearing their deaths, fled into this areas where the terrain was highly defensible and often "too far away" for their enemies to pursue them.

During the 200-year-period from 800 to 1000 AD, no less than 150 wars were fought amongst all of the tribes of Poja, most of them along religious lines. At first, the violence stemmed almost exclusively from the pagan tribes but by the end of this period, the tides were beginning to change in favor of the Christian tribes. Fearing for their own future, Christian tribes took a generally offensive strategy, attacking and burning pagan temples as well as forcing the conversion of pagan tribes at the point of the sword. Zagovenske, once a refuge for fleeing Christians would soon become a refuge for fleeing pagans. As a result, Zagovenske became one of the first places to adopt a policy of religious tolerance and though it was not without violence, was considered the most peaceful part of Poja at this time. Throughout the rest of the country, warfare between pagan and Christian tribes reached its peak by the year 1000. Christian tribes attacked their pagan counterparts, burning their temples and villages while the pagans responded in kind, even some going so far as to crucify their Christian counterparts. Written works from this period detail an almost absolute bloodlust amongst the Adrananese tribes towards one another, which only exacerbated the fracturing of those tribes. It is evident that by 1000, the Adrananese culture was no longer one but many cultures and so a divergence began to happen, which would ultimately lead to Poja's first nation-states.

Divergence (1000 - 1300s)

By the year 1000, the Adrananese tribes were hardly recognizable as a single entity anymore. Two thousand years of existence had created many divergences and separations among them that created many separate ethnicities throughout Poja. Foreign influence in language and religion as well as geography had contributed to unique identities amongst the tribes and, after 200 years of warfare amongst one another since the 800s, the tribes themselves were anything but unified.

By the year 1000, dozens of different polities existed throughout Poja as the tribes fractured from one another and, within these very polities, multiple micronations existed, those still largely beset by ancient, tribal parameters such as blood lineage or geography. At the time, the largest such polity was the Kingdom of Adjinua, a coastal kingdom in the southeastern portion of the country. Isolated from the rest of the country by way of geography, Adjinua was a maritime kingdom that had seen significant influence from trading along the Kezanoi Sea and as a result, the kingdom itself occupied nearly all of the Kezanoi coast, much of which is modern-day Liaria. Geographically occupying the lowlands along the coastline, Adjinua was highly developed with road networks, cities, aqueducts, and a strong military. It was also heavily influenced by Catholicism and in 1118, King Grgur II declared Catholicism to be the official religion of Adjinua, thus becoming the first of the Pojački kingdoms to adopt Christianity as the official religion.

The adoption of Catholicism in Adjinua was not particularly noteworthy during the time, however. Most Adjinuans were Catholic and Orthodox influence was mainly confined to the interior portions of the country and in the northwest in what is modern-day Chernarus. Being the largest kingdom at the time, Adjinua was also well positioned to defend itself against any incursions from the interior polities.

The Kingdom of Chernarus would follow second with the adoption of Orthodox Christianity in the mid-1200s. At the time, the Chernarussian kingdom was landlocked bordering the Kingdom of Heraq to the east and the Kingdom of Novar to the northwest, the latter being a coastal kingdom like Adjinua. The kingdoms of Novar and Chernarus would be united by marriage in 1319, the first - and only - union of two kingdoms not via bloodshed. In terms of land area, the Kingdom of Chernarus would then be the largest of the kingdoms and predominantly Orthodox.

The northernmost parts of the country were anything but peaceful. Seven different polities existed in the region that makes up modern-day Kratoje and Dosnima. The largest of these was the Kingdom of Kratoje but by the year 1300, Kratoje was but a fraction of its original size, whittled down by continued warfare amongst the other kingdoms. Orthodox Christianity was adopted as the official religion in Kratoje sometime in the 1270s, likely not long after Chernarus. The Kingdom of Dosnima would follow suit by the end of the century but both paganism and Catholicism were significant in the areas to the south and along the border of modern-day Girkmand. Violence in this area would be significant into the 1400s when the final lines were drawn between Dosnima and Kratoje. Dosnima remains the most religiously diverse region in modern-day Poja to this day as a result.

During this time from 1000 to the 1300s, Zagovenske had developed as a "neutral ground" for refugees escaping religious and ethnic violence. As a result, Zagovenske was largely governed by nobles and patricians of varying ethnicities though the dominant ethnicity remained that of the Zagovars, who were themselves a mix of Chernarussian and Liari. By the mid to late 1300s, Zagovenske was developed into something of a confederacy on its own, separated into seven, distinct polities. The mountainous territory of Zagovenske made it well defensible and the city of Zhapolatsk soon became the dominant political power in Zagovenske, which would lead to troubles in the 1500s and the 1600s.

The Kingdom of Heraq remained steadfastly pagan throughout this time and existed as a landlocked kingdom that bordered Chernarus to the west, Dosnima to the north, and the burgeoning Kingdom of Liaria to the south. Rivers allowed for a natural border with Chernarus and Dosnima while mountainous terrain helped provide a border with Liaria. A mountainous kingdom like Zagovenske, Heraq was easily defensible and its steadfast adherence to the pagan religions made for significant clashes with the Chernarussians and the Dosniman kingdoms. The Kingdom of Liaria, just getting its footing by the 1300s, would be an adopter of Orthodox Christianity like Chernarus and Dosnima, setting the stage for a very violent war in the early 1500s that would see the Kingdom of Heraq thorough subjugated as a result.

The Kingdom of Liaria, which would come to dominate Poja was, at this time, the smallest of the kingdoms. To its east were several kingdoms and there was no sea access for Liaria. Yet, by the end of the 1300s, the Kingdom of Liaria would triple in size and began to encroach further eastward, aiming for access to the Kezanoi Sea.

The Era of the Kingdoms (1300s - 1700s)

Over roughly 400 years from the 1300s to the 1700s, the landscape of Poja began to be defined. By the early to mid-1400s, the borders of modern-day Chernarus, Dosnima, Heraq, Kratoje, and Zagovenske had been defined and would change little from where they ended up in their final form at the Treaty of Rugi. Heraq, which would gain its own sovereignty from Liaria in 1981 would ultimately take on the borders it had when it was subjugated in 1519.

By the late 1400s, the Pojački kingdoms had, with the exception of Heraq and Zagovenske, adopted Christianity as an official religion. The Church would wield significant influence in these kingdoms into the 1800s, in some cases becoming more powerful than the rulers of these kingdoms though it waxed and waned throughout this period. Also, by the start of the 1400s, religious violence had begun to wane as Christianity took the dominant hold in these kingdoms with fewer and fewer pagans remaining by the end of the century. Yet, where religious violence waned, ethnic violence grew, especially as the Kingdom of Liaria expanded eastwards.

The newest of the kingdoms to form, Liaria was undergoing aggressive expansion by the end of the 1300s. It had already tripled in size in just a century and it was expanding to the eastwards. In the first half of the 1400s, Liaria invaded and subjugated three small polities bordering Dosnima, effectively establishing the modern-day Liari border with Dosnima all the way to the modern-day border with Girkmand. Southward expansions in the second half of the 1400s brought Liaria its final, southern border and put it against the westernmost border with Adjinua. In the 1500s and the 1600s, Liaria expanded throughout significant amounts of territory and by 1642, Liari forces had conquered its way up to the border with Adjinua. By then, Adjinua had completely established itself along the coastline of the Kezanoi Sea and denied sea access to the now gargantuan Kingdom of Liaria. Attempting to stave off warfare, the two kingdoms undertook a series of negotiations in the 1640s but nothing changed and in the summer 1650, the Kingdom of Liaria invaded the Kingdom of Adjinua along its northern borders. The result of the Liari invasion of Adjinua was nothing short of catastrophic for the Pojački kingdoms. Historians have titled this the War of the Kingdoms as the entire country was beset by warfare. At the onset of warfare, Chernarus and Dosnima sided with Adjinua, fearing that if the Liari invasion was successful that it was only a matter of time for themselves. In fact, they'd already had a taste of this with Heraq in the late 1300s and the early 1500s.

The first major clashes between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Heraq were in the 1380s during the War of the Rivers (1384 - 1389), so aptly named because the three kingdoms were separated from one another by rivers. In the early 1380s, Christian missionaries from both Chernarus and Dosnima had made attempts to bring about conversion to the Heraqi people, each time meeting with gruesome fates. In 1383, King Zef I, having had enough of these missionaries, orders his troops to seize a series of villages on the Chernarussian and Dosniman borders and burn them to the ground to create a buffer zone for his kingdom. In response, both kingdoms invaded Heraq and laid siege to Hiraj, the kingdom's capital. The Siege of Hiraj would last from 1385 to 1389, four long and grueling years for the city's people.

As devastating as it was though, the Siege of Hiraj was a military failure. The burgeoning Kingdom of Liaria had given overtures of support to the Chernarussians and the Dosnimans but no forces were ever committed. As a result, the Heraqi forces outside of Hiraj were able to harass the supply lines of the Chernarussians and Dosnimans continuously over the course of the siege. The lack of Liari support drained the resources of both kingdoms and in 1389, a peace agreement was signed between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Heraq. King Zef remained in power and the siege was lifted, heavily favoring the Heraqi position. Further supporting the Heraqi position, the Chernarussian and Dosniman kings pledged to end formally sponsored missionary efforts into Heraq, major concessions that favored the Heraqis. In response, Zef pledged to compensate both kingdoms for the 1383 raids and not order any further incursions into Chernarussian or Dosniman territory. Modern-day historians believe that Zef's position was greatly strengthened by the lack of Liari support. Though it has not been definitively proven, many historians believe that a secret treaty existed between Zef and the king of Liaria at the time. The War of the Rivers was the first of two major wars between Heraq and its neighbors. By the time the second rolled around; however, the Kingdom of Liaria was in a much better position.

The War of the Rivers changed the political dynamic throughout Poja though few took notice. For the Chernarus and Dosnima, the end result was more defeat than it was victory. The repercussions were significant. In 1391, the King of Dosnima was assassinated and in 1393, a coup ousted the King of Chernarus. The motivations of both were directly tied to the loss in the War of the Rivers. Yet, the new leadership in both kingdoms honored the peace agreement with Heraq and did not venture to obtain a better position for either kingdom. For Dosnima, the War of the Rivers had taken a disproportionately heavier toll on the kingdom, especially as it struggled against Kratoje and other polities. In Chernarus, the 1400s were in contrast a more peaceful time with the exception of 1457 - 1460 when Chernarus and Zagovenske went to war over freshwater access along their border. The war itself ended with no formal change to either entity's borders but it did provide guarantees for Chernarussian access to fresh water along the border in a victory for the kingdom but which, in and of itself, was not a loss for Zagovenske.

In 1450, King Vukan V of Liaria, fresh off the major victories of northern, Liari expansion, began the construction of Rugi. In Vukan's vision, Rugi would become a massive, planned and walled city that would form a megapolis in Liaria. Vukan believed that all of the roads throughout Poja would flow into Rugi and that, one day, Rugi would become the economic and cultural center of the land. He also envisioned that the entirety of Poja would be consumed by the Kingdom of Liaria. In 1900, 450 years later, Rugi would in fact become the capital of Poja and "all roads would flow into Rugi" but Liari dominance over Poja would fall short of Vukan's more absolute dreams. Rugi's construction would spur the formal construction of Novigrad as a new capital for Chernarus, an idea first proposed by abandoned when Novar and Chernarus were united in 1319. In spite of this, the Pojački kingdoms were hardly in a state of peace. Intermittent warfare raged throughout the land as Liaria expanded outwards and Dosnima established its borders and soon enough, Poja would be beset by a level of violence it had never seen before.

It started in October 1492, when Gazjon, a young Heraqi nobleman and army captain, seized power in Hiraj in a bloody and gruesome coup. Crowing himself King Gazjon I, he immediately embarked on a major purge throughout Heraqi society, slaughtering noblemen and elders who opposed him. By 1495, he had near absolute control over both the Heraqi government and its society. By this point, a little under one hundred years had elapsed since the end of the War of the Rivers and Gazjon believe that the Chernarussians and the Dosnimans had not been faithful in upholding their end of the peace agreement. What he based this off of was his own flawed observation that Christianity was spreading throughout Heraq. Knowing how much power the church yielded in the other Pojački kingdoms, he established a series of draconian decrees in the late 1490s persecuting Christians, forbidding worship, and declaring missionaries to be executable on sight by anyone. As a result, many long lingering blood feuds boiled over as Heraqis got revenge on one another. By 1501, Heraq was the most violent place in all of Poja. This did not go unnoticed by Chernarus, Dosnima, or Liaria.

From 1502 to 1512, over a ten-year-period, Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria had engaged in battle with Heraq no less than thirty-seven times. The clashes were small and localized but it set the stage for a growing tension between them that only further emboldened Gazjon's own bloodlust. In 1513, as a result of the clashes and what he saw as the "inevitability of the spread of Christianity into our DNA," he declared Christians to be traitors and ordered their mass execution throughout Heraq. He even went so far as to declare Christianity itself a menace to the world. Over the course of the next four years, Gazjon oversaw a massive genocide of Christians in Heraq. Christians were summarily executed and Heraqi forces even carried their campaign beyond the borders of Heraq. Gazjon's armies were particularly effective and historians have noted that he was particularly more violent and brutal than any other ruler in Pojački history. Gazjon's preferred treatment for those of the Christian faith was to crucify them along the roads into and out of his kingdom, leaving the bodies to be eaten by animals or rot away. Historical texts make special note of the smell and the sheer amount of blood that had soaked into the roads.

Main article: War of the Crosses

By spring 1517, it was obvious that Gazjon and his forces would need to be defeated. A formal alliance was formed between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria in April 1517 and after many months of preparations, the combined forces of these three kingdoms invaded Heraq on 3 December 1517. The war would become known as the War of the Crosses and it was unique in that it started in the cold, winter month of December. Gazjon had been expecting the war for some time but had not expected it to start until the spring of 1518 and thus, when it was launched, Heraqi forces were out of position and ill-equipped leading to many initial defeats. By spring 1518, Dosniman and Chernarussian forces were once again positioning themselves outside of Hiraj for a siege. Several journals surviving time have detailed the absolute horror and shock that awaited soldiers as they passed through thousands of crucified bodies left to rot along the roads to Hiraj.

It was however in the spring and summer of 1518 that Heraqi forces rallied. Throughout the early phases of the war, Heraqi forces struggled against the Chernarussians and Dosnimans but did not suffer the same issues against Liari forces moving in from the south. By mid-1518, Liari forces had been held back allowing the Heraqis to rally in defense of Hiraj. Throughout the rest of 1518 and into the first quarter of 1519, Chernarussian and Dosniman forces suffered devastating defeats and siege around Hiraj was lifted by March 1519. At that point, it appeared to be a repeat of the War of the Rivers. Yet it would not be the case. Overconfident from their victories around Hiraj and their early successes against Liari forces, Gazjon repositioned his troops to engage in a simultaneous invasion of Chernarus and Dosnima. In doing so, he left his forces in the south weakened and in April 1519, Liari forces broke through and routed their Heraqi counterparts, driving all the way to Hiraj by the end of May. Bolstered by reinforcements, Liari forces laid siege to Hiraj and attacked Gazjon's invading armies, routing them as well. By June, Hiraj was weakly defended by a fraction of men. In their drive, Liari forces also became the dominant army in Heraq with the Chernarussian and Dosniman forces essentially kept on their sides of the river borders.

On Friday, 13 June 1519, Hiraj fell to Liari forces and Gazjon was captured and executed the same day. The war formally ended on 26 June. Less than one percent of Gazjon's army remained alive and the death toll of the war is estimated to have exceeded 200,000. As a result of their dominant position in Heraq, the Kingdom of Liaria officially subjugated and absorbed the Kingdom of Heraq in what many in Chernarus and Dosnima, to this day, see as the ultimate betrayal. A large minority of historians, to this very day, believe that the initial Liari failures on the battlefield were engineered to weaken Chernarussian and Dosniman forces. Historians point out that Liari forces were understrength and that reserves were not used during the initial invasion. They also point out a number of strategic and tactical blunders that were so egregious as to be intentional. Regardless of this, Heraq would remain a part of Liaria even after the Treaty of Rugi was signed, achieving sovereignty only in 1981 following the Two-Year Crisis.

From the mid-1500s and into the mid-1600s, Liaria was the dominant entity in central Poja. Bolstered by its successes in Heraq and having suffered the fewest casualties of the three invading kingdoms, Liari forces expanded the kingdom significantly, setting the stage for the War of the Kingdoms to erupt in 1650.

The Zagovenske Confederation (1500s - 1700s)

While the Pojački kingdoms were occupied with expansion and fighting one another, the Zagovnske Confederation, as it was collectively known, was focused on different priorities. Developing something independently than the rest of Poja, by the turn of the 14th century Zagovenske had established itself into seven, independent territories referred to as cantons. Each canton was, in essence, a micronation within the broader land known as Zagovenske yet, the rulers of these cantons were much more focus on an external nemesis than they were concerned about one another. Because Zagovenske had become a refuge for the persecuted Christians and pagans throughout Poja, its leaders lived in perpetual fear that it would someday be a target of conquest and genocide by the vengeful kingdoms. While this never materialized, Zagovar leaders saw Gazjon's rise to power in the 1490s as proof that their paranoia was not without reason.

Up until the 1460s, the cantons of Zagovenske had no formal hierarchy amongst themselves. Each ruler saw his canton as his own domain and the others equally. The cantons appointed representatives to one another so that they could coordinate amongst themselves without the need for a formal, high-level government. This proved problematic in 1457 when Chernarus attacked over the border area and freshwater access. Though Zagovenske proved resilient in the face of the conflict, the cantons decided that their informal setup was inefficient and unlikely to work in the face of a massive onslaught from both Chernarus and Liaria. It was thus in 1462 that the cantons formally established a "coordinating council" whose job it was to streamline communications between the cantons and allow them to work as a single, cohesive unit. By coordinating now with this council versus each canton individually, the seven cantons could react much more quickly and decisively. The rulers of the cantons appointed now one person to the council instead of six individual representatives to one another.

The Zagovar council was situated in Zhapolatsk, which itself was the most powerful of the cantons. Zhapolatsk, as a city, had grown tremendously since its founding in 1057. By 1462, it was the banking center of Poja and amongst the wealthiest entities in all of Poja. Situated on Poja's western border, not far from the mountainous Kalnija, Zhapolatsk had navigable river access that led all of way to the Mediargic Sea. It was also far removed from all of the Pojački kingdoms, which meant that attacking it would require an invading army to go through the entirety of Zagovenske or up the river, where they would be very vulnerable. Because of this, it had long been established as something of a neutral ground even in Poja's most violent times. Zagovenske's status as a refuge for persecuted persons helped as well.

The first formal bank was established in Zhapolatsk in 1183 and the first customers were the kingdoms themselves. At the time, many of Poja's small polities, fearful of invasion and having their treasuries stripped dry, began to deposit not insignificant sums of money into what was then referred to as the Bank of Zhapolatsk. By the end of the 13th century, the Bank of Zhapolatsk had more money in its vaults than any one single polity in Poja. Records for the Bank of Zhapolatsk were immaculate and letters of credit had been issued to the many depositors for retrieval of their funds. However, as the smaller polities were swallowed by the larger Pojački kingdoms, sometimes these letters of credit were destroyed, stolen, or lost. Thus, not all of these funds were reclaimed by the larger kingdoms. In an internal inquiry done by the leadership of the Bank of Zhapolatsk, it was estimated that almost Ð15 million was unclaimed throughout all accounts in the bank. In 2023, that sum would be work almost Ð500 million. It is unknown if these funds were ever claimed but it would be unlikely due to the loss of those letters of credit.

Thus, by 1462, the canton of Zhapolatsk had amassed considerable power and wealth from nearly three centuries of banking. By the turn of the century, Zhapolatsk had a population of almost 8,000 people making it the largest city in Zagovenske. By the time the Treaty of Rugi was signed in 1900, Zhapolatsk would be home to just over 150,000 people. Almost half of modern-day Zagovenske's population lives in Zhapolatsk.

Zagovenske wasn't going to be without trouble though. By the end of the 1400s, a dozen banks had been established in the city and the owners of these banks wielded considerable power within the canton but none more than the owner of the Bank of Zhapolatsk, which had remained owned by the Volacič family since its inception. Their closest rival was a bank owned by Artsyom Starčanka who had been known as a shrewd and otherwise very cunning businessman. Amongst the banking families of Zhapolatsk, there were few friends and they merely tolerated one another out of professional courtesy. This was about to change in the early 1500s. In 1505, Starčanka, who had no heir, secretly named his mistress as the inheritor of the bank's ownership upon his death. Already in his mid-60s by then, Starčanka had already almost died after contracting influenza some years prior. Per the laws of inheritance, Starčanka's mistress would have had to pay a sizeable tax on the transfer of assets since she was not "of blood or marriage." At first, he attempted to influence the canton's leadership to c change the laws on inheritance tax but the Volacič family got wind of this and used their own influence to keep the laws as such.

Starčanka, undeterred by this, contrived to have his wife murdered so that he could marry his mistress to avoid the tax. Unbeknownst to him, the Volacič family had secretly informed his wife of Starčanka's attempts to change the laws and of the would-be inheritor of the bank and had assigned agents of protection to her in case Starčanka would attempt to have her murdered. The following year, Starčanka set into motion his plan by having his wife serve as the bank officer of record for a money transfer to the King of Chernarus. The plan was to have bandits attack the shipment and kill his wife in the process. In exchange, they would be able to keep 10% of the funds. Alerted to the plan, the Volacič family intercepted the bandits and set into motion the idea that they should keep more than the 10% because of the considerable risk they took. On 19 March 1506, fifty kilometers into the Kingdom of Chernarus, the bandits struck and attacked the wagons killing several of the bank's guards but not Starčanka's wife, who they took into ransom along with the money. Starčanka had unknowingly done business with Konyakov, Chernarus' most infamous bandit and, when armed with the information from the Volacič family, asked for a considerable change to the terms of his agreement with Starčanka. He demanded 50% of the funds to kill his wife or else he would let her go.

Incapable of covering such a sum to the King of Chernarus, Starčanka balked and Konyakov let his wife go with the knowledge of Starčanka's plan but, in the process, also let known the double cross by the Volacič family, who had hoped for her demise so that they could pin the murder on Starčanka. She returned to Starčanka with this truth and, no less cunning herself, turned him and his mistress over to the authorities, gaining full control of the bank in the process. She also began a war against the Volacič family by ordering agents of her bank to assassinate several prominent members of the Volacič family. What erupted was a war that lasted 2 years between the two families that left hundreds dead and only ended when Starčanka's wife was killed by assassins of the Volacič family. By then, Zhapolatsk's ruler had become deeply bonded to Starčanka thanks to her forgiving his debts, and as a result of her murder, severely clamped down on the powers of the banks in the canton.

This war was just a prelude of what was to come though. The peace held for a little over 100 years. Throughout that time, the other cantons throughout Zagovenske seized on the opportunity of the banks' shackles and grew in power themselves. In 1627, the Zagovar council voted to move to Zagovenske's second largest city, Novachyn. Zhapolatsk protested but was outvoted and thus unable to prevent the move. In response, Zhapolatsk's ruler called in all of the debts of the other cantons, which amounted to a hefty sum and, when they refused to pay, ordered his banks to seize and hand over the funds. In 1629, civil war erupted throughout Zagovenske in what was known as the Nine Years' War (1629 - 1638). It left almost 80,000 people dead and severely damaged Zagovenske's reputation as a refuge. In the end, the Zagovar council remained in Novachyn and the independent militias of each canton were disbanded in favor of a singular Zagovar army that was under direct control of the Zagovar council.

An uneasy peace returned to the Zagovenske Confederation. Weakened by the loss of their individual armies, the cantons were forced to adopt a number of measures that prevented the future breakout of conflict amongst themselves. The canton of Zhapolatsk was ordered to pay reparations for starting the conflict and the government was bankrupt by 1642. Unable to secure additional funding from the banks, the ruling nobility failed to pay the peasants and people of Zhapolatsk. The result was the Zhapolatsk Peasant War of 1642 - 1643 that lasted six months from September 1642 to March 1643. The nobility was overthrown and Zhapolatsk was left in a state of anarchy for several months until June 1643 when it became the first entity in Poja to elect a leader. From that point onward, Zhapolatsk functioned as a republic and would significantly influence the concept of Pojački unification in the late 19th century.

War of the Kingdoms (1650 - 1689)

Main article: War of the Kingdoms

The War of the Kingdoms was, in many ways, inevitable. For the better part of the prior 800 years, the various tribes and then kingdoms of Poja had clashed on a near constant basis. Even during periods of peace, kingdoms clashed with one another along their borders as each kingdom tried to gain more and more territory at the expense of the others. Smaller polities were gobbled up by the larger kingdoms creating nothing but historical hatreds that persisted over the centuries. The everchanging political landscape of Poja meant a constant shifting of allegiances where allies became enemies and vice versa. In addition, the "unifying enemy" that was the Kingdom of Heraq was no longer in existence after 1519 when it was subjugated by the Kingdom of Liaria. The vanquishing of Heraq meant that Chernarus and Dosnima no longer had a common enemy and, the perceived betrayal by Liaria in both the War of the Rivers and the War of the Crosses meant that Liaria itself was set up to take Heraq's place.

By the early 1600s, as Liaria expanded up to the border of Adjinua, it was already the largest kingdom in Poja. Its military and economic might rivaled that of Chernarus, Dosnima, and Kratoje combined. Yet, against Adjinua, Liaria was evenly matched. Despite having more territory and a stronger military, the economic might of Adjinua was more than triple that of Liaria thanks to its maritime territories and the fact that it had not spent the prior 300 years fighting wars. Adjinua was also very well defended and had a significant geographical advantage in how its defenses were arranged. This would certainly enable them early victories but even with their economic might, the Adjinuan leadership knew they couldn't sustain a long war against Liaria and sought informal alliances with the other Pojački kingdoms. Position Liaria as the new "unifying enemy," the Adjinuan leadership was able to gain assurances and informal alliances with the other kingdoms by the 1620s. Following the end of the Nine Years' War in Zagovenske, Adjinuan rulers were able to begin making headway with the cantons there but knew they would only get so far as the cantons professed neutrality to any conflict involving the Pojački kingdoms. The Adjinuan leadership had not come to any agreements with the Zagovenske Confederation when the Liari invasion began in 1650, igniting the largest and the longest war in Poja's history. Over 2.5 million people would be killed over the course of the next thirty-nine years.

Beginning on 25 June 1650, Liari forces began to assault all along Adjinua's western border though most of these attacks were more of a harassing nature meant to tie down Adjinua's forces to defending along the long flank. The strategy was sound and met with initial success but Liari forces were unable to secure a breakthrough anywhere and retreated after a few months. While it appeared that the war itself would not materialize, Adjinuan leaders knew better and began to replenish their supplies and repair damage to their fortifications. In spring 1651, Liaria attacked again but this time in a more concentrated fashion against the northern provinces of Adjinua. This time, the attack was met with significant success and Liari forces achieved an early breakthrough. It was at this point in August 1651 that Adjinua called upon the other Pojački kingdoms to help. The responses were slow but by the end of 1651, Chernarus and Dosnima had begun to attack along Liaria's borders, forcing Liaria to defend now on three fronts.

Throughout the rest of the 1650s, the four kingdoms of Poja fought intermittent warfare with one another. Liaria secured and lost territory while Chernarus and Dosnima found significantly more success. Dosnima occupied virtually all of the former Kingdom of Heraq by 1658 and Chernarus had claimed over 500 km² of Liaria territory. Yet, Liaria continued to combat the kingdoms, even when Kratoje joined the fight on the side of Dosnima, not that it had many troops to send to the fight. Zagovenske, on the other hand, remained completely neutral and resisted Adjinuan attempts to punish Liaria for the invasion.

By 1665, Adjinua had lost one-third of its territory and Liaria secured access to the Kezanoi Sea. Adjinuan naval forces, which had centuries to develop, laid siege to Liari-controlled port towns and cities and landed troops during counteroffensive campaigns. Bolstered by Chernarussian and Dosniman gains, Adjinua managed to reclaim much of its lost territory by 1669; however, by then it became apparent that they did not have enough manpower to sustain much more fighting, the war already having gone for nineteen years. By 1672, all sides seemed exhausted and a ceasefire was declared hat lasted for six years. At that point, Liaria had lost approximately 20,000 km² of territory to Dosnima and Chernarus and held less than 2,500 km² of territory in Adjinua. Yet, Liaria had been spending the ceasefire time redeveloping its forces and honing new strategies.

In May 1678, when fighting resumed, Liaria went on a major offensive, recapturing half of its territory from Dosnima and Chernarus within nine months and gaining an additional 15,000 km² of territory in Adjinua, driving Adjinuan forces further and further south. Until 1684, little changed from a territorial ownership perspective. In that year however, two major breakthroughs happened. In the first half of the year, Adjinua made its breakthrough with the Zagovar council. Adjinua had been after the Zagovar council for three decades to enact a law preventing the withdrawal of money held in Zagovenske banks by war belligerents. The wording of the law was specifically written to prevent only aggressor nations, meaning that Liaria would be sanctioned whereas Adjinua would not as it was defending its territory. So long as Adjinua did not attempt to invade Liaria, they would not be affected by the law. The Zagovar council, hesitant to adopt the law for fear of being attacked by Liaria, finally relented in 1684 and enacted the law. The result was an almost instantaneous cutting off of money to the Liari government. The Zagovar council went one step further as well and added a clause to the war that should any aggressor nation attack Zagovenske in response to the law, the Zagovar council would permanently seize that nation's funds from its banks. The Liari leadership protested and threatened to follow through on an invasion to punish the Zagovar council for abandoning neutrality but never made do on those threats, much to the relief of the Zagovar council.

From 1684 to 1689, the Zagovar council raised a significant army, which included hiring foreign mercenaries in the event of a Liari invasion. When the war was over, many of these mercenaries remained behind and became part of the formal, Zagovar army. In doing so, the Zagovar army, despite its relatively small size compared to the armies of the other kingdoms, became one of the most capable and powerful.

As funding dried up from the Kingdom of Liaria, the fighting landscape changed. Chernarus and Dosnima found themselves affected by the law as well and were forced to pull back on some of their more ambitious plans to raid Rugi, fearful that they would not have the funds to sustain a siege of the Liari capital. On the Adjinuan front however, the Liari leadership knew that time was of the essence and they launched one final thrust in Adjinua in 1686, two years after the Zagovar law was passed. By mid-1688, they had secured significant amounts of territory as Adjinua, weary from warfare and unable to replace its losses, retreated to the south. A ceasefire was declared on 31 October 1688 and peace negotiations began in the Adjinuan city of Riamonia, which stood only five kilometers from the front.

On 15 April 1689, that peace agreement was signed in what became known as the Treaty of Riamonia. Intending to serve as a major document of peace amongst the Pojački kingdoms, the Treaty of Riamonia offered concessions to every party in the conflict. Chernarus and Dosnima pulled back to their pre-war borders with Liaria but were able to gain economic incentives in Heraqi territory that allowed them to conduct business within Heraq's borders without having to pay taxes to Liaria. In essence, Heraq became something of a free trade zone between Chernarus, Dosnima, and Liaria. Kratoje, which had entered the war to support of Dosnima was granted 500 km² of historically contested territory with Dosnima known as Blatjak, ending a major source of tension between Dosnima and Kratoje. The area, which was ethnically Kratojik had been administered by Dosnima since the 1399. The Kratojik populace had suffered persecution by the Dosnimans for almost 300 years by that point. Adjinua was forced to concede its lost territories to Liaria, establishing the modern-day Liari borders. Yet in doing so, Liaria was forced to pay hefty reparations and establish a demilitarized zone for twenty kilometers on their side of the border. Adjinua guaranteed it would not make a future attempt to reclaim any land. Adjinua and Liaria would not guarantee free trade with one another, despite negotiating attempts, but did agree to very low tariffs at two ports in each kingdom. Zagovenske, not being a party to the conflict, did not receive any concessions with the Treaty of Riamonia but had been instrumental in its negotiations and guaranteed that it would drop all sanctions on Liari money within its banks.

The Treaty of Riamonia was groundbreaking. It did not entirely put a stop to all warfare in Poja but it established the first treaty signed by all of Poja's polities. As a result of the concessions made, Poja would not see another major war amongst its kingdoms again and did not see any warfare period until 1768 when a brief spat between Dosnima and Kratoje broke the peace. The war itself was short-lived, saw minimal casualties, and resulted in no territorial changes. Several small conflicts would erupt over the next fifty years but be largely insignificant in nature with little impact on Pojački history.

Nation-State Period (1700s - 1880)

By the dawn of the 18th century, the first "nation-state" movements began to form throughout the six territories. Historians can trace the first ones to Adjinua where a man by the name of Milan Saban, a member of the Adjinuan aristocracy and an academic, proposed unifying the micronations and micro-kingdoms within Adjinua into a single, cohesive nation-state beholden to the territory's king. At the time, Adjinua, like many of the territories, consisted largely of micronations or micro-kingdoms where tribal or other local lords or kings ruled with absolutism over the people within their designated borders. Saban managed to get his proposal in front of King Bartol V, the most powerful king and the de facto ruler of the territory.

Like in Adjinua, the other territories were undergoing a similar line of thinking, whether as proposals from the aristocracy and the ruling classes or through foreign merchantmen, missionaries, or travelers. The territories of modern-day Poja were a major hub of activity due largely in part to the growth of the territories following the Treaty of Riamonia as well as its geographic positioning on both the Mediargic Sea and the Kezanoi Sea. Yet it would be Adjinua that jumpstarted this nearly 200-year period of nation-states within modern-day Poja.

Bartol had first heard of Saban's ideas in the autumn of 1704, eight years into his reign. It is said that he was so impressed by the ideas that he brought Saban into the royal court to be the official educator of his children as well as all of the court's children. Despite Saban's status as a member of the aristocracy and within academia, his motives were hardly altruistic. He was deeply in debt due to his father's gambling habits and he was himself an alcoholic who abused laudanum. Yet, his ideas were, in Bartol's mind, brilliant and so with some assistance, Saban was put on the right path - though watched like a hawk by the court's protectors.

In the spring of 1705, Bartol called forth a meeting of all of the kings, lords, and rulers within Adjinuan territory. He demanded no substitutes and no representatives so that he could deal directly with the rulers. The meeting lasted three days and during it, Bartol had Saban lay out the ideals of the future Kingdom of Adjinua. Careful not to strip anyone of their power or their independence, he carefully wove the concept of a state whereby the local leaders would retain their power within their territories but concede power outside of their territories to Bartol. To make this system work, grievances would have to be settled and borders would have to be defined. It would be Saban's proposals in this time period that ultimately affected the formation of the Confederacy of Poja some 200 years later and many regard Saban as the "great grandfather of Poja."

Despite an otherwise generous offer from Bartol, only one-quarter of Adjinua's individual leaders accepted the idea. The rest left, some insulted that they should be subjected to such an idea. Saban's reputation throughout Adjinua was well-known by then and so many could not regard this sort of advice from a man of his nature. The embarrassment of the meeting certainly weighed heavily on Bartol who it is said became a recluse for no less than six months following the meeting, not even granting audience to Saban though Saban remained within the royal court in his capacity as educator.

In November 1705, Bartol granted Saban his first audience since the spring and presented him with a problem, which was how to unify Adjinua. Saban, who had thought over this problem independently already had his answer, "Gold or sword." What he meant was that they should either be bought out or killed and Bartol, who had reached much of the same conclusion ordered his military advisors to begin devising a plan to subjugate the lands of Adjinua under his authority. Those who had expressed a willingness to cooperate with the idea were contacted and advised to keep their original thoughts, which would bring just reward.

From 1706 to 1710, Bartol's military forces traveled from micronation to micronation within Adjinua offering gold or sword. Those who opted to be bought into the state were justly rewarded not only with the payouts but also with patronage of some form. Those who resisted found themselves besieged by significantly larger armies. Thousands were killed in battle during this time and no king, lord, or ruler who resisted was successful. On 10 July 1710, King Bartol V proclaimed the Kingdom of Adjinua in a lavish ceremony in the country's capital, which he made to be his castle and the surrounding neighborhoods.

Shortly after Adjinua became united underneath Bartol, the remaining territories began to take serious note. Thanks to the Treaty of Riamonia, communication between the various kings was something readily available. The other kings maintained a near constant state of awareness concerning the Adjinuan unification, which was especially important with regards to the treaty's renegotiation clause. The thirtieth anniversary of the signing was approaching with 1712 and the unification greatly strengthened Bartol's position at the table. Whereas the other kings were almost subservient to the wills of the lords and smaller kings, Bartol was the single, sole voice for Adjinua and this was something he aimed to press.

In spring 1712, the six kings met for the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia. During the meeting, Bartol's position was - as predicted - unassailable. Adjinua came out of the re-negotiation with more power than it had prior, virtually displacing Liaria in terms of power. This would have a ripple effect across the other five territories and each king took stock of what he had within his territorial kingdom. Bartol died in 1715 but it hardly put a dent in the king's power in Adjinua.

That same year, the King of Liaria, Lazar XII, initiated his own quest to unify the lands. His attempts would be similar to those of Bartol and result in success in 1728 though it would be his successor who would benefit as Lazar was killed in battle in 1725. Chernarus followed suit from 1724 to 1730. Dosnima came afterwards with the most efficient and least bloody campaign in 1731 to 1732.

With the next negotiation coming up, King Florjan of Zagovenske instituted his own quest to unify the lands in March 1736. It would go horribly wrong for the young king who was only twenty-one years old at the time. Inexperienced and stubborn, he refused most of the advice of his military generals and found himself, within just nineteen months, on the losing side of the conflict. Hostile forces besieged his castle in October 1737 and on 8 November 1737, Florjan's royal guard folded and hostile forces stormed the palace. He was captured and imprisoned. Though Zagovenske still unified, unlike the other territories it became a republic, the first democratic nation in modern-day Poja. Influenced by the ideas of democracy, Lojze Parma and several others formed the Republic of Zagovenske as a representative democracy. The right to vote was granted to both men and women over the age of twenty-one who were free from debt and could show that they were literate. This excluded a significant portion of the populace but it also served as a drive to improve literacy rates. Zagovenske would be the first of the kingdoms to surpass a literacy rate of 80%.

In 1742, when the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia occurred, now all of the nations, except Kratoje, were on some manner of equal footing. Each had a functioning bureaucracy and a nation-state that was unified around a centralized location and government. Kratoje, which stood at a disadvantage, allied with Liaria on virtually all of the proposals, banking on its more powerful neighbor to protect its position. The re-negotiation brought about expanded trade rights between the six states and it allowed them to continue the union intact for another thirty years without issue. Kratoje would finally unify through a combination of marriages, conflict, and payoffs over a period of twelve years from 1750 to 1762, thus becoming the final kingdom. Modern-day Poja was then referred to simply as the "Six Kingdoms," despite Zagovenske being a republic.

The Industrial Revolution hit the Six Kingdoms at varying points. Liaria experienced the earliest start in the 1770s with the remaining kingdoms beginning in the 1780s and the 1790s. The transitions brought by the Industrial Revolution completely transformed the Six Kingdoms. Foreign ideas of many kinds influenced the nations and they grew not only as countries but as cultures too. A level of peace settled into the land and, despite the tenuous history, the Six Kingdoms found enough in common with one another that conflict was not their immediate reaction to every slight and indignity.

In 1772, the re-negotiation of the Treaty of Riamonia ended with little fanfare. Not much was changed between the Six Kingdoms but in 1802, this would not be the case. With the Six Kingdoms in the heart of the Industrial Revolution, the 1802 session was the longest session to date. It was during this session that the Six Kingdoms spent three weeks hashing out the details of the coming age and the coming century. The 19th century proved fruitful for the Six Kingdoms, especially after the Industrial Revolution concluded and the Six Kingdoms were transformed accordingly.

Manufacturing and mining soon grew throughout the Six Kingdoms as major sources of economic revenue, largely outpacing agriculture and farming except in the more rural and difficult-to-reach areas of the Six Kingdoms. Due to the growth of the Six Kingdoms and their new, economic output, the 1832 re-negotiation summit was mainly over trade.

In 1862 however, the re-negotiation summit would find an entirely new host of topics to discuss, few of which were embraced at the time. Noted academics were brought forth to provide an outlook on the Six Kingdoms and they presented an otherwise unified message that the Six Kingdoms would advance only so far before they ran into a wall of limitations. Famous Liarian economist Simeon Kokolja was the first to suggest that the Six Kingdoms unify into a single, cohesive nation-state to capitalize on their combined power. He suggested that a system be established with a strong central government devoted to economic management, leaving most of the functions of a government at the local level. Some of his ideas would be rehashed in the 1880s and the 1890s when discussions over the confederation of the Six Kingdoms was had. Though his and the message of others like him were largely ignored by the leaders of the Six Kingdoms at the time, the message was clear, the Six Kingdoms could not reach any possible apex without some manner of unification across the territories.

Throughout the remainder of the 1860s, the Six Kingdoms prospered and grew but that growth-rate began to slow towards the end of the decade. Into the 1870s, the Six Kingdoms began to reach a condition of economic stagnation. Manufacturing and mining output had eclipsed but the growth of each nation had put severe strain on the bureaucracy and the infrastructure. Poverty began to spread and with it all of the ills of poverty such as disease, overcrowding, and so on and so forth. By 1875, newspapers across the Six Kingdoms were hailing it as a major crisis as economic stagnation set in leading to inflation, unemployment, and problems that the Six Kingdoms could not hope to solve individually.

By the late 1870s, the ruling elites in the Six Kingdoms were beginning to revisit the message of the 1862 re-negotiation sessions. It appeared that Kokolja and others were correct in predicting the stagnation of the nations and the consequences. Rather than wait until 1892, the newly crowned King Nikola VIII of Liaria called a conference of the Six Kingdoms in the city of Vetenica, which was then considered the premier "resort city" in Liaria. The conference was to be held on 1 July 1880 and last as long as would be necessary to discuss the Six Kingdoms' future.

Formation of the Confederacy (1880 - 1900)

By 1880, the unification movement was gathering major momentum. From 1862, when it was brought up for the first time in an official forum, more and more people grew fond of the idea. However, in all truth, the idea was hardly "new" when it was brought up in 1862. In fact, the earliest mentions in historical texts date back to the early 16th century when a Catholic missionary, presumed to be Saint Jakov, the patron saint of Adjinua, wrote an extensive manuscript on his work in the Adjinuan lands. In his manuscript, he wrote of the strong potential for Catholic conversion throughout the lands of Adjinua and beyond, even going so far as to call for unification of all lands under not only the banner of Catholicism but of a central, theocratic government. Saint Jakov was what many considered a "forward thinker" during his time. Despite his position as a Catholic monk and missionary, he believed in allowing all faiths equal representation, believing that conversion was not to be forced but rather to be encouraged via the Gospels.

The idea of unification appears sporadically throughout history until 1862 and from then on, it gathers momentum throughout the lands of the Six Kingdoms. When King Nikola VIII of Liaria called for a massive meeting of the Six Kingdoms, he never bargained for the kind of reception he would receive. The thriving, resort city of Vetenica was besieged by the leaders of each of the Six Kingdoms along with their entourages. The city, which was a thriving hub of the Liari aristocracy was overwhelmed as academics and aristocrats flocked to the city for the once-in-a-lifetime meeting.

On 1 July 1880, when the first round of talks kicked off, there were 539 people in attendance, so many that a cavernous hall rented specifically for the occasion had to be reconfigured with additional chairs. Pews and chairs were borrowed from a nearby church just for the occasion. Throughout the talks, each of the six leaders laid out the status of his nation-state. Academics, economists, and political scientists and philosophers spoke as well, giving speeches that were sometimes rousing and other times very dull and boring. The conference would last well into the latter part of the month and though no definitive conclusion would be reached, the six leaders went away with the drive to work towards accomplishing the goal of unification. It would not be as easy as signing a treaty however. The Six Kingdoms may have been in a period of cooperation and peace but history was littered with periods of animosity and virulence towards one another. Much would have to be done to smooth over the notion that an Adjinuan - for example - would be on the same, equal footing as a Liari or a Chernarussian. Furthermore, deep ethnic disagreements such as those between the Liari and the Chernarussians would have to be placated somehow and of course there remained the concern that the Liari were so vast in number.

In the spirit of unification and cooperation however, the conference worked towards a new goal of meeting yearly to determine just how feasible this would be. The goal was to keep the push towards unification front and center between the Six Kingdoms rather than allow everyone to go their separate ways to work independently. If this was going to be achieved, they would have to work together.

By 1885, the first shreds of progress had been made. It was during 1885 that the Six Kingdoms agreed to form the first "cross-nation council." What formed was the Council of Advisors, an 18-member panel - three per state - that would meet in Rugi, the Liari capital, and allowed for a more direct and focused attention to the Six Kingdoms and plans for unification. The council could discuss relevant politics between all of the different states and they were given priority access to telegraph lines that were being expanded throughout the country. From Rugi, this council could connect to any of the other capitals in mere seconds. This kind of instant communication allowed them an unprecedented ability to make decisions. It would soon be that this council had its advice not only heeded but taken as Gospel by the Six Kingdoms.

By 1890, the unification plan was gathering new momentum. As the turn of the century approached and society grew more and more modernized, the limitations of the Six Kingdoms' individual economies was becoming evident. Analysis by leading economists showed that the Six Kingdoms would likely peak within two decades and then begin to decline, if they remained on their own. It was believed that the shared treasuries of each of the nations would allow money to be spent much more wisely. Of course, this required a competent and uncorrupt cross-national treasury.

In 1892, the first draft of what would become known as the Treaty of Rugi was presented to the government of each of the Six Kingdoms. The treaty called for a strong, centralized government with an elected executive. It allowed for a bicameral, national legislature that would have a lower house consisting of a proportional number of delegates from each nation-state and an upper house with an equal number of delegates from each nation-state. The draft was rejected however as it was felt that it provided the Liari with virtual dominance of the nation. Still, the treaty itself was a major jumping point for the unification of the Six Kingdoms. Beyond the position it gave the Liari, the draft was well received in its call for representative democracy. However, the leaders of each nation-state felt that stripping them of all powers would be intolerable. No attempts, they pushed, should be made to dismantle the existing aristocracy.

The Council of Advisors would return to the drawing board and present nine more drafts over the next three years. Each one solved prior criticisms but present new ones that forced rejection by the leaders of the Six Kingdoms. In February 1896, the Treaty of Rugi took shape in what would emerge as its final draft. It called for a confederacy that kept the balance of power with the states, which would be referred to as "autonomous regions." Each region would have an elected bicameral legislature and an elected executive known as the "Premier." They would have full domain over their own, internal policies, defenses, and budgets. On the national level however, there would be a unicameral legislature. The delegates to this legislature would be appointed by each region's Premier. A national head of state, to be titled "President," would be further appointed by this national legislative body. It would be up to the President to handle all matters of state concerning foreign affairs and matters that crossed over the borders of each region. The national legislative body would have the ability to pass nation-wide laws but they would have to be national in nature and affect all regions equally.

The Treaty of Rugi would be hashed out in finer detail over the course the next few years. A final draft, agreed upon by all of the leaders of the Six Kingdoms, was signed on 13 September 1900 and came into force immediately. The treaty would be signed in Rugi, which would become the capital of the new nation, named "Poja." Each of the seven languages would be recognized as official languages though Liari would default as the de facto national language simply because it had the most linguistic similarity to all other languages - except Chernarussian - and it was the most widely spoken language in the country. It was however renamed Pojački out of political sensitivities and would, itself, morph over time to be different from the original Liari. The national legislature would be referred to as the House of Magnates and the leader of the country as President. A Confederation Council was established to provide a forum for each of the six, regional Premiers. The legislative branches of each region would be referred to as a Congress with a lower Chamber of Deputies and an upper Chamber of Councilors. Elections were set to be once every five years and there were no term limits envisioned during this time, a nod to the aristocracy's desire to continue to hold power in the new Confederacy of Poja.

The Treaty of Rugi also provided with a judicial setup that would allow for a national court system that would be independent of the regional courts so that it could be an unbiased court designed to rule over issues that required such matters, particularly any involving interregional disputes. Once the Treaty of Rugi came into force, the Confederacy of Poja would replace the Six Kingdoms and stand as a new symbol of unification across religious, historical, and ethnic lines. Though it intended to create a new identity amongst the people of the Six Kingdoms, that being Pojački, it would not be so.

Politics

Government

Poja is a confederacy consisting of seven sovereign regions bound together by the Treaty of Rugi, which was signed in 1900. The country is established as a representative democracy with significant power and rights afforded to the sovereign regions, while also establishing a separate and equally powerful federalized government. In a separation of power, each region maintains full legislative and executive authority within its borders while the federal government is responsible for maintaining the confederacy and conducting foreign relations. The government is regulated by a system of checks and balances, as defined by the Treaty of Rugi to discourage and hinder the country from becoming a dictatorial state.

The government of Poja is separated into the three traditional branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. These three branches exist on both the federal and the regional level. Local government, which is defined as subregional, abides by the same standards and practices as federal and regional levels, forming a cohesive political unit from top down.

Federal Level

The federal level of Poja is the supranational element of the government of Poja. It is primarily charged with maintaining the integrity of the confederacy, conducting foreign relations, and regulating interregional commerce and relations.

Sitting in the executive position is the President of Poja, the highest position of power and authority within the Confederacy of Poja. The President is elected by a majority vote of the nation's Electoral College. The Electoral College is made up of the XXX districts throughout Poja, with each district afforded one vote. A simple majority of votes is required to elect the President. A candidate may win a district with a plurality of votes cast in that district. In this sense, a candidate may win a district without carrying a majority of the votes. The President is elected for a five-year term and there are no term limits. As of 2023, Poja has had thirteen elected Presidents. The President serves as head of state.

The legislative branch is the House of Magnates, which consists of thirty-five magnates elected from each of the regions. Each region is afforded five magnates, who are elected by ranked-choice voting, meaning that the top five candidates in each region's elections serve in the House of Magnates. Magnates serve for a five-year term with no term limits. The House of Magnates is charged to ratifying trade agreements and treaties, confirming federal-level appointments, approving the federal budget, regulating interregional commerce, and proposing amendments to the Treaty of Rugi. From within the House of Magnates, a Chancellor is elected to serve as head of government. The Chancellor is elected by simple majority of the thirty-five magnates and serves throughout his or her 5-year term in the House of Magnates. The Chancellor must be an elected member of the House of Magnates and typically does not vote except in tie-breaker situations.

The judicial branch is separated into two courts. The Court of Supreme Justice is the highest criminal court in the nation. There are seven Supreme Justices who serve 10-year terms without term limits. Each region is allowed one justice on the Court of Supreme Justice, who is appointed by a simple majority vote of each of that region's five magnates. The Court of Supreme Justice holds the distinction of being the only court capable of affirming a death warrant in the case of a capital crimes case. While a lower court may recommend a death warrant, it is not considered approved until it is reviewed and voted upon by the Court of Supreme Justice. In addition, the Court of Supreme Justice also reviews final appeals for criminal cases and is tasked with hearing crimes related to federal government accountability.

The other court is the Constitutional Court of Poja, which specifically deals with matters of constitutionality. Like the Court of Supreme Justice, justices serve up to 10-year terms with no limit on the number of terms. The court consists of fifteen justices, fourteen of whom come from the regions - two per region - and one who is nominated by the President. The fourteen justices from the regions are appointed by ranked choice voting amongst the region's magnates, allowing two justices per region. The President's choice does not require confirmation from the magnates. The Constitutional Court of Poja has the final authority on the constitutionality of all federal laws and it can also strike down the laws of regions that are found to violate the Treaty of Rugi and other constitutionally accepted doctrine of Poja. One limitation of the Constitutional Court of Poja is that, though it can strike down a region's law, it cannot force the region to retract the law; however, it can provide justification for another region not to recognize said law. Typically, when the Constitutional Court of Poja rejects a region's law, the law is withdrawn and/or revised, rather than kept in place.

Region Level

Each of Poja's seven regions is considered sovereign within the confines of the Confederacy of Poja. Within the boundaries of each region, the region's government is considered the supreme authority. However, their authority cannot extend further, nor can the individual regions act in contravention to the federal government. One famous example of this is the declaration of unilateral independence by Chernarus in 1968. As the declaration was considered unconstitutional, the federal government was legally within its rights to force reintegration of Chernarus into the Confederacy of Poja through military force.

Sitting in the executive position is the region's Premier who acts as both head of state and head of government and has supreme, executive authority within the region. The Premier is elected by a simple majority vote of the region's voters and serves 5-year terms with no limit. The Premier is responsible for overseeing the executive branch of the region's government, which includes signing bills passed to his by the legislature. While a Premier does have the authority to veto a bill, no Premier's have yet to veto a bill as it would involve considerable political scandal and bring into question the constitutionality of said bill. In addition, the Premier may dismiss a censured legislator and call for a special election to replace him/her.

The legislature of each region is a bicameral body known as the Congress. The legislature is made up of a lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, and the upper house, the Chamber of Senators. All regional legislatures are identical except in the number of seats. The Chamber of Deputies consists of one deputy per municipality or city, of which there are varying numbers per region. Deputies are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 5-year terms that are renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Deputies is responsible for proposing bills, managing the budgets of each region, setting taxes, and checking the power on the Premier. With a simple majority, the Chamber of Deputies can bring forth articles of impeachment against a Premier, should the Premier violate the law or act outside the bounds of his or her authority. The Chamber of Deputies may also censure a fellow deputy with a two-thirds supermajority. The most common cause for censure is dereliction of duty, such as unexcused absences during voting sessions.

The Chamber of Senators consists of one senator per district, of which there are varying numbers per region. Senators are elected by a plurality within their district and serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Chamber of Senators is responsible for approving or rejecting bills as proposed by the Chamber of Deputies, approving or rejecting amendments to the Treaty of Rugi as proposed by the House of Magnates with a three-fifths supermajority, and confirming region-level appointments. In instances where the Chamber of Deputies brings forth articles of impeachment, the Chamber of Senators, with a simple majority, can affirm the articles, which will automatically remove the Premier from office. Like the Chamber of Deputies, the Chamber of Senators can also censure a fellow senator with a two-thirds supermajority.

The judicial branch is separated into three court levels. From the lowest to the highest there is the: Court of Justice, Court of Appeals, and Supreme Court of the Region. The Court of Justice hears both civil and criminal cases with one or three judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Justice is the initial hearing of all civil and criminal cases, with the exception of capital crimes cases.

The Court of Appeals hears both civil and criminal appeals with three or five judges, respectively. Judges are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. They serve 5-year terms, renewable up to three times for a total of twenty years. The Court of Appeals is the highest court of civil cases and its judgements, when rendered, are final. For criminal cases, the decision of the Court of Appeals can be further appealed to the Supreme Court of the Region.

The Supreme Court of the Region hears only criminal cases and only appeals from the lower Court of Appeals. There are seven judges, who are nominated by the Premier and confirmed by the Chamber of Senators. Judges serve 10-year terms, which are renewable only once for a total of twenty years. The Supreme Court of the Region is the only court that can recommend a death warrant and, as such, it is the first hearing for all capital crimes cases. In addition, the Supreme Court of the Region hears all cases involving regional government accountability cases.

Political Parties

Poja is a multi-party state. As of 2023, there are over 50 political parties registered in Poja but only 8 have over 1,000,000 registered members, classifying them as "major political parities."

Major Political Parties of Poja

Name	Abbreviation	Leader	Ideology	Political Position
Modern Poja Moderna Poja	MOP	Krsto Mirkovich	Liberalism Pro-Globalism Regionalism	Center-right
People's Front for Poja Narodna fronta za Poja	NFP	Anna Stupka	Left-wing nationalism Left-wing populism Socialism	Far-left
Pojački Democratic Party Pojački demokratska stranka	PDS	Jovo Kolačarić	Federalism Liberalism Pro-Globalism	Center
Pojački Green Party Pojački Zelena stranka	PZS	Bogdan Terzić	Eco-socialism Green Politics Progressivism	Center-left
Pojački People's Party Pojački narodna stranka	PNS	Marina Stanić	Anti-Globalism Communism	Far-left
Radical Poja Radikalni Poja	RAP	Bojana Čukić	Fascism Militarism Ultranationalism	Far-right
Socialist Party Socijalistička partija	SOP	Radoslav Marulić	Left-wing populism Regionalism Socialism	Center-left
United Poja Ujedinjen Poja	UPP	Andrej Petrović (President of Poja)	Federalism National conservatism Right-wing populism	Right-wing

Foreign Relations

Summary of Diplomatic Relations (Argis)

Country	Status	Recognition	CDANA	New Pearl Road	TRIDENT	Diplomatic Relations	Free-Trade Agreement	Mutual Embassies	Visa Requirement	Notes
Ahrana	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Ateenia	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Aurivizh	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Baltica	Friendly	Yes	Yes	Yes	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Bouenezenn	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Dazhdinia	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Delamaria	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Dolchland	Neutral	Yes	No	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	Relations may be strained due to Poja's involvement in the Grand War against Dolchland's allies.
Template:Country data Doria	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Galahinda	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Greater Galicia	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Garindina	Friendly	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Girkmand	Friendly	Yes	No	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Gotneska	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Havenburg	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Hinterlands	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Hisera	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Template:Country data Hodrea	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Llalta	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Iverica	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Iwenland	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Hugostan	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Leszczawka	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Littland	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Llalta	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Lusuviya	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Lysian Columbia	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Narva	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Template:Country data North Dniester	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Nyantastan	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Template:Country data Oclait	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Template:Country data Omaska	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Pentium	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Prymont	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Template:Country data Prymontian Rus	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Sawbrania	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Secryae	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Sentist State	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Seylos	Friendly	Yes	No	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Skibbenon	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Stedoria	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Ulfheimr	Unknown	Unknown	No	No	No	Unknown	No	Unknown	Unknown
Vasqqa	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Velaheria	Strained	Yes	No	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	Relations are strained due to the Pojački government's stance towards socialist & communist governments.
Verde	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	Yes	No	Yes	No
Walneria	Friendly	Yes	Yes	No	No	Yes	No	Yes	No

External Links

• Poja